The Selenium-toned Silver Gelatin prints represent the pinnacle of traditional photographic craftsmanship, transforming the original digital artwork into a physical object of enduring depth and presence. The selenium toning process chemically enhances the silver particles in the gelatin emulsion, deepening blacks, subtly shifting tonal ranges, and increasing archival stability. Each print is developed with meticulous attention, using test strips with varying exposure and toning times to determine the ideal balance of shadow, highlight, and midtone. The process brings a unique luminosity and a sense of dimensionality, giving each print a singular, almost magical quality that cannot be replicated digitally. Every edition of 22 is personally signed by David Borrington and Carl Benjamin, making it a collector’s item of both artistic and historical significance.
Limited Edition Digital Archive Prints
The Limited Edition Digital Archive Prints are produced on Hahnemühle Photo Rag 310gsm, a premium archival-grade paper prized for its tactile surface, exceptional colour gamut, and longevity. Using precision archival inkjet printing, the digital artwork is faithfully rendered with accurate tones, fine detail, and subtle textures. Each print is numbered and signed by David Borrington, creating a limited edition of 100 that combines accessibility with collectibility. The choice of Hahnemühle ensures that these prints will retain their vibrancy and detail for generations, providing a durable and elegant presentation of Growing Anyway.
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Growing Anyway is a visual snapshot of the current political and social landscape in Britain, created by David Borrington. At the centre of the artwork stands Rupert Lowe holding the Union Jack, surrounded by a cross-section of British society different races, religions, and professions—representing the collective of England and Great Britain. The piece explores independence, conviction, and accountability in politics, while capturing the complexities, contradictions, and theatre of Westminster.
The artwork includes subtle, satirical details throughout: ex-Labour ministers boarding a symbolic lifeboat, MPs navigating party pressures, the Green Party leader in a Donald Duck outfit, and other nods to media, global influence, and political symbolism. It’s both a contemporary portrait and a reflection of a long history of independent action in England, echoing principles from the Magna Carta barons to early parliamentary reformers.
We are offering two ways to own Growing Anyway:
Limited Edition Digital Archive Prints – £250
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Run of 100 prints, numbered and signed by David Borrington
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High-quality digital archive prints preserving the detail and integrity of the artwork
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40% of proceeds go to The Islander, supporting independent journalism and creative projects
Selenium-Toned Silver Gelatin Prints – £1,700
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Run of 22 prints, combining traditional photographic craftsmanship with the original digital artwork
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Each print signed by David Borrington and Carl Benjamin, director of The Lotus Eaters
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Exceptional depth, richness, and permanence, making it a unique collector’s edition
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40% of proceeds go to The Islander
Both editions celebrate the artwork and its story, giving collectors the choice between an accessible digital archive or a rare, specialist photographic edition with a direct connection to the project and its creators.
Own a piece of contemporary British commentary and support independent journalism through your purchase.
]]>The English sent St George. That’s how the story goes. Not borrowed, not begged for sent. Not a saint of soft borders and shifting allegiances, but of iron will and sharpened lance. A symbol, not of empire or exclusion, but of resistance and moral clarity, wielding courage where confusion reigns.
So imagine the national chuckle when we found ourselves once again celebrating St George’s Day a week early. Why? Because Easter took precedence, and in these muddled modern times, we apparently can’t manage two things at once. True Englishmen knew. But our government didn’t.
It’s comic, really. The Prime Minister, with all the gravitas of a game show host, stood up to congratulate Christians for Easter as though they were a separate group, an affiliate branch of the British project rather than its backbone. He said Easter helped “make Britain.” A baffling statement, considering that Christianity and Britain evolved together. To divorce one from the other is like separating the egg from the yolk and expecting a full English breakfast.
This is identity politics at its most tragicomic. The Christian tradition so deeply woven into British consciousness it’s practically in the rain now treated as an optional extra, like oat milk in tea. It’s not just ignorance; it’s low-IQ governance masquerading as inclusive brilliance. The sort that divides everyone up like school dinner trays and pretends that’s what progress looks like.
But where, I ask, was the Church of England in all this? Muted, neutered, lost in its own bureaucracy, seemingly incapable of whispering a reminder about the most basic of holy dates. They should have roared like the dragon George himself faced. Instead, they mumbled into a risk assessment form and hid behind a PowerPoint.
As for us? We’ll celebrate St George’s Day on the 28th. Because England real England doesn’t need permission to honour its heritage. We’ll do it late if we must, but never falsely. And let’s be honest: we’ve got dragons to slay. They’re not scaled and winged anymore. They’re bureaucratic, ideological, ill-informed.
We need more myths, not fewer. More tales of Arthur, Gayne, and dragon-slayers those who stood up when the easy thing was to kneel. Myths teach us what our modern leaders cannot: courage, clarity, and a sense of nationhood that isn’t apologised for at every turn.
And here’s the truth: the English will win not because we are the strongest, not because we are the smartest but because we are the most stubborn. Tenacious in mind and spirit. We simply stand there longer than anyone else is willing to.
Even Napoleon, our old foe, came to understand this. He wrote,
“The British fight not because they love war, but because they will not surrender.”
And Hitler himself, during the Blitz, spat the words in frustration:
“The English are like a piece of chewing gum. The more you chew, the harder it gets.”
But perhaps the most fitting line comes from a weary German officer at Dunkirk, watching a nation evacuate in defiance rather than despair:
“You have to admire them. They do not know when they are beaten.”
And that, in the end, is the most English thing of all.
]]>DYSLEXIA, PHILOSOPHY, AND THE POLITICS OF REALITY
As someone with dyslexia, I’m no stranger to how easily information can get tangled, and nowhere is that more true than in political discourse. Reality, it seems, is not only negotiable it’s practically a commodity, bought and sold by those with an agenda.
Take Rachel Maddow, for instance. I’m sure she means well, but when she spins a tale about Trump, tariffs, and Peter Navarro, I have to wonder if we’re watching political theatre rather than journalism. I’m no-Trump fan (far from it), but rewriting history for political point-scoring? Not so fast. Trump was banging on about tariffs and trade imbalances back in the 1980s, long before Navarro’s book Death by China ever graced the shelves. But of course, that doesn’t quite fit the narrative.
And this, dear reader, is where the trouble starts. Democratic supporters seem to have developed what any medically sane person might call “Trump Syndrome” a delusional obsession with the man himself, as if he’s the cause of all their woes, rather than confronting the much messier reality of what he represents. Whether you like Trump or not, understanding why he resonates with millions is essential if we’re ever going to defeat him. Denial won’t do the trick.
As George Orwell famously said, “In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act.” The truth, my friends, isn’t always tidy. But, as we shuffle through the muddy waters of political rhetoric, the most revolutionary thing we can do is ask better questions not shout louder.
And as an Englishman, watching my fellow Brits come down with Trump Syndrome is incredible. Especially now, with our current right-wing government in power, we find ourselves in a strange position where the Conservative Party is more left-wing than the current Labour Party. No one seems to be condemning Labour’s policies, even though they’re dramatically affecting the working class, which only drives them directly into the hands of reform. We’re losing the battle here as well. Great work losing any credibility with those who don’t have Trump Syndrome. And that’s the majority of the voting population in both countries that’s why only your little echo chambers are in meltdown.
Dyslexia doesn’t get lost in the spelling it catches the structure. And when I look at U.S. foreign policy, the pattern is crystal clear: Obama and Trump are two feathers on the same puffed-up turkey, gobbling from the top of an empire that’s forgotten how to listen.
Obama sold us peace and dignity. But under his watch, Libya was bombed, and Muammar Gaddafi was dragged from a pipe and killed likely waving a white flag. First time in modern history a surrendering head of state was executed on camera. Hillary Clinton laughed: “We came, we saw, he died.” That wasn’t justice it was showbiz war.
Then came Syria. Obama drew a “red line” over chemical weapons. But when it was allegedly crossed, the evidence was murky at best. Footage was dubious, the source of the attack unconfirmed, and even UN investigators cast serious doubt on the narrative. It’s possible the Assad government didn’t carry out the attack at all. Yet the West was ready to strike. Putin stepped in and handed Obama a political way out, arranging a disarmament deal that prevented a larger war.
Fast forward to Trump, who decided to drop the “Mother of All Bombs” in Afghanistan, because why not? Bigger is better, right? Meanwhile, in Syria, he launched missile strikes, all while tweeting about how much he loved “beautiful chocolate cake” with Xi Jinping. Diplomacy at its finest.
And speaking of finesse, Trump had a “special relationship” with Saudi Arabia. He claimed they paid the U.S. $1 billion for troops, but the Pentagon was like, “Uh, not exactly.” Critics wondered if Trump was renting out soldiers like party favors. Meanwhile, his businesses raked in millions from foreign governments, including Saudi Arabia and China. Emoluments clause? Never heard of it.
Oh, and that little gem the Iran Nuclear Deal. Obama made sure Iran would be around to build nuclear reactors, and the world would be okay with it. A diplomatic masterstroke, unless you were Israel, Saudi Arabia, or anyone who cared about Middle Eastern stability. But hey, it’s peace, right?
As for Yemen Obama backed the Saudi-led slaughter with logistical support, intelligence, and bombs. Humanitarian crisis? Just part of the collateral damage in the “war on terror.”
While Obama played chess in Asia with his “Pivot to Asia” strategy hoping to checkmate China Trump just grabbed the pieces and threw them across the board. Same turkey, just a different gobble.
Obama never shut Guantánamo, expanded the drone war, and kept the Patriot Act ticking quietly in the background. Then came Trump, thumping his chest, dropping even more bombs, and keeping the same black sites open. Different style, same strut. The turkey just gobbled louder.
As a dyslexic, I read patterns, not party lines. And all I see is the same overfed turkey, strutting on the world stage, puffed up with arrogance and ready to peck no matter who wears the feathers.
]]>I was recently asked if I was proud to be English. I looked puzzled. “Of course,” I said. The person questioning me seemed surprised, even curious. “Why?” they asked, as if the idea of national pride was outdated or shameful. I replied without hesitation: “Because we banned slavery worldwide.”
That statement landed like a lead balloon. They looked at me as if I had said something outrageous. To them, slavery was something we should be ashamed of, not something to take pride in. But that’s exactly why I’m writing this because the history of Britain’s abolition of slavery, led by the British working class, has been erased or distorted. It wasn’t the elites who led the charge; it was the ordinary people the miners, mill workers, and factory hands who put relentless pressure on the establishment to end the vile trade. And when we did, we didn’t just ban it in Britain; we spent vast amounts of our national wealth and deployed the Royal Navy to enforce abolition across the world.
Some scoff at the idea of being proud to be English, pointing to our nation’s role in the transatlantic slave trade. And they’re right certain elites made vast fortunes from it, just as they did from grinding down the working-class people of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. But when I say I’m proud to be English, I’m not talking about them the bankers, aristocrats, and politicians who profited off the suffering of others. I’m talking about us the ordinary, hardworking people who have fought against injustice, not just for ourselves but for others, too.
In Derbyshire, where I’m from, we built the industrial world with our own hands. The cotton mills of Arkwright and Strutt didn’t run themselves generations of men, women, and children worked in brutal conditions to make them run. The lead mines and quarries didn’t dig themselves the men of Derbyshire went underground, breathing in dust and fumes, working long hours for scraps while the owners reaped the rewards. We weren’t the ones building empires; we were the ones being used to power them.
And yet, it was the ordinary British people mill workers, miners, and factory hands who helped lead the charge to end slavery. The movement wasn’t led by the rich merchants in London; it was driven by working-class people in industrial towns and villages. Nearly 400,000 Britons signed petitions against the slave trade in the early 1800s an astonishing number when you consider that Britain’s total population was only 10 million at the time, and only 2% of them even had the right to vote. These were not the wealthy elite they were the poor, the disenfranchised, the people who had little themselves but still refused to accept the suffering of others.
Of course, let’s not pretend the working class of Britain had it easy. While enslaved people had no rights whatsoever they could be beaten, killed, or sold at a moment’s notice the British working class was considered expendable. In America, enslaved workers were an asset that had to be maintained, whereas in Britain’s industrial heartlands, workers were disposable. If a factory worker lost a limb, they lost their job. If a miner died in a collapse, another man took his place the next day. Life expectancy for mill workers and miners was abysmally low many died before they even reached 30, their bodies wrecked by the machines they worked to keep running. The legal protections that English common law provided were often barely enforced, but they still existed. The poorest Briton still had recourse to the law in a way that an enslaved person never could. The two situations were both horrendous, but they were not the same, and they should never be falsely equated.
When abolition finally came, Britain didn’t just outlaw slavery and walk away. We spent 5% of our GDP an immense amount compensating slave owners to free their slaves. Was it fair? No. But it was the fastest and most effective way to achieve abolition without a war. Unlike America, which fought a devastating conflict that cost over 600,000 lives to end slavery, Britain used economic leverage to end it peacefully. The compensation money, while morally questionable, was largely reinvested into Britain’s infrastructure, including projects like the railway system, which ultimately benefited the entire country.
But the British effort didn’t stop at home. We spent the next 50 years dedicating 2% of our national budget every year to enforcing abolition worldwide. The Royal Navy’s West Africa Squadron captured 1,600 slave ships and freed over 150,000 enslaved people. Britain also exerted diplomatic and military pressure on other empires to end slavery, including the Ottoman Empire, where British intervention played a crucial role in abolishing the slave markets of Lebanon and beyond.
What made this possible? It wasn’t the British elite they would have happily carried on profiting. It was the relentless pressure from the British working class, combined with the moral framework of English common law and the deeply ingrained British value of self-governance. These forces spread throughout the empire, and in a historic first, the very system that the British ruling class built was turned against them. English common law became a tool of independence movements across the empire, as colonized peoples used Britain’s own legal principles to demand their freedom. This was an unprecedented event in human history no other empire had ever been dismantled, not by military defeat, but by the very moral and legal standards it had imposed.
And that is the uniquely British dynamic. A ruling class that constantly pushes its power to the limit, and a working class that time and time again forces it to be accountable. This is why I am proud to be English, and why I see no shame in saying so. Because the British working class, with our long tradition of struggle, shaped the modern world not by conquest, but by fighting for dignity, justice, and individual sovereignty. And that, above all, is something to be proud of.
For too long, British politics has been trapped in a stale cycle either an overbearing state that strangles independence or a ruthless capitalism that strips dignity from labor. Neither of these models serves the people they claim to represent. It’s time for something different. It’s time for a political movement that takes the best of England’s past our tradition of self-reliance, localism, and moral capitalism and reclaims it from bureaucrats and oligarchs alike.
A Socialism Rooted in Sovereignty
The original British socialists were not state-worshipping technocrats. They were cooperators, free-thinkers, and champions of local self-governance. They believed in the dignity of labor, not in dependence on government handouts. They saw mutual aid as a form of strength, not a sign of weakness. This is the socialism of the Guilds, of the Chartists, of the cooperative movements where economic fairness is built from the ground up, not imposed from above.
Today, we propose a new model: The Sovereign Commonweal. A movement that defends individual liberty while ensuring economic justice. That supports enterprise without surrendering to corporate monopolies. That restores local governance, instead of selling our communities to distant bureaucracies.
A Movement for the Makers, the Doers, the Thinkers
Art and politics are not separate. The British tradition has always understood that culture shapes power. A dyslexic artist knows better than most the dangers of rigid bureaucratic control when systems are designed to exclude, to enforce conformity, to reward obedience over creativity. We reject the modern obsession with managerial politics and reclaim the radical spirit of those who built this nation: the artisans, the writers, the inventors, and the workers who refused to be owned by either the Crown or the Company.
This movement stands for:
- Sovereignty of the Individual – We are not cogs in a machine. We reclaim the right to work, create, and think freely. We reject both corporate servitude and state dependency.
- Moral Capitalism – Markets should serve people, not the other way around. Monopolies, exploitation, and financial speculation are antithetical to real economic growth. Fair wages and worker respect must be at the heart of our economy.
- Personalized Leadership – The director of a company should know every one of their employees. Leadership should be personal, accountable, and rooted in relationships, not in corporate hierarchies that distance decision-makers from those they serve. A business is a community, not an abstract profit engine.
- Localism & Mutual Aid – The best governance is done closest to the people. Communities should control their own economies, resources, and institutions. We replace bureaucracy with local leadership, accountability, and shared responsibility.
- A Political System that Works for Us – No more career politicians. No more parties that pretend to represent the working class while dining with oligarchs. We need a system where decisions are made by those who are accountable to their communities, not their donors.
Embracing Diversity, Protecting Sovereignty
We understand that modern society is diverse, and we embrace all faiths, cultures, and ways of life provided they do not infringe upon the sovereignty of others. The idea that “diversity is our strength” is often overstated; it is shared valuesand common purpose that truly unite us. As long as each individual’s freedom does not harm another’s, we can live in harmony, respecting the rights and freedoms of all people. Everyone is free to live according to their beliefs, as long as those beliefs play by the rules of mutual respect and personal responsibility. This is not about forcing assimilation, but about ensuring that the sovereignty of each individual is honored.
Classic Thinkers: A Bridge Between Conservatism and Socialism
Our vision of a just society also draws from the wisdom of classic thinkers who, though often associated with conservatism, valued social responsibility and individual liberty. As Edmund Burke said:
“The state is a partnership in all science, a partnership in all art, a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection.”
This resonates with our belief in a society where community is at the heart of every endeavor whether it’s business, politics, or art. Burke believed in the importance of preserving a social contract, and we, too, seek a society where individuals and institutions work together for the common good.
William Morris, a champion of traditional British socialism, wrote:
“The only true socialism is the socialism of the people, not the socialism of the State.”
We, too, reject the idea of a paternalistic, top-down socialism. Our vision is one where the people, in all their diverse capabilities, shape the social and economic structures around them, not the state imposing its will upon them.
Finally, from the conservative philosopher and economist Adam Smith, we draw this foundational wisdom:
“The great secret of education is to direct vanity to proper objects.”
Smith understood that human nature drives both greed and creativity. In our model, we aim to redirect ambition and innovation toward the greater good—personal liberty combined with collective responsibility, creating a society that rewards both the individual and the community.
**This is not nostalgia. This is not a utopian dream. This is a necessary reclamation of what we lost: a politics of dignity, self-reliance, and justice. A movement for those who refuse to be owned. A Sovereign Commonweal.
Join us. Build it. Forge it.
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Welcome to the Democratic Party’s 2024 gala—a dazzling display of stars, scandals, and the complete absence of substance! As we gear up for what is being touted as one of the most important elections of the 21st century, the Democrats have rolled out their star-studded cast to push their tired political narratives and scare tactics, all while the average American citizen watches from the sidelines.
Stars, Scandals, and No Substance! The Great Democratic Gala!
The stage is set, and who better to lead the charge than a parade of celebrities spouting the party line? It’s the usual suspects—old presidents and wannabe candidates—paired with Hollywood’s elite, all singing from the same hymn sheet. Meanwhile, we find ourselves waist-deep in the murky waters of the Washington swamp, where the petrodollar and fiat money flow freely, courtesy of globalist puppet masters and their war-mongering agenda.
Let’s not forget Malcolm X’s warnings about the corruption of the Dixiecrats; it seems that today’s players are simply globalist internationalists backed by the likes of BlackRock and the World Economic Forum. But fear not, because Bernie Sanders is in attendance, quietly clutching a token gift from Hillary—perhaps a consolation prize for being in a party that seems to have forgotten its principles.
And who could miss Joe Biden, just moments after tripping, while Kamala Harris cheers with her pint in hand, embodying the “average American” with her down-to-earth beer-drinking and swearing? It’s a classic move from the Democrats—using celebrity culture to distract from their political shortcomings.
Even Batman has made an appearance, ensuring us that everything is under control. Meanwhile, “The Squad” has shown up, decked out in their party hats as if they think they’re crashing a P. Diddy bash. With Hollywood in tow, the Democratic Party is confident they’ll secure the votes from their glittering audience, even as the rest of the country seems to be heading for the exit.
Hillary Clinton, ever the attention-grabber, flaunts a new dossier and a gaudy necklace—perhaps a nod to her ongoing campaign of ambiguity. And what’s this? Barack Obama has finally revealed his “perfect policy” for COVID-19, but only now, when it could have actually saved lives. Why wait until the pandemic is over to drop that bombshell? It’s anyone’s guess.
As for Bill Clinton, he looks as though he just stumbled off a private jet and right into this star-studded affair. Hunter Biden, bless him, has apparently located his laptop, while the rest of the crew appears to be having the time of their lives. As for Kamala Harris? She’s still working on defining her policies, which curiously mirror Biden’s yet somehow manage to differ. Talk about a political tightrope!
In the end, it seems the cage of the Democratic Party is largely empty, and Hollywood—despite its glitter—isn’t exactly a swing state. With the electorate craving authenticity and substance, the spectacle at the gala only serves to underline how disconnected the party is from the needs of everyday Americans.
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Donald Trump’s 2024 campaign kicks off with him in a bunker on the 18th hole, swinging a sand wedge and sending sand flying everywhere. Somehow, the ball ends up on the green, and the crowd — thoroughly entertained — can’t help but cheer. It’s classic Trump: chaotic but always compelling.
Trump’s team is as unpredictable as ever. At the front, Kamala Harris sits front and center, playing her role as a DEI ambassador, though not directly involved in Trump’s campaign. Beside her, Hillary Clinton makes an appearance — not as a campaign surrogate, but handing Kamala Harris a letter, just like she did with that little girl in Bosnia (you know, the one she claimed was under sniper fire). Of course, the only thing “under fire” here is the credibility of the whole moment. It’s the perfect touch — Clinton passing on a bit of “historic” wisdom, even though we all know the story is more fiction than fact. Still, it adds to the growing absurdity of the political theater, with Hillary now in the role of the world’s most peculiar delivery driver, boosting Trump’s credibility every time she opens her mouth.
Meanwhile, Trump’s campaign is drawing support from some unexpected places. Joe Rogan’s podcasts continue to rally the base with critiques of Biden, and Tulsi Gabbard, having broken from the Democrats, now aligns herself with Trump’s policies. Tony Hinchcliffe’s sharp political satire fans the flames of Trump’s anti-establishment message, while Dana White and Caitlyn Jenner add their endorsements, further energizing Trump’s sports-loving, socially conservative crowd. And, in perhaps the most surprising twist of all, Muslim government mayor Amer Ghalib lends his support, showing that Trump’s movement is uniting people from all walks of life.
In the middle of the scene stands a garbage truck labeled “What Goes In,” poised to haul away the political waste of the past. It’s a symbol of Trump’s promise to drain the swamp and clean up Washington. Surrounding him are factory workers, farmers, military personnel, and small business owners — all united behind the desire for real change.
Now, boxes of high-speed SSDs, packed with endless footage of Trump’s rallies, are being shipped around the world by UPS. The problem? They’re running out of storage as the rallies just keep going on and on. Trump’s speeches are so long, they could probably power a server farm for a year. Meanwhile, VP Harris, though her speeches are long format, is measured in kilobytes because, well, she doesn’t speak for very long. Still, she’s got plenty of space left — so if you’re tuning in, make sure you watch the raw footage. No cut versions here — we’re all about the unfiltered, full experience.
A standout moment in the drawing shows a Republican heroically lifting a concrete beam off a trapped Democrat, symbolizing Trump’s message of unity. The movement is open to all, regardless of past political views. Whether you’ve been stuck in the muck of the old system or just waking up to the need for change, there’s a place for you here.
Even the Amish, fed up with government red tape, are turning out to vote for Trump, proving his message resonates in even the most rural corners of America. The Democrats thought they had the rural vote locked down, but Trump’s campaign is flipping that script.
As his rallies continue to captivate the nation, it’s clear that Trump’s 2024 campaign is more than just a political comeback — it’s a movement. From the bunker to the garbage truck, Trump’s message is clear: he’s leading the charge for real change, and it’s only just beginning.
]]>“Through The Keyhole”
Don’t miss your chance to secure a pre-published copy of “Through The Keyhole” at the special price of £190! And as a bonus, be among the first to preorder and receive the exclusive “Punch and Judy Artist Book,” a collector’s delight showcasing all 20 artworks. Act now to secure your place in history and join the ranks of those who dare to challenge the status quo.
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