A globe-trotting sophomore with family scattered across Europe, DiBattista was itching to return overseas and immerse herself in a foreign culture: “I always kind of wanted to live on my own and see if I could do it,” she said. Of the more than 20 countries she’s visited, her favorite destinations include Montenegro, Sweden, Hungary and Portugal.

So when, in 2025 and fresh off a summer Middle East Dialogue of Civilizations in Egypt, Cyprus and the United Arab Emirates, political science professor Denis Sullivan suggested that she look to a little-known nonprofit in the Balkans in southeastern Europe, DiBattista was taken with the idea.

That organization, the Center for Applied Nonviolent Actions and Strategies, or CANVAS, has equipped activists around the world with the tools to resist oppressive governments through nonviolent means. Founded in 2004, it traces its roots to Otpor!, the student movement that helped topple former Serbian President Slobodan Milošević, who was the first sitting head of state indicted for war crimes.

CANVAS has since grown into a “global school for activists,” offering workshops, consultations and training to civil society actors worldwide, according to the organization’s website.

DiBattista got to work with Srdja Popović, one of the architects of Serbia’s nonviolent revolution. Popović, co-founder of CANVAS, formerly served the Serbian National Assembly and was a 2012 Nobel Peace Prize nominee.

DiBattista worked under Popović’s supervision and in coordination with computer scientists building a platform that contained academic literature on the history of nonviolent movements.

“I really appreciate working with him,” DiBattista said. “It was really cool seeing our project come to life.”

The goal was to give Gene, the proprietary AI model named after American political scientist and nonviolent action expert Gene Sharp, a comprehensive understanding of how such movements operate across different political environments. Sharp founded the nonprofit Albert Einstein Institution in 1983, where many activists associated with Otpor! were trained.

CANVAS’ work on Gene is one of the few known efforts on the part of a nonprofit to harness the power of AI to combat state repression and empower local resistance movements in societies around the world.

Authoritarian governments such as China, Russia and Iran have leveraged artificial intelligence for surveillance, censorship and information control; and researchers and pro-democracy advocates are beginning to explore whether the same technology can help buoy their own local efforts to defend democratic principles and resist oppression.

The project work was done at CANVAS headquarters in Belgrade, where DiBattista said her primary task was “research gathering” across different subject areas: coalition building, mobilization and outreach.

Using her Northeastern Claude subscription, DiBattista spent a good chunk of her days compressing dense texts into structured training documents, helping equip the in-house AI to retrieve practical guidance for activists anywhere “who are looking to start a movement,” she said.

Training AI tools using AI tools — an increasingly common aspect of workflow today — still depends on human beings to carefully fact-check the output and ensure the final product aligns with a larger vision, she said.

Now back in the United States, DiBattista is plotting her next move. She’ll be entering her third year in the fall; and though she had only minimal experience with AI systems before CANVAS, she’s become something of an AI specialist.

In June, DiBattista started working at the Philadelphia-based Welcoming Center, a nonprofit that helps immigrants access economic opportunities and integrate into their communities. She is helping the newcomers navigate everything from paperwork and public benefits to employment and language barriers — all hurdles familiar to those recently arriving in the country. Predictably, she went to work figuring out ways of using artificial intelligence to make those systems more accessible to immigrants.

Though she is still ambivalent about AI’s ethical impact, DiBattista said the technology should be available to everyone.

“I think it’s very important for all kinds of people to be able to use it, especially those in primarily disadvantaged positions,” she said, “whether that’s under a repressive regime or immigrants looking to find a home in a new country.”

Tactics of dispersion in nonviolent struggle are methods that spread protest actions across locations, time, or participants, avoiding concentration in a single vulnerable place. Unlike tactics of concentration (like mass rallies or sit-ins), dispersion tactics are often lower-risk, harder to suppress, and suitable for long-term resistance. They help sustain momentum, preserve movement safety, and encourage broad-based participation, especially with the participants who cannot take risks (e.g., elderly, youth, professionals).

Common methods that were used all around the world include slow-motion pedestrian crossings, slow driving, flash mobs, small mobile protest groups moving through different parts of the city, flash protests that quickly disperse and reappear, turning lights on/off at a set time across the city, consumer boycotts of regime-affiliated businesses, cultural boycotts (refusing to attend state events), labor strikes, “Empty city” tactics to create visible silence or absence from the streets, online petitions or mass email campaigns, wall writing, stencil art, or sticker campaigns across neighborhoods, creating parallel institutions like underground schools, alternative media, or mutual aid networks.

Examples of usage 

In Hong Kong (2019–2020), activists epitomized dispersion tactics by employing “be water” philosophy, forming spontaneous flash mobs across over 20 neighborhoods, forming spontaneous blockades, and dissolving before police could intervene. They combined flash mobs, black bloc anonymity, human chains (Hong Kong Way), and creative tools like umbrellas (as shields), laser pointers to distract cameras, peer-to-peer mesh broadcasts, AirDrop for information dissemination, and judgment-proof crowdfunding for legal aid.

In Iran (2022), following Mahsa Amini’s death, pro-democracy activists spread protests across multiple cities in small groups. They blocked roads with cars or debris, took symbolic public actions (like women burning hijabs and cutting their hair), and coordinated via decentralized networks, all while evading centralized suppression.

In Serbia (2025), following the protest on June 28, citizens across Serbian cities have increasingly adopted the tactic of dispersed blockades. The approach involves quickly blocking a new street or erecting a new barricade each time the police dismantle an existing one. Meanwhile, actions such as continuously crossing pedestrian crosswalks – used to obstruct traffic without direct confrontation, have become vital to successful disruption. As it is the most flexible tactic, where citizens can walk away and move to a different location, but it is an act with the lowest risks – you are just crossing the street where you are legally allowed to.

Government responses

Governments frequently respond to dispersed protests by tightening legal frameworks, criminalizing previously permissible actions such as blocking traffic or wearing face coverings to expand grounds for arrest. For example, in the UK, recent legislation allows police to fine individuals for wearing masks at demonstrations, aiming to deter anonymity.

Authorities also deploy mandatory arrests for minor infractions like “disturbing public order” or “obstructing traffic.” 

Surveillance technology is another common tool: facial recognition software, CCTV networks, and camera-equipped police vehicles have been documented identifying and targeting peaceful demonstrators in Russia, Iran, and UK protests.

Additionally, authorities employ undercover infiltration, embedding agents within activist groups to sow distrust, gather intelligence, or provoke entrapment. Though less frequently documented by name, multiple credible accounts from high-surveillance environments reference such tactics deployed alongside facial recognition and arrests. 

Governments often attempt to discredit dispersed protests through propaganda, framing them as unjustified chaos rather than grassroots expression, fueling public skepticism and justifying incremental legal restrictions

Advantages

Because participants are not concentrated in one spot, they face lower risks of arrest or violent repression; it is much harder for a regime to identify and crack down on thousands of dispersed boycotters or strikers than on one large protest rally. This enhanced safety allows campaigns to last longer and helps movements grow. Sustained, low-risk actions enable more people to join over time, gradually expanding the resistance. Strategically, widespread decentralized defiance forces the opponent to stretch its security forces thin and makes repression more costly and difficult to coordinate. In Serbia’s case, dispersed protests allow traffic to be paralyzed at multiple locations simultaneously, making it even harder for security services to respond.

History shows the efficacy of dispersion tactics: the 1955–56 Montgomery bus boycott and the 1985 Port Elizabeth consumer boycott in apartheid South Africa both involved tens of thousands of ordinary people taking daily action without mass assemblies, minimizing individual exposure while exerting powerful economic and social pressure on the authorities.

Disadvantages

Despite their strategic advantages, dispersion tactics carry potential negative aspects.   

Smaller, scattered actions extend over time, make it easy for media and public interest to wane if communication strategies falter. Without centralized spectacle, dispersed efforts risk being overlooked or misinterpreted. 

Also, coordination across multiple sites demands advanced planning, secure and redundant communication channels, and reliable volunteer networks. Such a logistical burden increases the likelihood of missteps and organizational fatigue. 

This frequent mobilization, especially after repeated interventions, can lead to exhaustion of activists, further lowering turnout or uneven engagement. The cumulative emotional and physical toll can erode motivation over time. 

Unlike large crowds, small groups are easier to surveil, identify, and arrest. Fragmented gatherings offer fewer protective benefits, and infiltrators or surveillance can more easily single out individuals for legal action, particularly when new laws make minor offenses subject to detention.

Recommendations for success 

Effective execution of dispersed protest tactics relies heavily on meticulous planning, legal awareness, logistical coordination, and secure communication. 

Organizers must designate clear roles, such as legal observers to monitor police behavior, medics for first aid, marshals to guide nonviolent discipline, and remote support teams responsible for post-arrest coordination and transportation, ensuring each participant understands their responsibilities and limits

Legal considerations are crucial, with protestors ensuring their activities remain within lawful boundaries to minimize the risk of arrest or legal repercussions. It is of utmost importance to ensure all actions remain within lawful boundaries, including understanding permit requirements, permissible local assembly rights, and actions considered minor infractions – this legal preparedness can significantly mitigate arrest risk.

Rapid dispersion and reassembly are the hallmarks of effective dispersed action: when police arrive or issue a clearance order, participants must know predefined exit routes and be aware of fallback meeting points. This enables so-called “hit-and-run” blockades or flash mobs to persist safely and repeatedly.

This demands efficient communication systems through secure and encrypted messaging apps like Signal, which facilitates real-time coordination; features such as disappearing messages increase operational security even if a device is compromised.