Next Page: 10000

          Yandex. Music brings world's most popular music to Uzbekistan      Cache   Translate Page      
… listening to high quality music without the internet in … case of subscription. Yandex. Music’s catalog has especially been … Uzbekistan. “Yandex. Music is a popular music service in Russia. … at Yandex. Music, said. Subscription to Yandex. Music can be obtained …
          Perfectum Mobile offers 2019 promotional tariff plan      Cache   Translate Page      
(Telecompaper) Mobile operator CDMA Uzbekistan, working under the Perfectum Mobile brand, has introduced to its customers a promotion of the 2019 tariff...
          Pioneering pattern recognition      Cache   Translate Page      

Dec. 4, 2018 

University Distinguished Professor Anil Jain named Fellow by The World Academy of Sciences 

Anil Jain of Michigan State University has been named a Fellow of The World Academy of Sciences (TWAS) for a lifetime of perspectives and publications that have inspired students and researchers worldwide. He was one of 46 new fellows elected at the 28th TWAS general meeting in Trieste, Italy, Nov. 27-29.University Distinguished Professor Anil Jain has been named a Fellow of The World Academy of Sciences for inspiring students and researchers worldwide. 

A University Distinguished Professor of Computer Science and Engineering, Jain is being honored for his pioneering contributions to pattern recognition resulting in novel solutions for a rapidly evolving biometrics industry. 

TWAS was founded 35 years ago to increase representation by women and researchers from the world's science- and technology-lagging countries. Jain said it is not typical to have a person from a developed nation be elected a fellow by the worldwide organization. 

Jain was nominated for the honor by Tieniu Tan of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), where he is a professor of computer vision and pattern recognition, CAS deputy secretary-general and director general of the CAS Bureau of International Cooperation. 

Tan called Jain an internationally renowned scholar and educator. “For the past 40 years, he has actively promoted the research topics of pattern recognition, computer vision and biometrics in developing nations through lectures, exchange programs, technical assistance and student and postdoc training. 

“Very few people get elected every year from North America,” he added. “He most certainly deserves the recognition.” 

Co-nominator Sankar Pal, distinguished scientist and former director of the Indian Statistical Institute in Kolkata, India, said Jain’s high quality pioneering research has had an enormous impact on statistical pattern recognition and computer vision. 

“It is evident from a Google scholar h-index of 179, with total citation 185,000,” Pal said. “His IEEE-PAMI publications have made him a role model scientist to many of us and to young researchers in machine learning. All these extra-ordinary achievements made his election to TWAS Foreign Fellowship successful. I am happy to be a part of this endeavor.”

Jain is known around the world for his expertise in biometric recognition, computer vision, and fingerprint-matching technology.

“It has been my honor to work on projects in countries including India, China, and Indonesia," Jain said. “I advised the world’s largest biometrics project, Aadhaar, in India that has enrolled more than 1 billion residents utilizing fingerprints and iris images for de-duplication in India’s social welfare system.” 

Jain also worked on a prototype fingerprint system to recognize infants and toddlers for vaccination tracking in Benin and India. The World Food Program is utilizing the prototype child ID system in field trials in Somalia in an effort to eliminate fraud in food distribution to children.

Anil Jain advised the world's largest biometrics project, Aadhaar, in India that has enrolled more than 1 billion residents utilizing fingerprints and iris images for India's medical system.

He holds one of 17 inaugural appointments to the U.S. Forensic Science Standards Board, a newly developed organization dedicated to identifying and fostering standards and guidelines for the nation’s forensic science community. 

Jain has previously served as a member of the Defense Science Board and the National Academies panels on Whither Biometrics and Improvised Explosive Devices. 

His list of honors is extensive. In 2016, he was elected to the United States National Academy of Engineering (among engineering’s highest honors) and as a Foreign Fellow of the Indian National Academy of Engineering. In 2015, he was named a fellow of the National Academy of Inventors for innovative discovery and technology, significant impact on society, and support and enhancement of innovation.

Jain is also a fellow of the Institute of Electrical & Electronics Engineers (IEEE); Association of Computing Machinery (ACM); American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS); International Society for Optics and Photonics Society (SPIE); and International Association of Pattern Recognition (IAPR).

He is a recipient of the Guggenheim Fellowship, Humboldt Research Award, Fulbright Scholarship, King-Sun Fu Prize, and W. Wallace McDowell Award. 

Jain is regularly invited to speak at national and internal forums, including the Third Annual ID4AFRICA Conference in Namibia in 2017; the 103rd Indian Science Congress, Information & Communication Science and Technology in India in 2016; the Royal Society meeting on United Kingdom forensics in London, 2015, and the keynote address at the Microsoft Computing in the 21st Century Conference in Beijing, 2014.

TWAS
TWAS is a global science academy based in Trieste, Italy. It was founded in 1983 by a distinguished group of scientists from the developing world who shared a belief that building strength in science and engineering could build the knowledge and skill to address the challenges of hunger, disease and poverty. 

The newest 46 fellows increase the academy's total to 1,267 Fellows from 104 countries – the most countries represented since TWAS’s creation. The academy elected its first fellows ever from Bolivia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libya, Nicaragua, and Zambia. In addition, members were elected from Iraq, Sudan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan. Thirteen of the new fellows are women, who now account for 13 percent of the total membership.


          Власти Узбекистана впервые использовали военных в рейде против церкви      Cache   Translate Page      

25 ноября в Ташкенте (Узбекистан) власти, при участии военных, провели обыск в баптистской церкви.

Об этом 29 ноября рассказали в общественной организация , осуществляющая мониторинг религиозных прав и свобод. В организации подчеркнули, что это был первый в стране случай, когда в рейде против церкви участвовали военные, сообщает Христианский Мегапортал со ссылкой на информационное агентство .

По информации правозащитников, двадцать чиновников в штатском прибыли на воскресное собрание баптистов в Яшнабадском районе Ташкента. Позднее численность участников рейда выросла до сорока человек. Среди них были представители Национальной гвардии, Службы государственной безопасности (СГБ), Министерства юстиции и районной полиции. Баптисты поинтересовались, почему в разгоне участвуют Нацгвардия и СГБ. Им ответили, что мероприятие имеет статус спецоперации. Также чиновники объявили, что государство не может приспосабливаться к нуждам баптистов, это они должны приспособиться к местным законам.

В здании, где собирались баптисты, провели обыск. Было изъято около 7 800 книг и DVD-дисков. Когда одна из женщин попыталась спрятать часть дисков с песнопениями, участники рейда сказали ей, что она христианка и по законам своей религии не должна лгать. 14 участников собрания (в том числе 14-летнего подростка) доставили на автобусе в полицейский участок. Сначала их держали на морозе на улице, требуя подписать документы об участии в несанкционированной акции. Когда стало ясно, что задержанные ничего не подпишут, их завели в участок и допрашивали девять с половиной часов. На свободу отпустили лишь в 21:00.

Тех баптистов, которые не были задержаны, сфотографировали и записали все их данные, включая домашние адреса и места работы. 27 ноября к одному из них пришли домой и потребовали предъявить документы на недвижимость.

По мнению баптистов, рейд организовал начальник полиции Яшнабадского района Атамурод Ахмедов. В отделении он лично разговаривал с задержанными и предупреждал, что если они не зарегистрируют церковь официально, то каждое воскресное собрание власти будут разгонять. Поздно вечером 25 ноября по приказу полиции в доме, где собирались баптисты, отключили отопление. Семья, проживающая в этом доме, испытывает большие неудобства. Сейчас температура в Ташкенте составляет около 0 градусов.

Ташкентская конгрегация является частью Баптистского совета церквей, который принципиально отказывается от регистрации в государственных органах. В Forum 18 подчеркивают, что такая позиция соответствует международным нормам, согласно которым государство не должно обязывать граждан просить у чиновников разрешения на реализацию какого-либо из базовых прав человека (в том числе свободы вероисповедания).

В Узбекистане с 1998 года действует , запрещающий деятельность религиозных организаций без регистрации. При этом регистрация производится на очень жестких условиях. Рейды по местам собраний баптистов властями Узбекистана регулярно. Однако до сих пор в них участвовали лишь гражданские ведомства: полиция, налоговая инспекция, противопожарная и санитарная службы.

Эта новость предоставлена проектом вопросов и ответов "Твоя Библия" (по материалам Invictory.org)


          В рейде против собрания баптистов в Узбекистане впервые приняли участие военные      Cache   Translate Page      

25 ноября на собрание баптистов в Яшнабадском районе Ташкента был совершен рейд. Сначала на воскресное богослужение зашли 20 чиновников в штатском, позднее численность участников рейда выросла до 40.

Об этом 29 ноября сообщает ИА со ссылкой на общественную организацию , осуществляющую мониторинг религиозных прав и свобод.

Среди участников рейда были представители Национальной гвардии, Службы государственной безопасности (СГБ), Министерства юстиции и районной полиции. Это первый случай, когда в разгоне собрания баптистов в Узбекистане участвовали военные.

На вопрос, почему пришли военные, чиновники сказали: «Мероприятие имеет статус спецоперации».

В здании, где собирались баптисты, провели обыск. Было изъято около 7800 книг и DVD-дисков.

14 участников собрания (в том числе 14-летнего подростка) доставили на автобусе в полицейский участок. Сначала их держали на морозе на улице, требуя подписать документы об участии в несанкционированной акции. Когда стало ясно, что задержанные ничего не подпишут, их завели в участок и допрашивали девять с половиной часов. На свободу отпустили лишь в 21:00.

Тех баптистов, которые не были задержаны, сфотографировали и записали все их данные, включая домашние адреса и места работы.

По мнению баптистов, рейд организовал начальник полиции Яшнабадского района Атамурод Ахмедов. В отделении он лично разговаривал с задержанными и предупреждал, что если они не зарегистрируют церковь официально, то каждое воскресное собрание власти будут разгонять.

Ташкентская конгрегация является частью Баптистского совета церквей, который принципиально отказывается от регистрации в государственных органах. В Forum 18 подчеркивают, что такая позиция соответствует международным нормам, согласно которым государство не должно обязывать граждан просить у чиновников разрешения на реализацию какого-либо из базовых прав человека (в том числе свободы вероисповедания).

В Узбекистане с 1998 года действует , запрещающий деятельность религиозных организаций без регистрации. При этом регистрация производится на очень жестких условиях. Рейды по местам собраний баптистов властями Узбекистана регулярно. Однако до сих пор в них участвовали лишь гражданские ведомства: полиция, налоговая инспекция, противопожарная и санитарная службы.

Фото dommolitvi.com

Эта новость предоставлена проектом вопросов и ответов "Твоя Библия" (по материалам Мир Вам)


          Sweden's Telia sells its stake in Uzbekistan's Ucell for $215 million      Cache   Translate Page      
Telia has sold its direct holding in Uzbekistan's Ucell to the local government committee for $215 million on a debt free basis, as part of its strategy to exit its Eurasian businesses, the Nordic telecoms operator said on Wednesday.

          UPDATE 1-Sweden's Telia sells its stake in Uzbekistan's Ucell for $215 mln      Cache   Translate Page      
Nordic telecoms operator Telia said on Wednesday it had sold its stake in Uzbekistan's Ucell for $215 million on a debt-free basis, as part of its strategy to exit its Eurasian businesses.

          Sweden's Telia sells its stake in Uzbekistan's Ucell for $215 mln      Cache   Translate Page      
Telia has sold its direct holding in Uzbekistan's Ucell to the local government committee for $215 million on a debt free basis, as part of its strategy to exit its Eurasian businesses, the Nordic telecoms operator said on Wednesday.

          Yandex launches music service in Uzbekistan      Cache   Translate Page      
(Telecompaper) Russian internet search engine Yandex has launched its Yandex.Music service in Uzbekistan, reports Trend...
          Uzbekistan: un altrove possibile      Cache   Translate Page      

Complici del suo sviluppo, l’estrema gentilezza della popolazione locale e la varietà di offerte culturali e paesaggistiche, ma anche la progressiva apertura mostrata nei confronti della modernità e del progresso migliore.

L'articolo Uzbekistan: un altrove possibile proviene da L'Indro.


          Macedonia | Tikves Wine District | Demir Kapiya | Popova Kula Winery | Prokupec      Cache   Translate Page      

It is my fourth day at the Popova Kula Winery, a Thursday, and I am still the only guest here. I checked on the internet and discovered, however, that this coming Saturday night the place is full-up with no rooms available. Luckily I am checking out Saturday morning. Incorrigible misanthrope that I am, I have been enjoying the solitude. Meanwhile I am continuing my investigations of the local vintages. The winery produces eleven different kinds of wine:
—Stanushina
—Vranec
—Prokupec
—Cabernet Sauvignon
—Merlot
—Sauvignon Blanc
—Temjanika,
—Chardonnay
—Zilavka
— Muscat Ottonel
—Muscat Hamburg
Stanushina, Prokupec, Vranec, Temjanika, and Zilavka are made from grapes indigenous to the Balkan Peninsula; these are the only varieties I am interested in. God forbid that I should come to Macedonia just to drink Cabernet Sauvignon or—horrors!— Merlot! 

According to archeological findings, grapes has been grown and wine produced in the area of Demir Kapiya for at least the last 3600 years. The modern history of viniculture in the Demir Kapiya area began in 1927 when King Alexander Karadjordjevic of Yugoslavia (1888–1934) built a winery here to produce wine for the exclusive use of his royal family. Experts assured the king that of all possible locations in his kingdom, which covered a good part of the Balkan Peninsula, including modern-day Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Slovenia, this area was the most fertile and best suited for growing grapes and producing wine. He named the property the Winery of The Queen Maria in honor of his wife, Maria Karadjordjevic. The king hired the best vintners available and the winery was soon producing wine of extraordinary quality. Unfortunately King Alexander Karadjordjevic was unable to enjoy the fruits of his vineyards for long. On October 9, 1934, during a state visit to Marseille, France, he was assassinated by Bulgarian revolutionary Vlado Chernozemski.
King Alexander Karadjordjevic of Yugoslavia (click on photos for enlargements)
The subsequent history of the winery is a bit hazy, but apparently it continued producing wine in the decades thereafter, except during the world wars and various local upheavals.  After the Second World the Royal Winery, along with other wineries in what was then Yugoslavia, were nationalized. Over 30,000 families who owned small private vineyards continued, however, to supply grapes to these wine making facilities. It was these people who are credited with  maintaining the high quality of local viniculture during the following decades. After the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the emergence of the former Yugoslavian republic of Macedonia as an independent country most if not all wineries were privatized. The royal winery in Demir Kapiya was privatized in 1994 and is now known as the Royal Winery Queen Maria. The current winery has an on-site restaurant and rents out rooms, apartments, and for high-rollers the former villa of Queen Maria Karadjordjevic.
King Alexander and Queen Maria
The Popova Kula Winery is built on lands that once belonged to the Royal Winery. Construction of the winery itself started in October of 2004 and was completed in August of 2005. Construction of the winery restaurant and hotel was not completed until 2009. The name of the winery, “Popova Kula”, means “Priest’s Tower”. Apparently during the time of the Roman Empire an important road ran through the grounds of the current winery. A large tower served as a checkpoint on the road, and this eventually became known at the Priest’s Tower. This original tower was eventually torn down, but the winery has erected a new 55-foot high tower its honor. This tower has become the easily recognizable symbol of the winery. 
Popova Kula Winery

The “Priest’s Tower” of Popova Kula
Curious about this Roman road, I went down to the lobby and questioned the receptionist, a charming woman in her thirties. She in turn questioned one the local workmen who happened to be handy, and this guy said the Roman road in question was the famous Via Egnatia dating to the time of the Roman Empire, which ran from Durrës in what is now Albania east 696 miles to Constantinople, right across the heart of the Balkan Peninsula. This was certainly intriguing. I had already visited numerous cities and towns on the old Via Egnatia, including Thessaloniki, Kavala, and Kastoria in Greece and Orhid in Macedonia but I was under the impression that the old Roman road passed through the Balkans a good bit south of Demir Kapiya. The receptionist called the local wine museum and the woman at the museum suggested I stop by for more information. So I hiked a mile into town and found the museum, a modest two-room establishment in downtown Demir Kapiya. The woman in charge informed me that the Roman road through Demir Kapiya was not the Via Egnatia itself but a side branch of the main highway. Nevertheless, I was thrilled to discover that Demir Kapiya was in fact linked to the hallowed Via Egnatia. I harbor the sneaking suspicion I have traveled this road in a previous lifetime. 
The Via Egnatia in red. The northern extension in green may be the one that passed through Demir Kapiya.
Via Egnatia near Kavala. Photo by Philipp Pilhofer 
After trekking a mile back from the museum to the winery I retire to my balcony to sample the wine of the day; in this case Prokupec, a wine apparently indigenous to what is now Serbia but also grown in Macedonia. 
Prokupec

From my balcony can be seen the Iron Gate, a gap in the mountains through which the Vardar River flows. The Iron Gate marks the southern boundary of the Tikves Wine Region. It also gives its name to the town just to the north—Demir Kapiya, which in Turkish means “Iron Gate”.
View from my balcony. The Iron Gate is the gap in the mountains in the middle of the photo. The town of Demir Kapiya (Iron Gate) is in the foreground.
A view of the Iron Gate from Popova Kula vineyards
Another view from my balcony

Halfway through my first glass of Prokupec my thoughts drifted, perhaps inevitably, to the Persian Poet Rudaki (858 a.d – 941 a.d.), the favorite poet of the Samanids of Bukhara, in what is now Uzbekistan. The Elton John of his Age, at one point Rudaki owned two hundred slaves who attended to his needs, and a hundred camels were necessary to carry his baggage when he traveled. His verses, it was said, filled a hundred volumes; he reportedly wrote 1,300,000 couplets. Almost all of his work has been lost. Unfortunately, the poet came to a bad end. He may have fell under the sway of the Ismaili Sect, considered heretical in the domains of the Samanids, and he eventually fell out of favor with the court. His lament:

Who had greatness? Who had favour, of all people in the land? 
I it was had favour, greatness, from the Saman scions' hand; 
Khurasan's own Amir, Nasr, forty thousand dirhams gave, 
And a fifth to this was added by Prince of Pure and Brave; 
From his nobles, widely scattered, came a sixty thousand more; 
Those the times when mine was fortune, fortune good in plenteous store. 
Now the times have changed--and I, too, changed and altered must succumb, 
Bring the beggar's staff here to me; time for staff and script has come!

He reportedly died in abject poverty. Perhaps in his final days he repeated one of his couplets:

Were there no wine all hearts would be a desert waste, forlorn and black, 
But were our last life-breath extinct, the sight of wine would bring it back.
Rudaki
A white wine, Zilavka, that I tried earlier. It is also indigenous to the Balkan Peninsula. I am not a big fan of white wine,  but this one was not bad at all.
Another view of the winery

          Hopeless but happy: Azimjon Askarov and the discontents of Kyrgyzstan’s post-2010 order       Cache   Translate Page      

A new memoir by Kyrgyzstan’s most prominent political prisoner takes readers back to the violence and impunity that followed the country’s 2010 revolution.

Azimjon Askarov in prison. Photo courtesy of Khadicha Askarova. All rights reserved.

A review of Azimjon Askarov, I am happy… (2017).

“I am truly happy because today the cause of Azimjon Askarov has become a symbol of the great battle for freedom, freedom of thought and justice in Kyrgyzstan.” This is how the memoirs of Askarov, Kyrgyzstan’s most prominent political prisoner, end, offering at least some closure and inspiration for struggle next to fatalism in the face of hopelessness. But this only comes after a nightmarish journey through the suffering, grief and injustice that gripped the lives of the protagonist, his family and friends – and the thousands of other people affected by the 2010 conflict in southern Kyrgyzstan.

In April 2010, Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev was toppled in a revolution. But it was followed in June by a bloody conflict, now known as the “June events”, which erupted in the country’s south in the ensuing power vacuum. Kyrgyzstan had already endured the ouster of its first post-independence president Askar Akayev in 2005. In the aftermath, various commentators argued that the violent events of 2010 represented the climax of an already messy democratic transition.

The ordeal of Azimjon Askarov, however, is a stark reminder of how Kyrgyzstan eludes facile explanations. The book tells the story of an ordinary citizen and his extraordinary pursuit of justice in the face of seemingly untouchable law enforcement and judicial institutions. That Askarov is eventually sentenced to life in prison – despite the lack of evidence and domestic and international pressure for a fair trial – by the very state machinery he tried to hold to account is ironically tragic.

In a sense, this book epitomises the disillusion and despair that resulted from the failure of the Kyrgyzstani state and its international partners to acknowledge the suffering of the victims of the dramatic events of 2010, bring perpetrators to justice, and begin the painful but necessary process of national healing and reconciliation.

A life dedicated to the fight for justice

The book opens with Askarov’s “cloudy” childhood on a collective farm in the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. This early life was marked by the constant struggle to make do with the little his farm worker family received in return for their hard work in the fields. After serving in the Red Army, Askarov, born in 1951, graduated with an arts diploma in Tashkent, Uzbekistan.

Throughout the 1980s, he earned a good living as a layout artist producing visual campaigning and propaganda material in the official Artists’ Association. His activism was initially sparked in 1990, when inter-ethnic clashes broke out between the Uzbek and Kyrgyz communities in southern Kyrgyzstan. After a confrontation of nationalist groups from both sides over the redistribution of farmland and political representation, violent clashes spread to the cities of Osh and Uzgen, claiming up to 600 victims.

In the aftermath of these tragic events, Askarov noticed the increasingly frequent “abuse and violence towards local residents” by police in his hometown of Bazar-Korgon and neighbouring villages in the Jalal-Abad province in south-western Kyrgyzstan. He helped to uncover and bring to justice such incidents including through newspaper publications that prompted the district or even the provincial-level internal affairs administration to correct their wrongdoings. As a member of a Jalal-Abad-based human rights organisation and a journalist with a column in the monthly paper Justice for all – which soon became notorious among local law enforcement – Askarov advocated the concerns of people in the region, as well as fellow Uzbeks who were accused of religious extremism on the other side of the border in Uzbekistan.

In the 2000s, Askarov’s conflict with local law enforcement and the judiciary was only exacerbated by his investigations into murders in his hometown district police station, which the local department of internal affairs tried to cover up. Among other cases, Askarov and his colleagues helped to bring to light the death of local trader Tashkenbai Moidunov during police interrogation, or the systematic rape and resulting pregnancy of Zulkhumor Tokhtanazarova, who was imprisoned for 7 months for alleged involvement in petty theft. These revelations resulted in local law enforcement and prosecution personnel losing their jobs and being brought to justice, which let the “anger of the police against [Askarov] grow hundredfold.” Thus, when deadly clashes between the Kyrgyz and Uzbek communities erupted in June 2010, it seemed like Askarov’s tragic fate had already been sealed .

Emblem of the injustice surrounding the June 2010 "events"

Askarov’s story exemplifies that of many people who suffered from the “June events” in south Kyrgyzstan. In the aftermath, hundreds of people were wrongly accused, detained and sentenced on fabricated charges. According to Askarov’s account of events, however, others who shot at peaceful inhabitants in and around Bazar-Korgon were not arrested by law enforcement or prosecuted by the judiciary, nor were those who looted and burnt private property. To this day, the perpetrators of these crimes walk free.

The narrative meticulously reconstructs how Askarov was summoned to the District Department of Internal Affairs while he was documenting the casualties and damage wrought to Bazar-Korgon, including the burnt-down office of his Justice NGO. Here, Askarov was presented with false accusations of instigating a crowd of people to attack the local police station on 4 June, when he was actually in Moscow, as well as of colluding in the murder of a police inspector, Myktybek Sulaimanov, on 13 June on a bridge just out of town.

The events that followed are suitably referred to as “steps into hell”. Askarov refuses to confess to crimes he has not committed, as well as to falsely implicate his neighbours in handing out automatic weapons. He is first abused and kicked until he loses consciousness, while his brother is brought to the police station and heavily beaten. He is then put in pre-trial detention, and in turns beaten and interrogated by investigators, who force him to refuse a medical examination under pain of death. His lawyer Nurbek Toktakunov and fellow rights activists document the bruises and injuries left on his body by the beatings. Askarov enjoys only brief respites from abuse while in detention; his lawyer Toktakunov is physically and verbally assaulted, and receives death threats. Despair creeps in and Askarov attempts, but fails, to take his own life. At this point, he confesses to having lost the “will to live.”

Askarov’s story exemplifies that of many people who suffered from the “June events” in south Kyrgyzstan

This is followed by the first court hearing on 2 September 2010, where Askarov and seven other defendants face murder charges relating to the death of Sulaimanov, the inspector. The session is preceded and followed by beatings from policemen in the police station courtyard, with the defendants’ “screams being heard by our relatives and lawyers on the street.” When a special commission is formed to investigate these incidents, Askarov is once again forced to deny having been beaten. He tells commission members that he fell on the floor, an explanation “they readily accepted” in order to “close the case with the formulation: ‘The facts could not be verified.’”

In the end, despite the lack of evidence against Askarov and the continuous abuse and death threats against his lawyers, the Bazar-Korgon District Court sentences five of the eight defendants, including Askarov, to life in prison. While the verdict is based on false statements extracted from the accused under duress and torture, it is nonetheless upheld by the Jalal-Abad provincial court. After more beatings and abuse in various detention centres, which he tries to escape in several more suicide attempts, Askarov is finally transferred to Prison No. 47 in Bishkek to serve his sentence.

Askarov dissects the contradictory case made against him and the other defendants. He argues that the authorities’ failure to collect, preserve and analyse evidence, as well as the absence of traces at the crime scene, point to a cover up by the police and other authorities. The gunshot wound at the back of Sulaimanov’s head, for example, appears to indicate that he was killed by his own colleagues with two key purposes: first, to silence their “disobedient” colleague, who threatened to report an incident that led to the death of an Uzbek man in the district police station on 4 June 2010; and second, to put the blame on the Uzbek population for the violence and crimes it suffered. “That way,” argues Askarov, “the siloviki came up with supposedly ‘serious grounds’ for the justification of crimes against the peaceful inhabitants of the town, and torture and ransom, specifically.”

Furthermore, argues Askarov, the murder of Sulaimanov “was also useful for some politicians in order to distract attention from the desperate situation of Uzbeks, who were killed and robbed by armed people in June 2010”. He backs up his claim with the fact that former interim President Roza Otunbayeva put pressure on prosecutors to sentence Askarov. Then Interior Minister Azimbek Beknazarov also made press statements justifying Askarov’s arrest with alleged evidence in the form of a video recording from the interrogation, which, however, has never been presented to this day.

The dark side of Kyrgyzstan’s post-2010 political order

The remainder of Askarov’s narrative deals with life in Prison No. 47, where he lives through the death of his mother and survives yet another suicide attempt. However, the fact that Allah once again “did not allow [him] to die”, the support from his wife Khadicha and his family, from fellow human rights activists and lawyers, as well as the attention of several diplomats and representatives form international organisations, give him new hope and help him to find some peace in the study of the Quran and in daily prayers. From this support comes also his desire to provide legal help to other prisoners and bring their cases to public attention.

Askarov survives the resentment from the camp’s personnel and solitary confinement thanks to Allah and to the “letters with words of support from friends from all over the world”. In 2015, he is awarded the Human Rights Defenders Award from the US State Department which, unfortunately, brings him back to the attention of the security services and the authorities, who use it as a pretext to terminate the Kyrgyzstan-US cooperation agreement.

This, and the fact that Askarov’s wife was apparently followed on her way to a 2015 film festival in Bishkek in which his life work was honoured, are only some reminders of the de facto authoritarian order that has emerged in Kyrgyzstan after 2010. The consistent attempts of international actors such as the EU or the UN Human Rights Council to prompt the Kyrgyz authorities to review Askarov’s case and release him from prison have proven ineffective over the years, as authorities like former President Almazbek Atambayev have hidden behind a rhetoric of rule-of-law and non-interference into the judiciary. Even parliamentary opposition leaders like Omurbek Tekebayev – himself sentenced to eight years in prison in 2017 – have opposed proposals to act upon international pressure to ensure a fair trial for Askarov.

I am happy ends in the anticlimax of Askarov’s case revision by the Chui regional court in Bishkek in the winter of 2016-2017. Again, blatant procedural mistakes, inconclusive evidence and contradicting statements by various policemen and other involved parties, as well as reports of torture and abuse inflicted on the defendants and witnesses, do not lead to the overturning of Askarov’s life sentence. On the contrary, he details how the verdict mimics the unjust decisions of the district, provincial and Supreme courts in 2010 and 2011.

What is the peace in today’s Kyrgyzstan worth if it is built upon the suffering of many innocent people, and the impunity of the perpetrators who remain at large?

The final scene, in particular, is surreal: the judges look down in shame, the main judge’s face blushes as he sweats and fails to finish reading out the verdict. It is at this precise moment that Askarov feels like “an absolute victor.” Following the verdict, Askarov comes close to dying from the hunger strike he declares in protest, but is convinced to desist by the pleading of his family, friends, and medical personnel.

Azimjon Askarov’s story poses uncomfortable yet inevitable questions. How is it possible to resume a normal life for people who suffered so much in the “June events”? What is the peace in today’s Kyrgyzstan worth if it is built upon the suffering of many innocent people, and the impunity of the perpetrators who remain at large? How is it even possible to build sustainable peace in the country when justice has not been done?

So far, the elites have followed the logic of everyday pragmatism, excluding questions of justice and reparation from the smallest common denominator of social ordering in Kyrgyzstan, and many people have followed suit. This book exposes the short-sightedness and inherent violence of such an approach, for Askarov and on behalf of many others like him, urging people to reconsider the legacy of the 2010 conflict in Kyrgyzstan and for the future of the country.

 

Sideboxes
Rights: 
CC by 4.0

          Notan för Telia i Uzbekistan: Miljardbelopp       Cache   Translate Page      

Telias skandalaffärer i Uzbekistan närmar sig slutet. Nu säljs innehavet i operatören Ucell.

Och slutnotan handlar om miljardbelopp.


          UZBEKISTAN: "Illegal Christian Wahhabi activity"      Cache   Translate Page      
Police raided Protestants enjoying a meal, searching the home without a warrant, confiscating a New Testament. Officials tried to pressure one guest to accuse the host and the pastor of holding "unauthorised religious meetings", threatening to take her two children and ordering her mother-in-law to beat her.


Next Page: 10000

Site Map 2018_01_14
Site Map 2018_01_15
Site Map 2018_01_16
Site Map 2018_01_17
Site Map 2018_01_18
Site Map 2018_01_19
Site Map 2018_01_20
Site Map 2018_01_21
Site Map 2018_01_22
Site Map 2018_01_23
Site Map 2018_01_24
Site Map 2018_01_25
Site Map 2018_01_26
Site Map 2018_01_27
Site Map 2018_01_28
Site Map 2018_01_29
Site Map 2018_01_30
Site Map 2018_01_31
Site Map 2018_02_01
Site Map 2018_02_02
Site Map 2018_02_03
Site Map 2018_02_04
Site Map 2018_02_05
Site Map 2018_02_06
Site Map 2018_02_07
Site Map 2018_02_08
Site Map 2018_02_09
Site Map 2018_02_10
Site Map 2018_02_11
Site Map 2018_02_12
Site Map 2018_02_13
Site Map 2018_02_14
Site Map 2018_02_15
Site Map 2018_02_15
Site Map 2018_02_16
Site Map 2018_02_17
Site Map 2018_02_18
Site Map 2018_02_19
Site Map 2018_02_20
Site Map 2018_02_21
Site Map 2018_02_22
Site Map 2018_02_23
Site Map 2018_02_24
Site Map 2018_02_25
Site Map 2018_02_26
Site Map 2018_02_27
Site Map 2018_02_28
Site Map 2018_03_01
Site Map 2018_03_02
Site Map 2018_03_03
Site Map 2018_03_04
Site Map 2018_03_05
Site Map 2018_03_06
Site Map 2018_03_07
Site Map 2018_03_08
Site Map 2018_03_09
Site Map 2018_03_10
Site Map 2018_03_11
Site Map 2018_03_12
Site Map 2018_03_13
Site Map 2018_03_14
Site Map 2018_03_15
Site Map 2018_03_16
Site Map 2018_03_17
Site Map 2018_03_18
Site Map 2018_03_19
Site Map 2018_03_20
Site Map 2018_03_21
Site Map 2018_03_22
Site Map 2018_03_23
Site Map 2018_03_24
Site Map 2018_03_25
Site Map 2018_03_26
Site Map 2018_03_27
Site Map 2018_03_28
Site Map 2018_03_29
Site Map 2018_03_30
Site Map 2018_03_31
Site Map 2018_04_01
Site Map 2018_04_02
Site Map 2018_04_03
Site Map 2018_04_04
Site Map 2018_04_05
Site Map 2018_04_06
Site Map 2018_04_07
Site Map 2018_04_08
Site Map 2018_04_09
Site Map 2018_04_10
Site Map 2018_04_11
Site Map 2018_04_12
Site Map 2018_04_13
Site Map 2018_04_14
Site Map 2018_04_15
Site Map 2018_04_16
Site Map 2018_04_17
Site Map 2018_04_18
Site Map 2018_04_19
Site Map 2018_04_20
Site Map 2018_04_21
Site Map 2018_04_22
Site Map 2018_04_23
Site Map 2018_04_24
Site Map 2018_04_25
Site Map 2018_04_26
Site Map 2018_04_27
Site Map 2018_04_28
Site Map 2018_04_29
Site Map 2018_04_30
Site Map 2018_05_01
Site Map 2018_05_02
Site Map 2018_05_03
Site Map 2018_05_04
Site Map 2018_05_05
Site Map 2018_05_06
Site Map 2018_05_07
Site Map 2018_05_08
Site Map 2018_05_09
Site Map 2018_05_15
Site Map 2018_05_16
Site Map 2018_05_17
Site Map 2018_05_18
Site Map 2018_05_19
Site Map 2018_05_20
Site Map 2018_05_21
Site Map 2018_05_22
Site Map 2018_05_23
Site Map 2018_05_24
Site Map 2018_05_25
Site Map 2018_05_26
Site Map 2018_05_27
Site Map 2018_05_28
Site Map 2018_05_29
Site Map 2018_05_30
Site Map 2018_05_31
Site Map 2018_06_01
Site Map 2018_06_02
Site Map 2018_06_03
Site Map 2018_06_04
Site Map 2018_06_05
Site Map 2018_06_06
Site Map 2018_06_07
Site Map 2018_06_08
Site Map 2018_06_09
Site Map 2018_06_10
Site Map 2018_06_11
Site Map 2018_06_12
Site Map 2018_06_13
Site Map 2018_06_14
Site Map 2018_06_15
Site Map 2018_06_16
Site Map 2018_06_17
Site Map 2018_06_18
Site Map 2018_06_19
Site Map 2018_06_20
Site Map 2018_06_21
Site Map 2018_06_22
Site Map 2018_06_23
Site Map 2018_06_24
Site Map 2018_06_25
Site Map 2018_06_26
Site Map 2018_06_27
Site Map 2018_06_28
Site Map 2018_06_29
Site Map 2018_06_30
Site Map 2018_07_01
Site Map 2018_07_02
Site Map 2018_07_03
Site Map 2018_07_04
Site Map 2018_07_05
Site Map 2018_07_06
Site Map 2018_07_07
Site Map 2018_07_08
Site Map 2018_07_09
Site Map 2018_07_10
Site Map 2018_07_11
Site Map 2018_07_12
Site Map 2018_07_13
Site Map 2018_07_14
Site Map 2018_07_15
Site Map 2018_07_16
Site Map 2018_07_17
Site Map 2018_07_18
Site Map 2018_07_19
Site Map 2018_07_20
Site Map 2018_07_21
Site Map 2018_07_22
Site Map 2018_07_23
Site Map 2018_07_24
Site Map 2018_07_25
Site Map 2018_07_26
Site Map 2018_07_27
Site Map 2018_07_28
Site Map 2018_07_29
Site Map 2018_07_30
Site Map 2018_07_31
Site Map 2018_08_01
Site Map 2018_08_02
Site Map 2018_08_03
Site Map 2018_08_04
Site Map 2018_08_05
Site Map 2018_08_06
Site Map 2018_08_07
Site Map 2018_08_08
Site Map 2018_08_09
Site Map 2018_08_10
Site Map 2018_08_11
Site Map 2018_08_12
Site Map 2018_08_13
Site Map 2018_08_15
Site Map 2018_08_16
Site Map 2018_08_17
Site Map 2018_08_18
Site Map 2018_08_19
Site Map 2018_08_20
Site Map 2018_08_21
Site Map 2018_08_22
Site Map 2018_08_23
Site Map 2018_08_24
Site Map 2018_08_25
Site Map 2018_08_26
Site Map 2018_08_27
Site Map 2018_08_28
Site Map 2018_08_29
Site Map 2018_08_30
Site Map 2018_08_31
Site Map 2018_09_01
Site Map 2018_09_02
Site Map 2018_09_03
Site Map 2018_09_04
Site Map 2018_09_05
Site Map 2018_09_06
Site Map 2018_09_07
Site Map 2018_09_08
Site Map 2018_09_09
Site Map 2018_09_10
Site Map 2018_09_11
Site Map 2018_09_12
Site Map 2018_09_13
Site Map 2018_09_14
Site Map 2018_09_15
Site Map 2018_09_16
Site Map 2018_09_17
Site Map 2018_09_18
Site Map 2018_09_19
Site Map 2018_09_20
Site Map 2018_09_21
Site Map 2018_09_23
Site Map 2018_09_24
Site Map 2018_09_25
Site Map 2018_09_26
Site Map 2018_09_27
Site Map 2018_09_28
Site Map 2018_09_29
Site Map 2018_09_30
Site Map 2018_10_01
Site Map 2018_10_02
Site Map 2018_10_03
Site Map 2018_10_04
Site Map 2018_10_05
Site Map 2018_10_06
Site Map 2018_10_07
Site Map 2018_10_08
Site Map 2018_10_09
Site Map 2018_10_10
Site Map 2018_10_11
Site Map 2018_10_12
Site Map 2018_10_13
Site Map 2018_10_14
Site Map 2018_10_15
Site Map 2018_10_16
Site Map 2018_10_17
Site Map 2018_10_18
Site Map 2018_10_19
Site Map 2018_10_20
Site Map 2018_10_21
Site Map 2018_10_22
Site Map 2018_10_23
Site Map 2018_10_24
Site Map 2018_10_25
Site Map 2018_10_26
Site Map 2018_10_27
Site Map 2018_10_28
Site Map 2018_10_29
Site Map 2018_10_30
Site Map 2018_10_31
Site Map 2018_11_01
Site Map 2018_11_02
Site Map 2018_11_03
Site Map 2018_11_04
Site Map 2018_11_05
Site Map 2018_11_06
Site Map 2018_11_07
Site Map 2018_11_08
Site Map 2018_11_09
Site Map 2018_11_10
Site Map 2018_11_11
Site Map 2018_11_12
Site Map 2018_11_13
Site Map 2018_11_14
Site Map 2018_11_15
Site Map 2018_11_16
Site Map 2018_11_17
Site Map 2018_11_18
Site Map 2018_11_19
Site Map 2018_11_20
Site Map 2018_11_21
Site Map 2018_11_22
Site Map 2018_11_23
Site Map 2018_11_24
Site Map 2018_11_25
Site Map 2018_11_26
Site Map 2018_11_27
Site Map 2018_11_28
Site Map 2018_11_29
Site Map 2018_11_30
Site Map 2018_12_01
Site Map 2018_12_02
Site Map 2018_12_03
Site Map 2018_12_04
Site Map 2018_12_05