About the author: Tariro Olindah Chademan is a final year Health Services Management Diploma at Harare Polytechnic. She is a Health advocate.

While the author acknowledged and referenced articles from other organisations and individuals, the views expressed in this opinion piece, as well as any errors or omissions, are the sole responsibility of the author.

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The journey of democracy in African countries is a rocky road

The postcolonial era marked the establishment of democratic principles in Africa after the post-Cold War era. These changes made Africa a centre of Western interest. Initially, democracy emerged as a liberating and constructive tool for addressing Africa’s political challenges. But decades later, reality remains far from ideal.

Authoritarian regimes masquerading as democracy:
Democracy has struggled with the emergence of kleptocracies—where corrupt leaders use their positions for personal gain—and authoritarian regimes tied to political power weaken institutions. Authoritarian leaders have skilfully shaped their governments in acceptable democratic ways: rigged elections, evading presidential term limits to maintain power indefinitely and separation of powers that exist only on paper, while the real power is cumulative.

The West’s continued push for democracy
The West supports democracy in Africa because it has normative beliefs about universal democratic values. Democracy is seen as a fundamental right of all people consistent with good governance, and accountability hence the necessity to protect these principles. Western interest in Africa also extends beyond philanthropy. Participation is driven by multidimensional considerations such as economic partnership, security cooperation, and geopolitical influence.
But the Western push for democracy tends to ignore the major concerns of African political leaders of Africa’s history and institutional capacity. Africa’s colonial legacies, ethnic divisions and historical injustices shape its political landscape. The road to democracy must consider this. Democracy cannot thrive without strong institutions such as independent courts, a free press, and civil society.

‘Mocked’ elections in Africa?
The electoral process has often been ridiculed. This is because ruling parties have become adept at exploiting loopholes. Changing strategies intended to support democratic ideals, genuinely disturbs democratic processes. Elections are rigged and citizens face pressure through coercion or intimidation, as in the case of Zimbabwe since 2003.

Freedom struggle regimes—based on historical independence movements— also continue to dominate politics. Some verbal connotations and statements by African leaders suggest the iron fist that the liberation fighters have over Zimbabwe. This depicts an entitled mentality plaguing the political situation in African states now.

Enter the so-called “international election observers”. Their mandate: to maintain and protect the integrity of elections. However, these observers often fail to ensure that elections meet international standards. Their presence alone does not guarantee justice. The gradual loss of confidence in their role undermines the democratic process.

The demand for decoloniality
Africa’s journey to democracy must confront its colonial legacy. At the heart of decolonisation is the visionary thinker Frantz Fanon who called colonialism a “fundamental problem”—one that continues to shape Africa’s course long after independence. His suggestion is that former colonies must grow freely particularly from the need for recognition from former oppressors.

Democracy as a strategy
Decolonial thinking is necessary to serve democracy and Africa itself because:

Western Perspective and African Reality: Western ideologies positioned democracy as the only catalyst for African economic growth. However, the reality is more nuanced. Africa’s unique history and cultural diversity require tailor-made solutions.

Support and Political Threads: In the 1990s, foreign aid became associated with democratisation and regime reform in Africa. The West used aid as a tool to promote democratic ideals. But this often-attached strings, subtly sustaining colonial dynamics.

The Question of Transnational Democracy: African writer Dambisa Moyo is challenging conventional wisdom. She insists that Africa does not need multilateral democracy to accelerate economic growth. She offers a controversial alternative: a benevolent dictator—a leader who can quickly implement the reforms needed to boost economic growth.

Will Africa break free from the shackles of history and embrace decolonized democracy? The answer lies in the hands of its people—the true architects of change. Perhaps it is time to rethink the Western system and create an approach that meets Africa’s unique needs. In this delicate balance of tradition and change lies Africa’s destiny—a decolonized democracy free from the burdens of history and serving its people.

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On Monday, 10 July 2023, we in the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) launched a campaign dubbed #GoVote2023. Following the launch, many questions have been raised about our particular campaign, the most important being what it means. In this piece, I will shed more light on the campaign and how students and young Zimbabweans can come on board and be part of it.

The #GoVote2023 campaign comes as an extension of the broader campaign which was launched by ZINASU early this year which is themed; ‘Reclaiming the dignity of students through the ballot.’ This is our political program which we launched to ensure that students and young people play a key role in the upcoming election. In the last phase of the campaign ZINASU focused on making sure that students and young people across the country become registered voters. We also honed in on spreading voter education in communities.

That particular phase of the campaign came to an end in May 2023 when the election date was proclaimed. The fact that one is a registered voter is not guarantee that he/she will go and cast his/her vote on the polling day. Hence there is need to keep students and young people reminded that they have to go out and vote on the 23rd of August. Research shows that in 2018 about 40% of young people who were registered to vote did not turn up to vote on the 30 July 2018 to cast their votes.

Thus the #GoVote2023 campaign serves to reduce voter apathy among the youths, particularly students. This election means a lot to students and all young people across Zimbabwe. It comes at a time at which their future has been ruined and their freedoms have been taken away by the military regime. It therefore high time for young people to rise up and defend their future through the ballot. Malcolm X once said “the ballot is stronger than the bullet” and yes we shall rise up and defend our future through the ballot. The ballot will liberate us on 23 August if we unite as a generation and act responsibly.

Due to the fact that almost all Universities are closed and all Polytechnic Colleges and Teachers’ Colleges are closing in the coming days, the following ways will be used to roll out the campaign:

1. Social media

The campaign is running online and anyone can join it from anywhere and at anytime using the following #GoVote2023 and #StudentsVote. To play an active role in this campaign or become part of it people can; record videos or write short messages encouraging students and young people to go out and vote on 23 August.

Why social media?
Social media plays a fundamental role in facilitating global conversations, breaking down barriers and fostering collaboration. In the Zimbabwean context the regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa is refusing to implement media reforms. All state media is in the armpits of the ruling party ZANU PF. State media is always glorifying Mnangagwa and his party which leaves one wondering whether companies like ZBC really qualify to be referred to as “state media” or they are private media houses for the ruling party ZANU PF. Hence under such circumstances social media becomes a powerful alternative to reach out to millions of people across the country.

2. #GoVote2023 community teams.
Given that many students are at home now. We are coming up with #GoVote2033 teams and these are small groups comprising of students and young people in different communities across the country. These teams are targeting areas like playing grounds, Wi-Fi hotspot areas, betting shops and pubs where young people are normally found. Our teams will use this opportunity to preach the gospel to our fellow young people and encourage them to go out and vote in their numbers on the Election Day.

N.B we are releasing fliers carrying messages about why students young people should go out and cast their votes on 23 August. Follow us on Facebook: Zimbabwe National Students Union or on Twitter: @ZinasuZim to get access to our fliers.

Not voting is voting for the incumbent government. #GoVote2023! Let’s all go out and vote for betterment.

Boris Muguti is the current President of the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU)

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I am usually indifferent when it comes to Zimbabwean pseudo celebrities and socialites. I find it difficult to define their status as role models or as good ambassadors of Zimbabwean brands.

Despite their acerbic fights on social media including Facebook, petrifying delight in scandals as well their façade of living large, there is no doubt that they provide colour in Zimbabwean society.

The bling, the top dog contests, the pub debates, the saloon conversations and the fashion trends. In times when Zimbabweans are subjected to unpalatable socio-economic suffering, the entertainment provides outlets to decompress.  

One interesting socialite cum business man is Tinashe Mutarisi, the Nash brands frontman. A jolly fella, borderline clownish but inspirational for his rags to riches story.

Allegations aside, he has provided big platforms for young people especially from the Southside to show case their talents and earn a living.

He strikes a humble soul, bar his expensive fleet collection of cars including a Ford Mustang. Despite the toxicity, the vociferous cyber anger and the acerbic fights in socialite circles, Mutarisi has stayed away from clashes. Generally likable one would say. 

Of relevance to this article is however not his over coffee dispute resolution disposition or his relationships with Mai TT or the infamous Levels of Chillspot but the fire which gutted the NASH empire headquarters recently.

A tip of an iceberg when it comes to fire mystery in the motherland, it is like the gods are smoking something and starting fires from the cigarette trashing in unwise places.

The fire is a sad reminder that such fires have lived with us, unresolved and ignored for reasons unknown to many if not mind boggling. Growing up we used to know investigating as a doing word, now I am confused about it.  

In chronicling I decided to ignore the rest of the fires except for those that have remained unexplained.

Hard on the heels of the NASH fire, was a fire which took the like of Doug Munatsi, an iconic investment banker and shrewd business man,who was at the time of his sad passing was tasked with leading the Zimbabwe Investment and Development Agency.

Killed in what we were told to be a result of toxic gas inhalation following yet another unexplained fire ruthlessly destroyed his upmarket apartment in central Harare.

The whole investigation was reduced to a bone throwing exercise in which theories swung from a mysterious woman visiting him to some other incoherent forktales not worthy repeating for serious readers.

The fire carried with it, a father, a national asset, a friend of many and a banking and finance genius if the Obituary penned by Gono is to go by. Some may argue that in his resting place, he sleeps next to a significant part of the Zimbabwean dream or at the very least an important block to the “Zimbabwe is Open for Business” poem.     

Fellow countrymen have asked many unanswered questions concerning the cause of that and many others.

If it were left to my friends in political science, they would be propounding theories and finding impericals to justify the same. At least they would do something.

As a lay citizen I am interested in the answers but have been left to refer to the damage caused at many places as just but acts of mystery.

Arson was alleged when a decorated liberation fighter and kingmaker Rex Nhongo died.

One such incident is one which shocked the whole country and even beyond ,the case which took the life of General Solomon Mujuru.

Arguably the most decorated soldier of all time the born frees are told his guerrilla name was Rex Nhongo. The most peddled theory was that the war hero was killed by a fire started by a candle light, this theory however could not stick.

The family was not satisfied as well not surprisingly they have publicly said they have hired private investigators.

Most Zimbabweans based on the fact that Rex had been at the centre of the military strategy which only ended after the Lancaster negotiations believed that he could not be killed by a natural farm fire.

Quite understandably with the level of his training a combination of instinct, skill and the senses would have been enough for him to find his way out of the inferno which gazed his Beatrice farm house.

Mujuru was said to lead a strong faction in ZANUPF in which had rival groupings petrified.

So powerful was the late General such that arson cannot be ruled out especially when even the inquest of his death was sandwiched in mystery.

Mysterious farm fires continued to follow his family way after his death. In one instance the nation was told that a relative who stayed at the Ruwa farm house tried to kill a viper therefore igniting a fire.

Whispers were however heard in the corridors to the effect that the snake theory was a public relations statement.

Another bizarre fire engulfed the Beatrice Farm way after the General had passed on ,this time around 32 000 chicks were lost. An electrical fault has been said to be the source of fire.  

No one can doubt that the idea of electrical faults can result in a fire however Zimbabweans continue to speak in kombis about the coincidence of fires following one family magnified by a suspected operative captured on the farm yard on the day of the fire.

Blessing Miles Tendi, a fine Oxford based Zimbabwean academic, in his book however traces the fires that attempted on the last general ever since he was ten years old. Unlike the ones responsible for investigating today’s fires Tendi reveals in greater detail the causes of each and every fire. Including a kitchen fire lighting up a makeshift blanket and a recklessly disposed cigarette residue.

In conspiracies, sabotage has been alleged by some in respect of mysterious fires, such as the one which attacked offices of Mashonaland Tobacco Company a few years back. A fire which grazed the building for more than 48 hours.

Passers-by marvelled, the fire brigade tried in vain and the esteemed buyers of the golden leaf watched helplessly as their toil went down in the fires of the forges.

As has become the truism “in line with the constitutional court ruling of July 17 2015” hundreds of employees had lost their jobs at the firm, pointing fingers at the poor employees became the easiest thing to do. Faint whispers of two people captured by CCTV were also heard, as expected they died down swiftly.

Another incident of suspected labour-capital war lighting an inferno was mooted at former RBZ Chief Dr Gideon Gono’s house. 

The former RBZ governor’s house in the leafy suburb of Borrowdale was devoured in yet another mysterious fire a couple of years back.

The fact that the house was not Gono’s official residence at the time ostensibly ruled out the idea of a politically motivated arson.    

The ex-central bank chief then had a company struggling to pay employees, once a giant chicken producer, Luna Chickens just like many corporations ended up closing shop. It was therefore tempting to point fingers at the disgruntled workers. The point remains the cause of the fire was never established nor communicated to reassure the citizen that the bottom of disturbances can be established with a view to design preventive measures.

Several other high ranking politicians also had house fires, talk of Patrick Chinamasa’s residency ,the wise man from the East facing early political sunset while blessed with a strange English accent .

Or Dr Olivia Muchena whose fall from Grace close to the misfortune of losing a house to a mysterious fire breeds conspiracy.

A failure to investigate and communicate leaves the public speculating a case of a casualty in the fight between the Weevils vs Gamatox (The Old ZANU-PF factions named after pests and pesticides, it defeated the whole concept of life).

Here is a person who had fallen from the highest rung of political epitome to be somewhere close to an ordinary person with a shredded political image. All of a sudden her house mysteriously burns to the ground.

She was part of the group which is strangely accused of wanting to assassinate the late president (treason).One can be forgiven for propounding a political theory and link it to the former Minister Dr Olivia Muchena’s misfortune.

Despite mysterious unresolved fires being many, fires worth mentioning before penning off are the cyclical ones at the home industry in Glenview area 8.A stone throw away from revellers’ favourite grooving place called Mashwede.

Fires recurrently devour the compound late at night, the fire brigade at one point only focused on stopping the fire from spreading to the residential areas.

Wares worth thousands of dollars were lost in the fire, lives were at risk and a nearby service station could probably cause a catastrophe.

Theories fly in different directions in respect of each episode, thieves who had stolen were trying to cover up their tracks, some say. The guards were around a fire protecting themselves from the winter cold others would say. Probably it was a cigarette which ignited the fire another theory was also suggested.

Then came the most hilarious theory, some people claiming that there were goblins involved in the tough competition for clients, these goblins had boxes of match boxes one would assume.

The fact of the matter is that apart from veld fires Zimbabweans have lost a fortune in mysterious fires and a majority of these have not been resolved and provided with a scientific satisfactory explanation. Lives, vision and homes have been buried in flames.

It is not enough to attend to a fire for purposes of extinguishing the flames yet ignore the responsibility to investigate. Such dereliction places everyone in danger.

Questions will continue to fly, from goblins to arson but the safest explanation as for now is to say maybe the gods are smoking something.

Gwenhure Farai loves his country. He writes in his personal capacity.

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33 year old social champion Tyrone Havnar is engaging in his much-anticipated charity event in Selous, 80 kilometers from the capital Harare which is scheduled for  Friday 5 May 2023 and guests from all sections of society are invited to participate in the  fundraiser.

The social change maker Havnar reiterated that he is calling up for interested stakeholders to participate in the fundraising of the Great Africa Exposure Visit to impact child labour, early childhood marriages and experiential learning for marginalized and disabled pupils.

The event scheduled for Friday which is among a number of fundraising activities seek to have children aspiring pilots and careers in aviation to have an appreciation of the profession. This is being spearheaded by Mr Havnar’s organization I Reach Out My Hand Africa and partners in Selous.

Mr Tyrone Havnar has been in community service for 14 years and has participated in high level conferences across Africa and beyond. He recently won his first accolade in social work evidence to his immense contribution to social change.

The young social worker further said that he is creating awareness of issues affecting children in marginalized communities and settling for a trust fund. He is encouraging well-wishers, corporate world, church, and other organizations to contribute atleast $USD1 per person towards rural children welfare and travelling to 7 countries in Africa to create a consortium and raise awareness.

The fundraising will stretch from 5 May, to early June 2023 and there will be a food stall at Mukuvisi market in Harare on Sunday, 7th of May 2023. On Saturday 19 May (Harare) movie raffle winners will go for a movie screening, 20th  of  May  a dinner will be held and on the 27th of May 2023 respectively, people will join Mr Havnar for a fundraising dinner where games are to  be played and branded prizes to be won.

“You know they say if you don’t ask the answer is always no, “so well I have a big request from all of you my brothers and sisters, become part of these GREAT fundraisers as grassroot supporters ” said Havnar

A ZBC interview will be aired on 5 May 2023 at 1400hrs unpacking the fundraising and the activities of I Reach Out My Hand Africa. The Great African Exposure Visit starts on 1 June to 19 July 2023 and a documentary will also be produced which highlights the work being done by other social change makers across Africa.

Further details to engage during the course of the fundraising contact +263773266050 or email iromh2011@gmail.com

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Is it just me, or has nearly everyone joined Zanu-PF? If yes, when did that happen, and why wasn’t I informed? The number of people parading their green and yellow “vote for me” posters for the upcoming primaries over the last few weeks is a bit of a shock.

There are a lot of new faces in the mix, which I guess is encouraging to see. Young and old, north and south of Samora, we’ve come a long way from the 60-something-year-old odd ‘youth leaders’ in Zanu-PF.

This desire to run for office suggests an enthusiasm for local politics, a positive for the political landscape. Hopefully, the electorate is equally buoyed and will turn up in numbers to exercise their democratic right.

However, as much as I’m impressed by the number of candidates putting their hand up in the Zanu-PF race, if the quality of posters is anything to go by, we still have a long way to go.

There’s been an unending spectrum of designs, making me wonder where all the graphic designers are in Zimbabwe.

From campaign posters hurriedly designed on itel phones to the horror fonts that belong in a 90s Halloween show, if Microsoft hadn’t buried Paint last year, I’d be certain it was the app used to create most of what we’ve seen.

It’s not all gloom. Among the chaff, there have been some stand-out designs, which gives a glimmer of hope that the party communications can be salvaged ahead of the main campaign.

To some, the issue of designs, look and feel might be a minor issue. What’s in a poster? And why does it even matter? Well, there are a few reasons why it should.

The first is to protect your brand. A strong brand identity helps to establish a clear image and message for the party. This means setting guidelines for logo use, colours, fonts, and other aesthetics. When done right, it makes it easier for voters to identify what is genuine and what is not, especially in an era of fake news, spoof accounts and trolls.

Political parties should be concerned with controlling their brand identity. An easy way to do so is by providing each candidate with a template or brand guide for the campaigns and keep things organised.

Second, a visually appealing campaign poster can make a lasting impression on voters. The Barack Obama Hope poster immediately comes to mind. Simple yet striking. Strive to be memorable.

For newer candidates, a strong brand identity can help them stand out in a crowded field. With so many people vying for attention, having a clear and recognisable brand can make it easier for voters to remember and identify you.

Lastly, a well-designed campaign poster indicates a structured and well-thought-out communications strategy. It tells voters that the party has clear objectives, has considered its audience, and knows how to connect with them.

With the number of fresh candidates this election season, establishing clear design and messaging guidelines could help all members work towards a common goal and feel connected to the larger movement.

The reality, however, is that many people, candidates and voters alike, don’t care about these things. The candidates most likely to win, who have done so in the past, are often not those without fancy designs and clean looks.

The people that do care about aesthetics are few and far between. Or maybe they just aren’t in Zanu-PF. Time will tell when other parties and candidates start to sprout.

If March is anything to go by, we’re in for a bumpy ride. Graphic designers get those portfolios out; the candidates need you.

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Through Statutory Instrument 213 of 2022 (Referend to as Base Minerals Export Control for unbeneficiated Lithium Bearing Ores), Zimbabwe banned the export of raw lithium from the country. The regulation points that no lithium bearing ores, or unbeneficiated lithium shall be exported except under written permission from the Minister. The regulation empowers the minister to exempt miners if an application is made and if the Lithium has been valued in terms of Value Added Tax Act for the purposes of paying export tax.

Move to enforce beneficiation

The ban also carries with it a secondary aim to enforce the beneficiation of the new white gold. Lithium is an essential part of lithium-ion batteries that are used in electric vehicles (EVs). The global demand for EVs has risen rapidly over the past few years and is projected to reach more than 30% of annual vehicle sales by 2030. In addition to EVs, lithium is an essential part of the technology that powers mobile phones, computers, power tools and battery storage of energy generated from wind and solar power (Renewable Energy). Lithium can also be used in ceramics, greases, and pharmaceuticals. This means that the beneficiation of lithium ore to lithium carbonate, chloride, or hydroxide (used in cell production) has immense benefits to the economy in terms of export earnings and industrialization. In 2022, Zimbabwe earned US$5.7 billion from exports of raw or processed minerals (50% of the government target for 2023). Adding value to these commodities remains the country’s best hope for industrialization.

New White Gold

Lithium is experiencing a global boom. Prices have surged roughly 500% year on year, triggering a global rush to secure lithium resources and fit in the value chain. With Australia, Chile and China controlling 90% of world lithium production, the International Energy Agency (IEA) has called it a quasi-monopoly situation. On the world market, battery grade lithium carbonate costs about US$73 per kg. The price of lithium skyrocketed from US$6,000 per tonne in 2020 to an all-time high of US$86,000 a tonne in November 2022, a 14-fold increase in less than two years. The manufacture of Lithium-ion (high grade and rechargeable) batteries is worth billions with the market for the batteries set to eclipse US$200 billion by 2030. 

Rush for Zimbabwe Lithium

Zimbabwe has the largest lithium reserves in Africa and 4th largest in the world. The country has at least 11 MT of lithium reserves with more being expected as exploration gathers momentum. The country has verified Lithium deposits in more than 15 locations doted across all the country’s provinces. The Bikita Lithium mine (Bought by China’s Sinomine in 2022 for US$180 million) is Africa’s biggest Lithium producer and is home to the world’s best-known deposit of 10.8 million tonnes of lithium ore. It is also the world’s foremost producer of lithium petalite. Zimbabwe also has other lithium mining projects at various stages of development. Chinese Huayou Cobalt bought Arcadia Lithium mine in December 2021 in a deal valued at US$422 million while another Chinese firm Chengxin Lithium acquired Sabi Star Lithium in a deal worth US$77 million. UK mineral exploration companies Red Rock, Galileo and Premier African Minerals have also invested millions into Zimbabwean lithium exploration and mines.  Ireland’s Arkle Resources recently secured three exploration licenses in Insiza. Australia’s Mirrorplex has started to produce Lithium from its Shamva mine. A dozen other foreign companies are quietly exploring lithium in various parts of the country with the likely aim of determining resource size and sell to bigger mining companies with access to global battery producers. It is anticipated that by 2030, Zimbabwe will have at least 15 large scale operating Lithium mines.

Global competitors

Bolivia, Argentina and Chile have the world’s largest known lithium reserves. Bolivia has reserves estimated at over 21 million tons while Argentina and Chile have 19 and 12 million tons respectively. This puts the South American countries ahead of Zimbabwe (11 million tons), Australia (7.3 million tons), and China (9 million tons). Owing to the massive pace of exploration, identified lithium reserves are increasing and changing substantially in each month. The race to process lithium and produce EV batteries has already been won by China which controls 65% of the world’s lithium processing and refining capacity. China imports raw lithium from most producing countries, refines it and processes to manufactures Lithium-Ion cells and battery components.

Impact of the ban

The ban is limited to the export of lithium ore (petalite rock which is not crushed) and does not apply to the export of lithium concentrates (spodumene), which all the major lithium miners in the country already produce or plan to produce. The government does not consider concentrates as raw or unprocessed lithium. As was the case when Diamond was discovered in Marange or the case with gold mining, artisanal miners had rushed to Lithium mining areas across the country and illicit trade channels were quickly forming. Thus, the ban will therefore significantly impact the work of artisanal miners who had taken positions on private mining assets such as Sandawana Mine which is owned by the state entity, Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC). This explains why the regulation was rushed before artisanal miners could cash in from their stockpiles. The Mines and Minerals Act of 1961 criminalizes artisanal mining, even though small-scale mining is encouraging provided the miner acquires mining claims from the state. Recently, it was reported that the army-controlled Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) had been awarded a permit to export raw lithium despite the recent ban. It remains to be seen whether ZDI will be engaged in mining operations as is the case in Diamond where it owns 40% of Anjin in Marange or if the military special purpose vehicle will confine itself to the selling of mined lithium ore.

Incentivizing value chain players

The government pointed that it was losing at least US$1.7 billion from the export of lithium ore which is not being processed into batteries. The Lithium-ion battery value chain consists of the four main stages, which include mining and production of raw materials, cell component (electrodes) manufacturing, cell assembly, and recycling. To produce battery cells for Lithium batteries, the value addition process requires other minerals such as graphite, manganese, nickel, aluminum, and copper. Almost all these minerals are mined locally. However, Zimbabwe would need to have anode, cathode, electrolytes, and separator manufacturers locally to provide materials to cell production. So far there is no lithium battery and EV industry to talk of and the country remains an insignificant player as a market for EVs. This means that the government should direct its effort in ensuring that the country benefits more from the sale of explored and confirmed resources. It is clear that most prospecting firms have their sights on selling mining assets to corporates after confirming the value of the resource base, hence sales done within 5 years of completing exploration should significantly benefit the owners of the resource (citizens).

Additionally, more effort should be made on luring cathode manufacturers and electrolyte separators to set up shop in Zimbabwe. The same can be done for cell component manufacturing and assembling firms with an eye for the South African market which is larger and more advanced in terms of EV demand. South African already has an advanced automobiles industry which produces VW, Ford, Nissan, Toyota, Daiman Chrysler, BMW, GM & Fiat brands under license. Thus, Zimbabwe must lure South African capital through bilateral agreements to engage in chemical, cathode, anode, cell production or cell assembling with an eye on tour production or exporting products to developed markets such as China and the European Union.

Benchmarks from other countries

Zimbabwe is not alone in this lithium export dilemma. Larger producers such as Chile and Argentina are in the same predicament. Similarly, smaller producers in Africa such as DRC face the same challenge. Chile’s government has called local and foreign companies to submit proposals on how they can add value to lithium concentrates to produce Lithium-ion batteries. Similarly, the Argentinian government is expected to sign a bill to promote electromobility in the lithium value chain. This would seek to encourage the industrialization of lithium, as well as the manufacture of EVs using local components, and developing the battery market in country. Argentina’s stance mirrors efforts by most EU countries and the United States among others.

As global firms dash to Zimbabwe to cash in on Lithium exploration and concentrate exports, it remains to be seen what the government will do to ensure Zimbabwe does not remain a mere producer of concentrates. The ban on the export of lithium ore was necessary and critical in curbing the invasion of lithium assets by unregulated artisanal miners. It remains to be seen if exemptions and special permits to politically exposed persons or entities will not reverse this positive regulation which has affected artisanal miners only. Mining is now a cog in Zimbabwe’s social and economic fabric as a source of employment and foreign currency. For now, citizens can only wish that licensed lithium miners are contributing their fair share in terms of paying taxes and requisite levies to the rural district councils where they mine. Similarly, safety and employment standards are strictly enforced on all foreign owned mines to protect vulnerable mine workers. The government must be seized with luring lithium battery component manufacturers and creating a conducive environment for beneficiation. Lastly, the nation hopes that the Lithium rush will not yield another resource curse (similar to Bolivia) where the country suffers the scars of excessive mining with no tangible social benefits in the areas that are endowed with the resource.

Victor Bhoroma is an economic analyst. He holds an MBA from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ). Feedback: Email vbhoroma@gmail.com or Twitter @VictorBhoroma1.

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With less than six months to the harmonized elections scheduled before end of August 2023, Zimbabwe’s policy environment remains very unpredictable, and reactionary as opposed to following long term economic targets.  Over the past 4 years, the government has made very slow progress in improving the business environment due to bureaucracy and weak institutions that continue to frustrate domestic and foreign investment. The country ranks 140 out of 190 on the 2020 World Bank’s Doing Business Report and 157 out of 175 on the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index. The Global Innovation Index ranks is also very low at 120 out of 131. Foreign investment into Zimbabwe is mainly directed towards the mining sector with Gold, Lithium, Diamond, Nickel and Platinum leading on targeted minerals. Private sector investment in infrastructure and manufacturing remains distressing while other key sectors such as agriculture, tourism, healthcare, financial services, and real estate receive significantly lower investment when compared to Zimbabwe’s regional peers in Southern Africa. China remains the biggest investor in Zimbabwe while Russia, Iran and India are also important investors in the country. The European Union, United Kingdom and United States have shifted their investments to other markets in Southern Africa such as South Africa, Mozambique, Angola and Zambia.

Minor Reforms, Slow Progress

In the past 3 years, Zimbabwe has made progress on the amending the Indigenization and Empowerment regulations which used to restrict foreign ownership of local businesses to 49% and in the obtaining construction permits, bank loans and resolving insolvency. However, the waning investment figures point to pertinent policy blunders and investor concerns that have not been resolved in the past 3 years by the government.

The worrying business climate does not unnerve foreign investors only, it also hinders investment by local businesses and re-investment of profits earned by multinational companies operating in the country. This means that investors are always making frantic efforts to move their dividends and capital out of Zimbabwe to other markets in the region such as South Africa or Zambia which fare better.

Policy Consistency

Zimbabwe’s policy flip flows on foreign exchange controls, legal tender, mining laws (EPOs & licensing), land tenure (title deeds), energy regulation and grain marketing regulations have dented investor sentiment. In 2020 alone, the country promulgated over 600 Statutory Instruments (SIs) with most of these delegated statutes impacting business operations and rarely being ratified by the legislature. Currently, players in the market are sweating over SI 127 of 2021 which compels businesses to quote and sell products using a government pegged foreign currency exchange rate. These inconsistences add on to various other controls and overregulation in sectors such as railway transportation, telecommunications, media, and broadcasting where the government remains the shareholder, law maker, regulator, policy maker and consumer at the same time. To guarantee investment, Zimbabwe needs to adopt 10–20-year domestic policies that do not change with change of personnel in government. Investment and trade policies should align with other Southern African countries who compete for the same investment inflows and are endowed with similar natural resources.

Dividends & Capital Repatriation

Foreign investor interest on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) and local businesses has declined due to stringent foreign exchange controls especially restrictions on repatriating dividends and capital for foreign investors and lack of a competitive foreign exchange mechanism. The same applies to guaranteed exit when divesting from Zimbabwe. The country’s foreign exchange regulations have been a pain to most investors who seek formal channels to repatriate dividends. In the end, potential investors hold onto their capital or invest elsewhere in the region where exchange rate losses are minimal and capital movement is not restricted. To improve the business climate and attract investment, the government needs to reform the current exchange controls and regulatory bottlenecks to ensure that investors use formal banking channels to repatriate their dividends and move capital out (subject to normal exchange control regulations and due diligence).

Property rights & Rule of law

For Zimbabwe to attract meaningful investment inflows, there has to be guarantees to property rights for any type of business or investor, and respect for rule of law. The unending cases of arbitrary acquisition of private land or farms and outright disregard of court orders by politically exposed persons (PEPs) scares away genuine investment. To this day, land is still being used as a political tool at the expense of agricultural production and not many investors have political influence to protect themselves from such land invasions or seizures.

To guarantee agricultural productivity, food import substitution and food security, there has to be guarantees to land tenure especially for A1 and A2 farmers with a track record. The current situation means that land is a dead asset, while political consideration carriers the day over food security, import substitution and poverty alleviation.

Private sector investment in Agriculture remains critically low

New investments in key sectors such as Mining and Agriculture are politicized to levels where an ordinary investor would naturally adopt a wait and see attitude or take the investment elsewhere in Africa. It is imperative to point that money has the same rules and investors look at markets where they can be able to repatriate their capital without overregulation or consistent policy discord from the government.

Punitive Tax Regime

The current taxation regime in Zimbabwe is burdensome with many tax heads, levies, permits, licenses, and statutory fees seriously eroding competitiveness for formal economic players. Multi layered taxes on electronic transactions (IMTT), excise duty on petroleum products and mining royalties need to be aligned with regional peers to manage production costs. Recently IMTT tax was reduced to 2% on all foreign currency payments. However, the 2% still discourages foreign currency deposits. There is now an urgent need to simplify tax procedures for tax compliant businesses or investors and payment of tax returns to applicants without subjecting the taxpayer to multiple audits.  Currently businesses evade taxes and do not file for tax returns as filing triggers an investigation into their wider business operations.

Despite the interest from businesses to comply with ZIMRA regulations, there are unnecessary delays due to inefficiencies at ZIMRA that serve as costs of doing business. There is need for over 12 documents to import or exports commodities in Zimbabwe. Businesses struggle to get tax clearance certificates due to the slow process and some errors on the part of ZIMRA which takes so long to rectify. 

Bureaucracy

The need for a one-stop shop is critical to the Zimbabwe Investment and Development Agency (ZIDA) mandate. However, businesses still face delays due to different institutions located at different geographical locations requiring physical visits to issue permits. For example, to import and export agriculture products, several export permits are required which are not centralized. The country’s foreign exchange regulations and inconsistent monetary policies have been a pain to most investors who sought formal channels to repatriate dividends or invest on the ZSE. In the end, potential investors hold onto their capital or invest elsewhere in the region while existing ones look for illegal or unofficial channels to repatriate their dividends. The government must craft 10 years (or even more) investment policies that do not change with change of personnel in government departments. These policies must align with other Southern African countries that compete for the same investment inflows and are endowed with similar natural resources.

The unpredictability of the government’s economic policies and the unstable political and economic climate in recent years has undermined foreign investment. The country has a very rich natural potential (second largest reserve of platinum and chrome; diamonds, coal, gold, platinum, copper, nickel, tin) and an adequate infrastructure (except for recurrent power cuts), which represent genuine assets to foreign investors. Finally, the government would also need to do away with its obsession for control through temporary legislation and allow free market policies to shape private sector investment in the economy. This will also help fight the cancer of corruption that has torn apart Zimbabwe’s economic fabric. The declining investment figures point to fundamental investment constraints that require attention from the government to back up the millions invested in international re-engagement efforts by the country’s foreign missions.

Victor Bhoroma is an economic analyst. He holds an MBA from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ). Feedback: Email vbhoroma@gmail.com or Twitter @VictorBhoroma1.

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As the festive holidays beckons, formal retailers are struggling to compete with informal retailers due to price differentials and capacity to pay producers or suppliers in hard currency. Deliveries for Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCGs) to downtown tuck-shops run into the middle of the night while opening hours have been adjusted from 6am to 9pm even on Sundays. The collapse of the formal sector in Zimbabwe has seen an economic shift to dominance of the informal economy from volume of trade, value, and employment numbers. According to the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (Zimstat), the Wholesale and Retail sector contributed at least 21.3% to Zimbabwe’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2021. This means that about US$6 billion is pushed from the wholesale and retail sector with a significant portion of that amount coming from informal trade.

Informal Employment

It is estimated that 88% of Zimbabweans are engaged in informal economic activities at a personal, household or enterprise level. The 2022 Labour Force Survey published by the Zimstat points that 3.3 million people are employed locally, pointing that over 2.8 million Zimbabweans derive their living from the informal sector as opposed to 495 000 in formal employment. The level of informalization in the country is now estimated to be over 70% due to several push and pull factors. It has been observed that developing countries with a large agricultural sector also tend to have high levels of informalization as trade in agricultural commodities between producers and merchants are typically cash transactions.  However, informality is also a factor of vulnerability, with millions of employees in the informal sector lacking job and social security, income consistency, health insurance, savings and living from hand to mouth. All these conditions are closely associated with poverty.

Defining the informal sector

The international Labour Organization (ILO) defines the informal sector as all economic activities by workers and economic units that are not covered or sufficiently covered by formal arrangements at law. Formal arrangements include adherence to contracts in business transactions, applying labour regulations, social security contributions, banking proceeds, paying requisite taxes and council levies, and following legal channels on importing and exporting goods. Therefore, those employed in the informal sector are not subject to national labour legislation, income taxation, social protection, or entitlement to certain employment benefits such as maternity leave. The informal sector has been referred to as the grey economy, shadow economy, underground economy, parallel sector, and cash economy in some circles.

Zimbabwe’s Dual Economy

The formal sector and the informal sector have become two distinct economies in Zimbabwe with the earlier vulnerable to complex tax regime and inconsistent monetary policies while the latter has no regard for both. The informal sector contribution to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is estimated to be below 50% according to national statistics. According to the World Bank, Zimbabwe’s economy grew by 5.8% to US$19.2 billion in 2021 after contracting by 6.1% in 2019 and 6.2% in 2020. The economic instability witnessed in the past 3 years also triggers informalization among small businesses. The existence of the dual economy makes it difficult for the government to control the economy through fiscal or monetary policy as the informal sector is largely cash based and fully dollarized.

Triggers of Informalization

The main causes of informalization locally include the disparity between the manipulated formal exchange rate and the market rate which results in exchange rate losses if businesses index prices using a manipulated exchange rate. The punitive Intermediated Money Transfer Tax (Recently reduced from 4% to 2%) and exchange control regime where 20% of all foreign currency deposits in local banks is converted to local currency have played a key part in chasing away hard currency deposits. The collapse of the public service infrastructure means that confidence in the utilization of collected tax revenues by the government has declined to zero. Other causes include limited confidence in the financial sector, heavy tax and social security burden, high unemployment levels among youths, excessive number of regulations (Overregulation of the economy), high levels of corruption in and outside government, limited pursuit by the tax collection agency and general lawlessness in the country.

Impact of policy missteps

The complex tax regime, multiple tax heads to various government entities and frequent renewals are all triggers of informalization in Zimbabwe as businesspeople find ways to cut costs. According to the survey conducted by the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) in 2019, a business operating locally will have to make at least 51 payments for various tax heads for it to be considered tax compliant.

The local taxation complexity has to do with a limited automation (Excessive paperwork), archaic laws, payment in different currencies, need to travel to Harare or other cities to make tax contributions and the multifaceted government departments involvement. Thus, the level of informalization is higher in rural areas where digitalization and formal banking channels are limited. Equally, Zimbabwe’s monetary policy is far from being consistent, in the last 15 years the local currency (Notes, coins or electronic) has assumed at least 5 different names while there is no free-market price determination of foreign currency. The central bank issues a plethora of circulars and regulations which are sometimes contradictory. The high levels of money printing and resultant inflation leads to low confidence, loss of savings and income for households which inflames informalization.

Informalization within formal businesses

The past 10 years have also seen increased levels of informalization in business operations by players in the formal sector. Corporates are finding ways to evade taxes, compensate for the disparity between the manipulated formal exchange rates and the market rate by not banking cash proceeds, buying foreign currency off the parallel market, not paying council levies, using parallel exchange rates in forward pricing, paying employees in hard currency, not filing tax returns, externalizing cash, smuggling in raw materials, and falsifying imports or exports.

Poverty and informality link

High levels of informalization have a positive correlation with poverty. According to Zimstat, extreme poverty in Zimbabwe has been rising over the past 3 years, growing from 29% in 2018 to 34% in 2019, 49% in 2020 and 43% in 2021. This means that approximately 2.2 million Zimbabweans have sunk into poverty since January 2018. Although poverty remains an overwhelmingly rural phenomenon, it has increased relatively faster in urban areas leading to the urbanization of poverty. Harare is one of the biggest contributors to poverty statistics in Sub-Saharan Africa, a situation exacerbated by the fact that most of the countries with high cases of poverty such as South Sudan, Somalia, Madagascar, and Burundi are characterized by conflict, civil wars, or unrest.

High informalization unsustainable

Zimbabwe’s informal sector bears a mark of economic resilience, however high levels of informalization are also unsustainable for any country as it leads to limited tax mobilization on the part of Treasury which leads to poor public service delivery (Dilapidated Road infrastructure, power generation, health care, education, housing, water, and other amenities) and limited capacity to repay public debt (increase in arrears). While the informal sector is growing, it cannot be excluded from consuming public services despite not contributing to tax payments. Over and above the negative aspects mentioned in the introduction, high levels of informalization lead to a limited credit market and savings growth in the economy, limited growth in the financial and insurance sector (decline in Banking sector lending and geographical presence).

Informalization also nurtures and aids corruption, and criminal activities in the economy. Thus, levels of information must be managed to below 40% of the economy to ensure sustainable economic growth.  

There is an urgent need to remove barriers to formalization through simplifying the tax registration process and providing incentives to fiscalization by making the cost of fiscalization tax deductible or partnering commercial banks to spread the cost of fiscalization on the part of ZIMRA. This means that tax payments and filing tax returns should be done efficiently online without visiting the tax agency. For the few tax compliant businesses, the tax agency must process tax rebates efficiently and give holidays where it is necessary. The government would need to chart flexible labour laws that make it easy for businesses to retrench through short term notices and employees to quit through short term notices. The new labour laws which compel employers to accord permanent employment status after consecutive contracts push employers to retrench repeat contract employees while restricting their ability to hire short term labour. For sustainable economic growth, supply side incentives to re-industrialize the economy and diversify to value addition and beneficiation, and services are key to formalizing the local economy. As the population grows and economic instability persists, deliberate policies must be implemented to contain informalization and eliminating all barriers to formalization.

Victor Bhoroma is an economic analyst. He holds an MBA from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ). Feedback: Email vbhoroma@gmail.com or Twitter @VictorBhoroma1.

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Zimbabwe’s wholesale and retail sector is now the biggest contributor to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) with close to 25% of output. The official figures only account for merchandise declared to customs at the country’s ports of entry where imports of manufactured or processed merchandise accounted for over US$6 billion in 2022. The figure does not account for diesel, petrol, vaccines, soya bean crude oil, electricity, and raw agricultural commodities such as maize, wheat and soya. Over and above this, it is estimated that close to US$1 billion of cargo is smuggled into the country or underdeclared to customs to pay less in duties. The smuggled merchandise is mainly retailed in the buzzing informal sector. The major sources of manufactured merchandise being South Africa, China, Singapore, Zambia, and Mozambique. In terms of exports, mineral and tobacco exports account for 92% of the total figure with the share of manufactured (or partially processed) commodities being less than 7% of the global figure. This points to the extent to which the economy is susceptible to global commodity price shocks in minerals and the telling lack of diversification to advanced value addition of such minerals or even tobacco.

Yesteryear Industry

At its peak in 1998, the manufacturing sector contributed 42% to the country’s export earnings. Deindustrialization in Zimbabwe started around 1995 but at a gradual pace, then picked up in 1997 and 1998 after unbudgeted government expenditures led to loss of value for the Zimbabwean Dollar. The fast-track Land Reform Program of the year 2000 put the final nail on the coffin as farm disruptions strained agro based processing and raw material supplies.

From the year 2000 to 2008, the sector witnessed rapid decline in productivity as producers closed shop and downsized while foreign investors in the industry divested from Zimbabwe. The 2009 to 2013 period saw a spectacular resurgence in capacity utilization to an average of 45% as the multi-currency regime stabilized inflation and improved disposable incomes which are critical for consumption. However, underlying structural problems cost the industry as consumption for imported commodities also spiked under the stronger US Dollar. Local consumers quickly developed a strong appetite for imports with South African consumer brands finding a home in Zimbabwean shelves.

Policy blunders

The role of the central bank in allocating foreign currency in the market has worked in the favour of retailers who import finished merchandise at the expense of local manufacturers who get at most 30% of their needs. This is aggravated by the fact that local producers cannot compete with the Chinese or South African manufacturers who produce in volumes at a lower cost than local producers. Aiding the foreign exchange blunder is the granting of import licenses by the government to various retailers who import merchandise that is already being produced in the country. On exports, local manufacturers opt to supply export markets at a loss or at break even prices to maintain hard won markets and earn foreign currency to service offshore debt. However, the current export surrender requirements where 40% of the export value are converted to the local currency using a manipulated exchange rate (significantly lower than the market rate) has compromised export viability. This also applies to the 20% in foreign currency deposits converted to local currency using the same exchange regime. Overall, the policy environment from taxation, import and export procedures, foreign exchange regime and currency are combining to thwart investment in the industry.

Where Reindustrialization is failing

Zimbabwe’s manufacturing industry has strong backward and forward linkages with agriculture, thus growth in agriculture productivity directly leads to improved capacity utilization in manufacturing. The agriculture sector is hamstrung by lack of capital to improve on mechanization as farmers do not have title to land. The 99-year leases offered by government clearly state that all land belongs to the state and that it carries the discretion to withdraw the lease when it deems fit. This means banks and financiers cannot extend lines of credit to farmers and there is limited incentive for land holders to maximize production or develop farmland. Production in agriculture is also affected by pricing and payment delays (viability) constraints with the government being the biggest financier, price setter, consumer and lawmaker (regulator). The manufacturing sector itself has its own unresolved pertinent challenges such as high costs of production (complex tax environment), obsolete equipment (lack of capital), and unhealthy competition from dumped or smuggled merchandise, policy inconsistency and macroeconomic instability (high inflation and lack of foreign currency). These constraints are currently derailing reindustrialization efforts and can be partially addressed through policy reforms below:

Reduction of import duty on raw materials

There are three different types of payments upon importation of goods into Zimbabwe. These are import duty, surtax, and Value Added Tax (VAT).  Most raw materials used for manufacturing are subject to surtax and VAT. The government uses the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) method of customs valuation. To incentivize industrialization, reduce production cost and improve export competitiveness, the government needs to significantly reduce import duties paid by local manufacturers for raw material imports. To complement the loss of revenue, the government needs to have a tiered tariff system where imported commodities pay duty in accordance to level of value addition done. Thus, the more the processing done to the commodity, the more the tariff levied. Critically, raw materials imported for value addition with the intention to export finished goods should be exempted from import duties.

Addressing production costs

The high cost of producing locally is one of the primary reasons why Zimbabwean products struggle to break into the export market. The high cost of doing business takes into account the cost of capital (interest rates), transportation, electricity, labour, fuel and rentals. To move cargo in Zimbabwe, it costs US$0.12 per tonne/kilometer using road and US$0.06 per tonne/kilometer using rail. The SADC average is US$0.07 by road and US$0.03 by rail. Similarly, diesel currently retails at over US$1.65/Litre in Zimbabwe as compared to a regional average of US$1.30/Litre (If Angola is removed). To address this structural constraint, the government needs to urgently reform its tax regime especially on import and export clearance fees, streamline permits paid to government agencies, reduce excise duty on fuel and award manufacturers long term licenses (instead of licenses that need renewal quarterly while attracting fees). To address labour cost, the Labour Act needs to be amended to give flexibility to employers to hire contract workers easily and to terminate contracts on short notice without the burden of blanket fixed minimum retrenchment packages. The flexibility removes hesitation from various producers to hire contract workers as and when need arises, which in effect benefits both the employee and the employer in the job market.

Attracting investment

Zimbabwe’s investment climate is still hampered by the unpredictability of the government’s economic policies especially monetary policies and lack of respect for property rights. Additionally, the current complex exchange control regime makes it difficult to remit dividends and move capital formally. The country is still far from instituting a market based foreign exchange market, which means that exchange control losses persist for local and international investors.

Incentivizing exports

The government currently retains 40% of all export receipts and 20% of domestic sales done in foreign currency using a pegged rate lower than the free market rate. Such surrender requirements act as a tax on exports, and unsustainable subsidy for importation (& consumption) of various goods at the expense of exporters who operate on thin margins. Moreover, all exporters now pay most taxes in foreign currency. To incentivize exports and improve viability, the formal auction market should be liberalized from government control and be a true managed floating exchange rate as is the case in other developing markets.

Incentivizing import substitution

Half of the country’s import bill in 2022 is composed of products that used to be manufactured in Zimbabwe but are now being imported from China, Singapore and neighboring countries who are now manufacturing at a lower cost than Zimbabwe. The country’s import substitution policy should have non-monetary incentives such as import duty or VAT holidays based on attaining specific production targets. These should be sorely for imported products that can be manufactured locally such as Fertilizers and Agro Chemicals, Industrial Chemicals, Newsprint, Paper and Packaging materials, Pharmaceuticals, Iron and steel products, Furniture, Plastics, Skin Care and Beauty products.

The positive effects of reindustrialization to sustainable economic growth and employment creation cannot be overemphasized. Strategic policies to reindustrialize the economy represent the best economic model to derive maximum benefits from raw commodities and create value chain linkages from primary production to consumer goods production. The gains realized in subsidizing agriculture and ramping up mining production can only make economic sense if commodities from those two key sectors are processed by the local industry than be exported in raw form, then ultimately be imported as finished products by consumers. Reindustrialization calls for partnerships between government and the private sector through business-friendly policies, instead of over taxation to meet short term revenue collection targets.

Victor Bhoroma is an economic analyst. He holds an MBA from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ). Feedback: Email vbhoroma@gmail.com or Twitter @VictorBhoroma1.

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