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          University Student Jobs – Market Researcher (Project) – Mogo Finance      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Job Title:        Market Researcher (Project) Organization: Mogo Finance Duty Station:  Kampala, Uganda About US: Headquartered in Riga, Latvia, Mogo Finance operates in 10+ countries across European Union and CIS region. We offer finance lease, leaseback and instalment loan services with the most customer-centric borrowing process. Our loan portfolio has grown to EUR 100m+ and our Source: Uganda …
          #bulgaria - srb.group      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Who will join us 😎💥 #CzechRepublic #Belarus #Slovenia #Finland #Netherlands #Austria #Italy #Ireland #Germany #Belgium #Russsia #Luxembourg #France #Europe #Greece #Bulgaria #Sweden #Denmark #Estonia #Latvia #England #Spain #Hungary #Slovakia #Romania #prilaga #Cyprus #Uk #Lithuania #dubai
          Bulgaria U-18 - Latvia U-18      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Handball. European U-18 Championship B
          Switzerland and Norway World Champions in the Relay      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Switzerland won the women’s Relay and Norway the men’s Relay at the Nokian Tyres World Orienteering Championships in Sigulda, Latvia.
          3mm Turquoise Pearl Beads (150) Czech Small Glass Thin Pressed Round Druk Opaque Spacers Blue Bright last by LaserBeads      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

3.29 EUR

Style: Pressed Round Glass Pearl Beads
Size: aprox. 3mm
Colour: Opaque Turquoise Blue
Quantity: 150
Made in Czech Republic

I'm trying to display in photo the actual color of beads. However, the monitor displays color may differ slightly from the real.

I ship worldwide via Priority mail (Latvijas Pasts) from Latvia (EU).
I pack all beads carefully using bubble envelope.
All orders have tracking number and are well trackable in most countries.
Delivery time to USA approx. 2-3 weeks and all order are well trackable by USPS.com

Feel free to convo us, if you need any other amount of these or mix of any beads from our shop. We will make a special listing for you. We understand English, German, Russian and Latvian, and will respond to you in these languages within 24 hours.


          Teardrop beads 30pc 9mm Teal tear drops Czech glass teardrop beads Sea green beads Tear drop beads Green teardrops Small top drilled last by LaserBeads      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

1.63 EUR

Czech Glass Teardrop Beads
30 pieces
9x5x5mm
Transparent teal glass
Made in Czech Republic

I'm trying to display in photo the actual color of beads. However, the monitor displays color may differ slightly from the real.

I ship worldwide via Priority mail (Latvijas Pasts) from Latvia (EU).
I pack all beads carefully using bubble envelope.
All orders have tracking number and are well trackable in most countries.
Delivery time to USA approx. 2-3 weeks and all order are well trackable by USPS.com

Feel free to convo us, if you need any other amount of these or mix of any beads from our shop. We will make a special listing for you. We understand English, German, Russian and Latvian, and will respond to you in these languages within 24 hours.


          Orange Candy beads 15mm (20pc) yelloy and orange striped beads, transparent oval beads, orange flat oval beads, czech bead by LaserBeads      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

1.50 EUR

Style: Pressed Flat Oval Glass Beads
Size: 15x10x6mm
Colour: Orange and yellow
Quantity: 20
Made in Czech Republic

I ship worldwide via Priority mail (Latvijas Pasts) from Latvia (EU).
I pack all beads carefully using bubble envelope.
All orders have tracking number and are well trackable in most countries.
Delivery time to USA approx. 2-3 weeks and all order are well trackable by USPS.com

Feel free to convo us, if you need any other amount of these or mix of any beads from our shop. We will make a special listing for you. We understand English, German, Russian and Latvian, and will respond to you in these languages within 24 hours.

Follow us on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/LaserBeads


          Pearl teardrop beads 20pc 12mm | Green pearl teardrops | Czech glass pearl drop beads | Green pearl beads | Tear drop beads by LaserBeads      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

1.83 EUR

Czech Glass Pearl teardrop beads
20 pieces
12x5x5mm
Pearl coated green glass
Made in Czech Republic

I'm trying to display in photo the actual color of beads. However, the monitor displays color may differ slightly from the real.

I supply my Czech beads straight from the factories in Czech Rebublic.
I drive there 2-3 times a year to buy beads for you.

I ship worldwide via Priority mail (Latvijas Pasts) from Latvia (EU).
I pack all beads carefully using bubble envelope.
All orders have tracking number and are well trackable in most countries.
Delivery time to USA approx. 2-3 weeks and all order are well trackable by USPS.com

Feel free to convo us, if you need any other amount of these or mix of any beads from our shop. We will make a special listing for you. We understand English, German, Russian and Latvian, and will respond to you in these languages within 24 hours.


          Teardrop beads 20pc 11mm | Pink teardrops | Czech glass teardrop beads | Crackle teardrops | Crackle glass | Pink beads by LaserBeads      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

1.56 EUR

Czech Glass Teardrop Beads
20 pieces
11x7x7mm
Transparent pink glass
Made in Czech Republic

I'm trying to display in photo the actual color of beads. However, the monitor displays color may differ slightly from the real.

I supply my Czech beads straight from the factories in Czech Rebublic.
I drive there 2-3 times a year to buy beads for you.

I ship worldwide via Priority mail (Latvijas Pasts) from Latvia (EU).
I pack all beads carefully using bubble envelope.
All orders have tracking number and are well trackable in most countries.
Delivery time to USA approx. 2-3 weeks and all order are well trackable by USPS.com

Feel free to convo us, if you need any other amount of these or mix of any beads from our shop. We will make a special listing for you. We understand English, German, Russian and Latvian, and will respond to you in these languages within 24 hours.


          mismatch hoop earrings with natural seeds - ethnic jewelry - wood earrings - brown - eco friendly by YouAreNature      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

22.00 USD

mismatched hoop earrings composed of exotic seeds and tiny glass beads

geography of this item

batikan seed: Philippines
flamboyant seed: Philippines
glass beads: Czech Republic
handmade stainless steel hoops: Latvia

studio space: Ventspils, Latvia

hoops are 3 cm (1 1/4") big

earrings are 3.5 and 4.5 cm (1 1/2 and 1 3/4") long


this item will come in the handmade packaging made of natural materials


          copper earrings with salwag nuts and Job's tears seeds - natural jewelry - ethnic bohemian style by YouAreNature      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

32.00 USD

handmade copper earrings composed of dyed salwag nuts and natural Job's tears seeds

ethnic boho jewelry for the real nature lover

earrings are about 5.5 cm (2") long

geography of this item

Job's tears seeds: Thailand
dyed salwag nut beads: Philippines
brass spacers: Indonesia
glass beads: Czech Republic
handmade copper ear wires: USA

studio space: Ventspils, Latvia

this item will come in the gift packaging made of organic materials


          hammered copper hoops with sea shells - asymmetrical mismatched earrings - natural ethnic boho jewelry by YouAreNature      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

28.00 USD

mismatch hoop earrings composed of sliced sea shells, eucalyptus pod and natural beige Job's tears seed

boho summer jewelry, perfect for the vacation by the sea

handmade hammered copper hoops are 2.5 cm (1") big
earrings are about 4 cm (1 1/2") long

geography of this item

cowrie shell: India
drupa shell: Philippines
Job's tears seed: Philippines
eucalyptus pod: Thailand
copper hoops: Latvia

studio space: Ventspils, Latvia

your jewelry will arrive in the gift packaging made of natural materials


          hammered brass earrings with real flower and betel nut - asymmetrical dangle - ethnic boho botanical jewelry by YouAreNature      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

32.00 USD

hammered brass earrings asymmetrically composed of beautiful dried flower pod, exotic betel nut, rustic eucalyptus pod and faceted olive green crystal beads for some sparkling accent

ethnic boho jewelry, perfect for hot summer days

would make a perfect gift for any nature lover

earrings are about 5.5 cm (2") long

geography of this item

dried flower pod: China
eucalyptus pod: Thailand
betel nut: Philippines
faceted crystal beads: Austria
hammered brass hoops: Latvia

studio space: Ventspils, Latvia

your jewelry will arrive in the gift packaging made of natural materials


          Devon rex      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
    Сattery from Latvia offers a charming cat Devon rex from purebred parents, color red and white. Our kittens are grown with love, socially adapted, with excellent pedigree, chip, euro passport, very affectionate, tame and accustome…

Devon rex#source%3Dgooglier%2Ecom#https%3A%2F%2Fgooglier%2Ecom%2Fpage%2F%2F10000


          Latvian Radio Choir, Mārtiņš Brauns & Sigvards Kļava - Brauns: DAUGAVA (2018)      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Latvian Radio Choir, Mārtiņš Brauns & Sigvards Kļava - Brauns: DAUGAVA (2018)


          NATO's misfired weaponry or airstrikes on the Baltic countries      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
The Spanish Eurofighter Typhoon 2000 launched an AMRAAM-type air-to-air missile over Estonian territory Tuesday afternoon. All the Estonians are very shocked. The incident occurred on Aug. 7, 2018 at around 3:44 PM local time in the Pangodi area of Estonia's Tartu County, which is situated less than 50 miles west to the country's border with Russia. The rocket is being searched by helicopters. The Estonian army has started a large-scale search. The flight path, location and status of the missile are currently under investigation. The last assumed location of the missile is roughly 40 km to the north of the city of Tartu. The AMRAAM type missile's firing range is 100 km, it is 3.7 m long, 18 cm in diameter, and carries a live warhead. The missile carried explosives of up to 10 kilograms (22 pounds). It has a built-in self-destruct for such incidents, but may have landed on the ground.Spain is forced to explain why one of its jets fired a missile during a drill in the airspace of the Baltic country and NATO ally. "A Spanish Eurofighter based in Lithuania accidentally fired a missile without causing any harm," Spain's defence ministry said in a statement, adding that the incident happened "in an area of southwest Estonia authorised for this type of exercise". "The air-to-air missile did not hit any aircraft. The defence ministry has opened investigation to clarify the exact cause of the incident," it continued. There are no known human casualties. Estonian Prime Minister Juri Ratas said on Facebook "thank God no human casualties," calling the incident "extremely regrettable." After the incident, the Spanish Eurofighter Typhoon 2000, from that country's Ala 11, or 11th Wing, based at Mor'on Air Base, safely landed at its base in Siauliai in Lithuania. So far there is no word on whether the launch was the result of any fault with the aircraft or pilot error. Whatever the case turns out to be, it's definitely embarrassing for Spain, which is among the NATO members that spends the least on defense. It's also not a great look for the Alliance as a whole, which has been under increasing pressure, especially from the United States, to reinvigorate its military capabilities after years of increasing neglect in many cases since the end of the Cold War. The Spanish jet is part of NATO's Baltic air-policing mission. Neighbouring to Russia and NATO countries Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania do not have their own fighter aircraft. Therefore the allies in the margin of the Baltic Air Policing mission since 2004 protect the Baltic airspace for their own account. Spanish Eurofighters have suffered a number of accidents dating back all the way back to 2002, when the crew of a two-seat variant ejected safely after suffering a dual engine flameout. Additional crashes occurred in 2010 and 2017, killing the pilots in both cases, but there have been no other reports of misfired weaponry. It is worth recalling the incidents caused by the errors of NATO, which led to human casualties. "MISTAKES HAPPEN" https://balticword.eu/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/1.3.png On February 22, 2010 NATO fired on a convoy of three vehicles in Gujran district of the province of Daykundi, killing at least 33 civilians including four women and one child and injuring 12 others while they were on their way to Kandahar. On April 7, 2011 A NATO airstrike hit a Libyan rebel position near the contested oil town of Brega on Thursday killing up to five people, rebel fighters and a hospital nurse said. It was the second time in less than a week that rebels said NATO had bombed their comrades by mistake. Thirteen were killed in an air strike not far from the same spot. On May 29, 2011 Afghan authorities said Sunday NATO had killed 52 people, mostly civilians, in airstrikes. In the southern province of Helmand at least 14 civilians, including women and children, were killed and six injured in an air raid. The dead included five girls, seven boys and two women. On February 13, 2013 A NATO airstrike in eastern Afghanistan has killed 10 civilians, five of them children, and wounded five other children. On July 20, 2015 At least seven Afghan soldiers were killed by a NATO air strike that mistakenly hit their post in a province south of Kabul in the midst of a battle against Taliban militants. The mistake was likely the result of poor coordination between Afghan forces and the international coalition. On July 12, 2016 A U.S. airstrike killed nearly 60 civilians, including children, in Syria after the coalition mistook them for Islamic State fighters. On April 12, 2017 An airstrike by the U.S.-led coalition in Syria mistakenly killed 18 soldiers from a U.S. The incident was the fourth time since early March that American-led airstrikes may have killed noncombatants. According to some estimates, up to 200 people died during a March 17 airstrike in Mosul, Iraq's second largest city. It was potentially the largest single loss of innocent lives to U.S.-led coalition strikes since the fight against the Islamic State began in 2014. A U.S. airstrike in a rural area of Raqqa province killed more than 20 noncombatants in a school in March. Earlier, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights also said 42 people, most of whom were civilians, died in a U.S. bombing in the town of Al Jinah.
          Riga State Gymnasium No.1 (oldest school in Latvia)      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Riga State Gymnasium No.1 (oldest school in Latvia)
View in Bing MapsBEV
(2018-08-07)
          EVENT PLANNER/CATERING SUPERVISOR - Latvian Centre - By, QC      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Employment Opportunity at the Latvian Canadian Cultural Centre EVENT PLANNER/CATERING SUPERVISOR Contract Position – 1 year Salary range: $36,000 - $40... $36,000 - $40,000 a year
From Latvian Centre - Wed, 04 Jul 2018 22:02:09 GMT - View all By, QC jobs
          A Guide to Directors’ Duties and Liabilities in Europe      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

 One of the vestiges of the global financial crisis is that company directors and officers now face more scrutiny than ever. This scrutiny, in turn, has led to a greater liability exposure for corporate officials, as well.  This increased scrutiny and amplified liability exposure applies not only in the U.S., but in other countries, including, in particular, in Europe, according to a recent report. The report, issued earlier this week by the European Confederation of Directors’ Associations (ecoDa) in conjunction with AIG and entitled “Guide to Directors’ Duties and Liabilities” (here) examines the risks facing directors of European countries and highlights the specific risks in a number of countries. As the report details, the nature of directors’ duties and liabilities and the manner in which they are enforced can be affected by the differences in legal environments and board structures across Europe. The report also discusses the role of D&O insurance in helping to address these risks. The October 5, 2015 press release from ecoDa about the report’s publication can be found here.  

Changing Legal Standards: As the report explains, the duties and liabilities of corporate directors at companies in Europe is a factor both of the companies’ home countries’ company law and directives from the European Commission. Among other things, these directives have introduced a series of recommendations to harmonize and improve governance regimes across Europe and also to further strengthen the rights of shareholders. Domestic and European legislation has also  added depth and scope of directors’ duties; increasingly, directors must consider not only the legal standards embodies in the home country’s company law but also duties arising from legislation pertaining to the environment, health and safety, competition, data protection, and anti-bribery. Moreover, directors’ duties are also evolving as a result of cross-border issues as well.

Board Structures: While these general trends apply broadly across Europe, important country-specific aspect of company law also matter as well. The most important of these country-specific factors are the board structure requirements in the various countries. The board structures generally may be classified into one-tier and two-tier arrangements, which evolved, respectively, from the laws of England and Germany. Currently, seven EU member state (Austria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Latvia, Poland and Slovakia) require a two-tier board. Eight states (Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Ireland, Malta, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) provide for a one-tier structure. 14 EU countries offer a choice of structure.

Regulatory Enforcement Activity: One of the consequences of the financial crisis is that regulators have stepped up their enforcement activity. Regulatory action remains one of the biggest sources of litigation against corporate directors and officers in Europe and investigations alleging regulatory violations “are on the rise as newly-empowered supervisors seek to flex their muscles.” This more robust regulatory enforcement has been felt most acutely in the financial sector, but other industries – such as energy, high tech, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, manufacturing, and real estate development and construction – are seeing an increase as well. The regulatory scrutiny relates not only to companies’ financial disclosures, but also other areas, including anti-corruption and bribery, health and safety, pollution and the environment, data protection, competition and cartel activity. Cross-border cooperation between regulators has expanded as well; for many companies, “their most significant risk may lie outside their home country” (which is a point I have previously made on this blog, here). Directors’ liabilities may “extend well beyond the borders of the country in which they are located, particularly where a company has U.S. interests.”

The Rise of Collective Action Litigation in Europe: The report also notes that “there is an impression that European culture is growing more litigious.” The economic environment coming out of the financial crisis “as made it more likely that directors and officers of publicly listed companies will be the target of lawsuits brought by groups of disgruntled shareholders.” Moreover, in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Morrison v. National Australia Bank, which closed off access to U.S. courts for shareholders who purchased shares in non-U.S. companies outside of the U.S., “a growing number of EU jurisdictions are providing collective redress mechanisms” – while at the same time “there has not been the expected surge in European shareholder litigation since Morrison.”

The Continuing Importance of Bankruptcy Related Claims: With all of these developments, insolvencies remain a leading cause of D&O claims in Europe. Bankruptcy trustees in most countries have a duty to investigate the root cause of an insolvency and consider whether the directors and officers were to blame. They are also “becoming increasingly aggressive in their pursuit of claims alleging personal liability.” There is a potential in some countries – including France and the U.K. – for directors to be personally liable for losses suffered as a result of continuing to trade while technically insolvent. In France, for example, it is common for directors to be held personally liable for wrongful trading (in around 10% to 12% of the cases)

Criminal Liability Exposures: Criminal liability also remains a concern. In the past, criminal prosecution tended to follow where there were clear cases of fraudulent activity and financial crime. However, in the current environment, regulators and prosecutors are increasingly likely to pursue criminal proceedings in their enforcement of laws ranging from health and safety to anti-bribery and corruption. Within Europe, countries such as Germany and the U.K. are more inclined than others to threaten liability in an effort to motive director behavior.

Cybersecurity-Related Exposures: Changing privacy and data protection laws have also the increasing potential to add to directors’ liability exposure. While the examples cited in the report are all drawn from the U.S. (including Wyndham Worldwide, Target, and Home Depot), the report also notes that emerging potential for similar claims in Europe.

Among the report’s more interesting features are the case examples that the report provides with respect to each of the areas of liability exposure that the report identifies. The report also sets out some practical steps directors can take to try to reduce their liability exposure. The report concludes with a brief discussion of the ways that D&O liability insurance provides directors protection from their liability exposures.

Upcoming Webinar to Discuss Volkswagen Securities Litigation and Other Litigation Developments Involving Non-U.S. Companies: On Thursday October 15, 2015, I will be participating in a webinar entitled “Volkswagen and the Emergence of D&O Litigation Involving Non-US Companies.” The free one-hour webinar, which is being sponsored by Advisen, will take place at 11 am EDT. The webinar will focus on the issues raised by the investor lawsuit recently filed in the U.S. against Volkswagen, as well as by the efforts to launch investor claims against Volkswagen in the Netherlands and Germany. The webinar will also discuss investor litigation that has been filed both inside and outside the U.S. in the wake of scandals involving Petrobras, Tesco and Toshiba. The other speakers at the webinar will include Alexander Reus of the DRRT law firm (which has offices in the U.S. and in Germany); Albert Knigge, of the  Houthoff Buruma law firm (Amsterdam); and Kimberly Cole of the Kobre & Kim law firm (New York). Jim Blinn of Advisen will moderate the panel. Information about the webinar, including registration instructions, can be found here.

 Read other items of interest from the world of directors & officers liability, with occasional commentary, at the D&O Diary, a blog by Kevin LaCroix.

For more information about LexisNexis products and solutions, please connect with us through our corporate site.

 

 


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          Ryanair strike hits 55,000 customers across Europe      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

By Padraic Halpin and Victoria Bryan

The post Ryanair strike hits 55,000 customers across Europe appeared first on One America News Network.


          #rockstar - powerfula      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
When minister of friends wedding ceremony has a rock band... #wedding #minister #ok #rock #rockstar #Latvia
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          Riga Biennial: 5 ways to enrich your Baltic city break with contemporary art      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

The Latvian capital is experiencing an extended tourism boom, and the inaugural Riga Biennial of Contemporary Art provides a perfect opportunity to try out a new kind of travelling — an art-centric city break. Here’s everything you need to know about the venues and installations to see

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Art Nouveau architecture in Riga. Image: Elena Spasova

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Cosmic Connectionby Maarten Vanden Eynde

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Chain of Freedom by Erik Kessels

Latvia’s capital feels on the verge of big things. If a few years ago it was the flourishing of Miera iela, Riga’s bohemian quarter, which is still abuzz with new cafés and independent shops, today it is the Sporta2, an up-and-coming creative hub in a former chocolate factory that is drawing crowds. Coupled with the opening of the National Library of Latvia in 2014 and the renovation of the Latvian National Museum in 2016, it feels like there is always something happening in Riga. This summer, attention turned to the very first Riga International Biennial of Contemporary Art.

RIBOCA opened on 2 June across eight venues with the title “everything was forever until it was no more”. A third of participating artists hail from the Baltics. It vowed to do things differently to other big-name biennale stalwarts. One of the changes was to create a sustainable model and ensure every artist was paid, regardless of whether they were showing existing work or new commissions — something RIBOCA’s chief curator Katerina Gregos laments “should be the norm but isn’t”. The founder and commissioner Agniya Mirgodskaya says that the inaugural event was also planned with the visitor in mind: “We wanted to create a visitor friendly environment and not to drive anyone into exhaustion. Though there are eight venues, we made sure you can fit everything into three days.”

“Biennial break” doesn’t quite roll off the tongue the way that “beach holiday” does, but there’s no denying that international art shows like the Venice Biennale and Documenta have become ideal short escapes. Even if you’re an art novice, you can still enjoy the programme and discover more about the Latvian capital at a time when the country is celebrating its centenary.

 

Be surprised by Riga’s various architectural styles

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The Fomer Faculty of Biology of the University of Latvia. Image: Ansis Starks

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Inside the Fomer Faculty of Biology of the University of Latvia. Image: Ansis Starks

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Residence of Kristaps Morbergs. Image: Ansis Starks

You might already know that the Latvian capital is famous for its Art Nouveau architecture. After meandering the cobblestone lanes of Riga’s medieval Old Town most travel guides will recommend visiting Elizabete iela and Alberta iela — the city’s unofficial Art Nouveau district — to photograph its exuberant facades. Most tourists will skirt the gargantuan Neo-Renaissance style building that sits on the westernmost corner of Kronvalda Park and was previously the Former Faculty of Biology of the University of Latvia. This summer it has been used as one of the central venues for RIBOCA, with contemporary art alongside abandoned laboratories and oddities like beakers, flasks and measuring tubes. Many of the works take inspiration from the building’s former function, such as Green artist Nikos Navridis’s site-specific installation All of old. Nothing else ever... made from the books from the building’s former library.

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Art Station Dubulti in Jūrmala. Image: Ansis Starks

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Art Station Dubulti in Jūrmala. Image: Ansis Starks

While the Former Faculty is representative of the institutional architecture found in the city, another RIBOCA venue just a short walk away offers a glimpse inside a residential building in Riga’s boulevard area. The house, which once belonged to architect and builder Kristaps Morbergs, one of the wealthiest men in Riga during the 19th century, is opulent: wooden panelling and cornices, all highly embellished with vines and flowers; striking stained glass windows; a tile furnace with protruding figurative sculptures. And in contrast to this old-time elegance, the Biennial also takes you out of central Riga to see the city’s industrial past and future. Part of the exhibition extends to two former factories — Bolshevichka, which served as a spinning mill and weaving workshop located north on the outskirts north of the city, and a cork factory and soon-to-be art centre. The Biennial’s prized architectural gem is probably Dubulti railway station, a modernist structure situated out of town in Jūrmala. This is where holidaymakers used to flock to from all across the USSR. Designed by Igor Jawein and built in 1977, the railway station is a manifestation of socialist efforts to integrate art into the daily life and routine of Latvian people. 

 

Experience Riga as envisioned by RIBOCA’s participating artists

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Open for Business by Michael Landy. Image: Liza Premiyak

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Open for Business by Michael Landy. Image: Liza Premiyak

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The Nestby Katrīna Neiburga. Image: RIBOCA / Facebook

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Pinpointing Progress by Maarten Vanden Eynde. Image: Liza Premiyak

There are other ways in which RIBOCA encourages you to navigate Riga beyond visiting its venues. The city is drawn on, taken apart and put back together by the Biennial’s participating artists. Artist Katrīna Neiburga uses the city in a literal way: for RIBOCA, she collected man-made objects like tram rails and street lights to create a human-size nest in Kronvalda Park in an homage to her home town. Elsewhere, YBA Michael Landy chose to repurpose one of Riga’s few remaining Soviet-era newspaper kiosks, turning it into a fully functioning shop selling British merchandise such as HP Sauce, “Brexshit” aprons and “Hard Brexit” condoms. As trade negotiations with the EU dwindle into a political circus, business is booming at Landy’s Brexit kiosk. 

Belgian artist Maarten Vanden Eynde finds artistic inspiration in another existing feature of Riga. Pinpointing Progress is a sculpture comprising various technological inventions made in Riga, stacked on top of one another. It takes its form from the Bremen Town Musicians monument found in the Old Town; Vanden Eynd’s version is situated in Andrejsala in Riga’s harbour district. Once serving as Riga’s major port, the area was chosen as a site of a major gentrification project in the 2000s that was never completed. As if in reference to this, Vanden Eynde’s sculpture is precarious, as though it could tumble at any moment. Change is in the air in two newly commissioned photo projects from Estonian artist Eve Kiiler’s — Fenced Garden City: Riga and New Neighbours — that document how Riga’s cityscape is changing to accommodate an influx of residents from abroad. She looks specifically at the controversial development of the Z-Towers twin skyscrapers, capturing the sheer absurdity of their size by turning her lens on the wooden houses that are dwarfed by the new-builds in the surrounding area. While Riga’s population is actually falling, Kiiler’s photos represent the grand yet vacuous investments taking over parts of the city.

 

Engage your senses

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Ambereum by Viron Erol Vert. Image: Viron Erol Vert

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Ambereum by Viron Erol Vert. Image: Liza Premiyak

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Ambereum by Viron Erol Vert. Image: Liza Premiyak

The average person experiences much of their everyday life through a device or screen. According to scent artist Sissel Tolaas, we need to fine-tune our senses, with smell the most neglected. Since the 1990s, the Norwegian-born artist has travelled the world collecting odours, with the purpose of replicating all the places she’s visited in her research lab in Berlin. This archive has been brought to RIBOCA. Her research for her new commission centres on sea smells, specifically those found in the Baltic Sea and the shores of the Gulf of Riga. For this, she enlisted the help of locals to collect samples from the beaches near Jūrmala. If you were hoping to smell rugged cliffs, fresh air and sea salt, then be warned: Tolaas’s Beyond SE(A)nse is a pungent concoction of not only sea smells, but also many kinds of marine pollution. Beyond SE(A)nse is part of The Sensorium: A Laboratory for the Deceleration of Time and a New Politics of the Senses, curated by Solvej Helweg Ovesen. Since biennials tend to focus solely on sight and sound, Ovesen wanted to dedicate the Dubulti station to the further exploration of human perception.

If smelling the Baltic Sea isn’t enough for you, Viron Erol Vert has created an immersive installation inspired by amber — 40,000-year-old petrified pine resin that washes up on the Baltic coast. As one of several multidisciplinary artists invited to participate in The Sensorium, Viron Erol Vert wanted to create a respite from the rest of the Biennial and design a space that feels frozen in time. Bathed in a calm amber glow, the artist has created a meditative installation that feels at times like a temple, and other times like a nightclub. Viron Erol Vert collaborated with nine sound artists to create a soundtrack for the space, where visitors are invited to take a seat, socialise and relax. To get the most of the Baltic Sea’s calming properties and round off RIBOCA in style, walk to any of the beaches in Jūrmala and stay till dusk. During the long white nights in summer, the colours of the fading sunset last longer than usual and create a peaceful ending to a jam-packed Biennial.

 

Learn about the history of the region

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(1944-199) Former NKVD-MVD-MGB-KGB Buildings by Indrė Šerpytytė. Image: Liza Premiyak

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Tallinn-1967 by Liina Siib

Though one third of the Biennial’s participating artists come from Baltic countries, curator Katerina Gregos wanted to avoid placing them into neat categories. “I have some trouble with the term ‘Baltic Art’ because it seems to infer that art from the region might possess similar characteristics, which is not true,” she told The Calvert Journal. That said, some of the most memorable works were ones that shed light on the recent past of Latvia’s neighbouring countries. Indrė Šerpytytė deals with the sinister history of the Soviet secret services. She collaborated with a traditional woodcarver from her native Lithuania to create model replicas of buildings once used for interrogation and torture for her ongoing installation (1944-1992) Former NKVD-MVD-MGB-KGB Buildings. On a lighter note, Liina Siib’s installation, based on the research of Estonian musicologist Heli Reimann, explores Tallinn’s fascinating yet largely forgotten role as the jazz capital of the Soviet Union. The archive material centres on the Tallinn International Jazz Festival (1949-1967), which was the first event to host US jazz musicians in the USSR.

 

Party in an abandoned factory

It wouldn’t be a biennial without a derelict factory full of young arty types. For RIBOCA, the former Bolshevichka factory will not only function as an exhibition space but will be hosting parties in its very own summer bar with a twist. The secluded bar has everything you expect from a pop-up at this time of year — plants, a volleyball court and a weekly rave. What makes this venue unique is that it’s built entirely of bricks taken from the surrounding ruins, which imbues it with a haunted atmosphere. The structure is the one-of-a-kind creation of artist Andris Eglitis, whose studio is located among the factory grounds, and Martins Mielavs, co-owner of popular Riga hotspot Piens cafe. Soak up the traces of old Riga and grab a drink at the same time.

 

For more things to see and do in Riga, download our New East Travel Guide app. For recommendation on where to stay in Russia and beyond, check out our edit of amazing hotels and hostels across the New East.
 


          Facebook заблокировал страницу о Латышском добровольческом легионе СС      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Соцсеть Facebook заблокировала страницу, посвященную памяти участников Латышского добровольческого легиона СС.

В группе под названием «Фото и рассказы о Латышском легионе и Латышских солдатах 2 МВ» публиковались фотоматериалы, вырезки из газет и книг, сообщает портал Delfi.

За три года в группу вступили 3 тыс. 300 человек, которые собрали крупный архив информации о Латышском добровольческом легионе СС.

Администратор сообщества Марис Юрциньш рассказал, что часть материалов была сохранена, но многое было утеряно после блокировки. Он направил в Facebook жалобу, однако соцсеть пока не дала ответа.

Он добавил, что целью группы была популяризация «темы легиона в Латвии».

Латышский добровольческий легион СС – национальное воинское формирование, созданное германским командованием в годы Второй мировой войны на территории Латвии.

Легион совершил множество преступлений, отличался зверскими убийствами захваченных в плен советских солдат, принимал участие в карательных операциях на территориях Ленинградской и Новгородской областей.

Отметим, что ежегодно в Латвии отмечается так называемый день легионера Ваффен СС. Также в стране проходят шествия сторонников легионеров. Газета ВЗГЛЯД подробно писала об отношении властей Латвии к этим акциям.


          Šajā vasarā saldējuma pārdošanas apjomi auguši par 50%      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Pateicoties karstajai un garajai vasarai, Latvijas iedzīvotāji izbaudīja ne vien Vidusjūrai raksturīgu klimatu, bet šajā laikā arī ievērojami papildināja savu ēdienkarti ar dažādiem atvēsinošiem jaunumiem, saka SIA Rimi Latvia vecākā sabiedrisko attiecību speciāliste Anete Ezeriete..
          The New Era 0 0 1 2      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
The New Era 0 0 1 2
-Added Macedonia, S Korea and N Korea -Added English localisation up to 800th State -No Fascists anymore -Carelia and Sakhalin are Russian -Fixed Malaya States -Fixed Baltic Focuses and Events -Fixed made by myself bug in Latvian focuses, so they came 50% neutral, 50% communism
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          Užutrakio dvaro terasoje sekmadienį liesis džiazo šviesa      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Šviesa – fizinė ir dvasinė. Apie šviesą, kuri mus supa iš išorės ir iš vidaus. Taip būtų galima apibūdinti muzikos festivalyje „Užutrakio vakarai“ sekmadienį nuskambėsiantį koncertą.
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          Trilogy International Partners 2Q18 revenues up 2% to USD198.1m      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Trilogy International Partners (TIP), which owns telecoms assets in New Zealand (2degrees) and Bolivia (Viva) through its Trilogy LLC unit, has reported total revenues of USD198.1 million for the three months ended 30 June 2018, up 2% on an annualised basis. Adjusted EBITDA for the quarter slumped 5% year-on-year, to USD37.5 million, with the group reporting a net loss of USD6.3 million for the three months under review, compared to a deficit of USD10.8 million in 2Q17.*In operational terms, 2degrees reported a total of 1.392 million mobile customers, alongside 74,600 fixed broadband users. Viva claimed 2.278 million wireless customers, of which 22% (501,116) were LTE users. The Bolivian cellco added 204 LTE cell sites during the second quarter of 2018, meaning that 87% of its network is now LTE-enabled.*Brad Horwitz, President and CEO, commented: ‘Our businesses turned in a solid quarter, with continued post-paid subscriber growth in both of our operating markets … We had over 11,000 consolidated post-paid net additions; nearly double last quarter. As a result, our post-paid subscriber base is 5% larger than it was at the end of Q2 2017.’*TIP was formed in 2005 by wireless industry veterans John Stanton, Theresa Gillespie and Brad Horwitz, whose previous company Western Wireless International built and operated wireless networks in markets such as Austria, Ireland, Iceland, Croatia, Slovenia, Latvia, Georgia, Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire, Bolivia, and Haiti. TIP began trading on the Toronto Stock Exchange in 2017, following a ‘reverse acquisition’ transaction with Canada’s Alignvest Acquisition Corporation.
          EVENT PLANNER/CATERING SUPERVISOR - Latvian Centre - By, QC      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Employment Opportunity at the Latvian Canadian Cultural Centre EVENT PLANNER/CATERING SUPERVISOR Contract Position – 1 year Salary range: $36,000 - $40... $36,000 - $40,000 a year
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          The neo-fascist moment of neoliberalism      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

How can we understand the simultaneous rise of the far right and the authoritarian evolution of neoliberalism? We need an antifascism that can highlight the latter’s role in this “neo-fascist moment.”

lead lead President Macron visits s migrant center, Croisilles, with French Interior Minister Gerard Collomb (right),January 2018. Pool/Press Association. All rights reserved.

« Hello, dictator! » The president of the European commission thus welcomed the Hungarian Prime Minister to the Riga summit in 2015. If Senator John McCain had caused a diplomatic incident earlier when he called Viktor Orbán a “neo-fascist dictator”, this was just friendly banter for Jean-Claude Juncker. The contrast in tone of the diktats imposed upon Greece at the very same time by the Eurogroup was striking: austerity is no joking matter. Just before Syriza came to power, German Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schaüble warned that “new elections change nothing about the agreements that the Greek government has entered into.” For the EU, there is nothing funny about neoliberalism: economics is too important to be left to the people. Democracy, however, is worth a good laugh. The burlesque scene in Latvia recalls another instance of slapstick: in The Great Dictator, Mussolini slaps Charlie Chaplin’s Hitler on the back: “my brother dictator!” There is nothing funny about neoliberalism: economics is too important to be left to the people. Democracy, however, is worth a good laugh.

How can we make sense jointly of these two simultaneous phenomena – the rise of the far right, in Europe and elsewhere, and the authoritarian evolution of neoliberal regimes? On the one hand, we have white supremacy and political xenophobia, from Donald Trump to Viktor Orbán or Matteo Salvini. On the other, what can be called “democratic coups”. Remember Greece? #ThisIsACoup: the “democratic” variation of the coup requires “banks, not tanks.” The same applies to Brazil, from Dilma to Lula: a military coup was not needed; parliamentary votes and judicial decisions do the job. Of course, police violence can still play an important role in the repression of the social movements that resist neoliberal reforms: France is a case in point. On both sides, public liberties are thereby losing ground.

Moreover, there is nothing incompatible between neoliberal policies and far right politics: the EU has now accepted far-right governments. Compare 2000, with the sanctions against Jorg Haider’s Austria, to 2018, with Sebastian Kurz presiding over the Council of the European Union. Democracy is not a political criterion any longer.  The EU thus subcontracts the handling of the refugee crisis to Erdoğan’s Turkey and to Libya’s mafia-like coastguards. Again, France is no exception, especially when it comes to migrants. It is true that Macron applauded when Trump, under pressure from all sides, decided to drop his policy of separating undocumented aliens from their children; but the consequence is that the US will follow the example of France: children sent with their parents to detention centers.

Sure, after the far-right Lega came to power in Italy, Macron warned against the contagious populist “leprosy” spreading throughout Europe. But while both actions were illegal when Génération Identitaire, the same alt-right group that patrolled the Mediterranean to hunt down humanitarian NGOs during the previous summer, decided in April 2018 to take control of the French-Italian border to send back refugees, the authorities (whether French, Italian, or European) condoned both. Not only were they not prosecuted, but those who demonstrated against them in Briançon were – just as NGOs rescuing migrants at sea had been a year earlier in Sicily. In France, activists supporting migrant rights like Cédric Herrou are exposed to judicial harassment – though the July 6 decision of the Constitutional Council might finally put an end to this so-called “crime of solidarity” in the name of the Republican principle of “fraternity.”

Macron may have denounced Italian politicians who “betray asylum”; but his speech was delivered just as the French Senate was debating his Interior Minister Gérard Collomb’s bill restricting asylum rights. Indeed, he also raged against those who “lecture self-righteously” about solidarity with migrants: “look abroad!” That is the true meaning of the Italian reference in Macron’s discourse: French immigration policies could be so much worse – think of Salvini! In solidarity with the new Spanish Premier, Pedro Sanchez, Macron went so far as to propose sanctions against European States who lack European solidarity. But France had just refused to open its ports to the Aquarius rejected by Italy, and finally welcomed in Spain. Never mind contradictions: Macron soon went on to borrow Salvini’s words, accusing NGOs of “playing into the hands” of human traffickers. The French president ostensibly rejects the temptation of “illiberal democracies” such as Poland and Hungary – but Europhobes no longer have a monopoly on political xenophobia. These days, Europhiles often follow suit. The French president is the perfect embodiment of what can be called “neoliberal illiberalism”. Europhobes no longer have a monopoly on political xenophobia. These days, Europhiles often follow suit.

“Leprosy” and neo-fascism

How are we to define today’s “leprosy”? Chantal Mouffe’s “populist moment” won’t do if we are to take into account both sides of the coin. The philosopher advocates left-wing populism in response to right-wing populism: according to her, both have a “democratic nucleus” since they are both responses to “the demands of the popular sectors,” “from the groups who are the main losers of neoliberal globalization.” One could argue (as I have) about the “popular” vote for Trump. But in any case, today, not only can we see that neoliberal leaders like Macron have no qualms about mobilizing xenophobia, but conversely, populist leaders such as Trump, Orbán, or Erdoğan, promote neoliberal policies. This is why it seems misleading to argue that voting for right-wing populists is “the expression of resistances against the post-democratic condition brought about by thirty years of neoliberal hegemony.”

Contrary to Mouffe who refuses “classifying right-wing populist parties as ‘extreme-right’ or ‘neo-fascist’,” I argue that it makes sense to speak of a “neo-fascist moment” of neoliberalism. Today, we encounter familiar features of historical fascism – such as racism and xenophobia, of course, but also the blurring of boundaries between right and left, the fascination for charismatic leaders and the celebration of the nation, the rejection of elites and the glorification of the masses, contempt for the rule of law and a taste for violence, to name but a few. Contrary to Mouffe who refuses “classifying right-wing populist parties as ‘extreme-right’ or ‘neo-fascist’,” I argue that it makes sense to speak of a “neo-fascist moment” of neoliberalism.

It is interesting to read in this light Cornel West’s immediate reaction after Trump’s election. To explain this neo-fascist resurgence, the philosopher pointed out the responsibility of neoliberal economic policies, from Bill Clinton to Barack Obama, that Hillary Clinton was about to continue: who could disagree? But he also writes: “The neoliberal era in the United States ended with a neo-fascist bang.” Who can believe that Trump’s neo-fascism put an end to neoliberal policies? Certainly not Wall Street.

Contrary to West, Wendy Brown rejects the historical comparison with fascism, and continues favouring an interpretation in the light of the “stealth revolution” of neoliberalism that she has powerfully analyzed as an “undoing of the demos”. According to this political scientist, “despite some resonances with 1930s fascism, this libertarian authoritarianism is a novel political formation, one that is an inadvertent effect of neoliberal rationality.” Such a formation “should not just be reduced to the idea of fascism or populism.”

This argument complements Robert Paxton’s: according to the great historian of Vichy, while “it is powerfully tempting to call the new president of the United States a fascist,” given all the “fascist staples” of the new regime, if one takes into account his economic libertarianism, it makes more sense to call him a “plutocrat.”

Umbrella terms

These are serious objections, because there are indeed real differences between historical fascism and today’s neo-fascism. But is this not the very definition of Weberian ideal-types, such as feudalism or bureaucracy? The terms we use to think about the social world are umbrella terms regrouping empirical realities from diverse historical contexts – because of their similarities, and despite their differences. That is how concepts work.

This is true of fascism or populism, as it is of capitalism or neoliberalism itself. As Wendy Brown rightly points out, Trump’s protectionism is but a neoliberal variation, just like German ordoliberalism can be approached as “the other neoliberalism”, despite differences with IMF ideology. In the same way as there are different forms of neoliberalism, distinct from but related to traditional economic liberalism, neo-fascism can be approached in its contemporary specificity with historical echoes. And instead of opposing the two readings (either neoliberalism or neo-fascism ?) – why not then think of a neo-fascist moment of neoliberalism?

An approach in terms of “moment” is a way to insist on the historical logic of such concepts. In other words, there is no necessary link between capitalism (today neoliberalism) and fascism (here neo-fascism) –any more than there is with democracy, of course, contrary to the dominant discourse after the fall of the Berlin Wall. One need only remember that Tony Blair and José Luis Zapatero, when they converted social democracy to neoliberalism, far from riding the xenophobic wave, advocated opening the borders to economic migrants. More recently, the German Chancellor was both “Kaiser Merkel” in the spring of 2015 (when imposing ordoliberal austerity on the Syriza government in Greece), and “Mutti Angela” in the fall (when she opened the borders to over a million Syrian refugees). Neoliberalism can go both ways. But these moments of liberal illiberalism seem to belong to the past. The German Chancellor was both “Kaiser Merkel” in the spring of 2015 ... and “Mutti Angela” in the fall.

Calling a spade a spade

Why speak of neo-fascism? The answer is pragmatic: because today we need to call a spade a spade. Refusing to name neo-fascism is a way to refuse acting against it. The theoretical scruples of a few can be used as a political pretext of inertia by the many. Euphemizing the harsh reality of contemporary neo-fascism can become an obstacle when we need to mobilize a kind of anti-fascism that, far from serving as a democratic alibi for current economic policies, clearly points out the responsibility of neoliberalism for the rise of neo-fascism. As a consequence, there is no need to entertain the illusion that populism, which is a symptom of neoliberalism, might be the cure against it. Conversely, we have to accept that neoliberals like Macron are no antidotes to the far right: his immigration policies are not fundamentally different from Salvini’s. Both defend “Fortress Europe”.

In a word, there is nothing anachronistic about singing “Bella Ciao” today – providing that we update its meaning: we should not reserve this anti-fascist treatment to the current Italian Minister of the Interior, head of the Lega. It equally applies to his predecessor, Marco Minniti, from the Democratic Party, and to his French colleague who left the Socialist Party for Macron’s movement, En Marche – although Gérard Collomb apparently complains that he is sick and tired of playing the role of a fascist.

Maybe these politicians need to be told what they are doing in so many words, in the hope, if not that their weariness might induce some seachange on their part, but that ideological clarity will help us develop alternative strategies.

A shorter version of this piece in French was published in Le Monde a month ago.

The Great Dictator.

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          The neo-fascist moment of neoliberalism      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

How can we understand the simultaneous rise of the far right and the authoritarian evolution of neoliberalism? We need an antifascism that can highlight the latter’s role in this “neo-fascist moment.”

lead lead President Macron visits s migrant center, Croisilles, with French Interior Minister Gerard Collomb (right),January 2018. Pool/Press Association. All rights reserved.

« Hello, dictator! » The president of the European commission thus welcomed the Hungarian Prime Minister to the Riga summit in 2015. If Senator John McCain had caused a diplomatic incident earlier when he called Viktor Orbán a “neo-fascist dictator”, this was just friendly banter for Jean-Claude Juncker. The contrast in tone of the diktats imposed upon Greece at the very same time by the Eurogroup was striking: austerity is no joking matter. Just before Syriza came to power, German Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schaüble warned that “new elections change nothing about the agreements that the Greek government has entered into.” For the EU, there is nothing funny about neoliberalism: economics is too important to be left to the people. Democracy, however, is worth a good laugh. The burlesque scene in Latvia recalls another instance of slapstick: in The Great Dictator, Mussolini slaps Charlie Chaplin’s Hitler on the back: “my brother dictator!” There is nothing funny about neoliberalism: economics is too important to be left to the people. Democracy, however, is worth a good laugh.

How can we make sense jointly of these two simultaneous phenomena – the rise of the far right, in Europe and elsewhere, and the authoritarian evolution of neoliberal regimes? On the one hand, we have white supremacy and political xenophobia, from Donald Trump to Viktor Orbán or Matteo Salvini. On the other, what can be called “democratic coups”. Remember Greece? #ThisIsACoup: the “democratic” variation of the coup requires “banks, not tanks.” The same applies to Brazil, from Dilma to Lula: a military coup was not needed; parliamentary votes and judicial decisions do the job. Of course, police violence can still play an important role in the repression of the social movements that resist neoliberal reforms: France is a case in point. On both sides, public liberties are thereby losing ground.

Moreover, there is nothing incompatible between neoliberal policies and far right politics: the EU has now accepted far-right governments. Compare 2000, with the sanctions against Jorg Haider’s Austria, to 2018, with Sebastian Kurz presiding over the Council of the European Union. Democracy is not a political criterion any longer.  The EU thus subcontracts the handling of the refugee crisis to Erdoğan’s Turkey and to Libya’s mafia-like coastguards. Again, France is no exception, especially when it comes to migrants. It is true that Macron applauded when Trump, under pressure from all sides, decided to drop his policy of separating undocumented aliens from their children; but the consequence is that the US will follow the example of France: children sent with their parents to detention centers.

Sure, after the far-right Lega came to power in Italy, Macron warned against the contagious populist “leprosy” spreading throughout Europe. But while both actions were illegal when Génération Identitaire, the same alt-right group that patrolled the Mediterranean to hunt down humanitarian NGOs during the previous summer, decided in April 2018 to take control of the French-Italian border to send back refugees, the authorities (whether French, Italian, or European) condoned both. Not only were they not prosecuted, but those who demonstrated against them in Briançon were – just as NGOs rescuing migrants at sea had been a year earlier in Sicily. In France, activists supporting migrant rights like Cédric Herrou are exposed to judicial harassment – though the July 6 decision of the Constitutional Council might finally put an end to this so-called “crime of solidarity” in the name of the Republican principle of “fraternity.”

Macron may have denounced Italian politicians who “betray asylum”; but his speech was delivered just as the French Senate was debating his Interior Minister Gérard Collomb’s bill restricting asylum rights. Indeed, he also raged against those who “lecture self-righteously” about solidarity with migrants: “look abroad!” That is the true meaning of the Italian reference in Macron’s discourse: French immigration policies could be so much worse – think of Salvini! In solidarity with the new Spanish Premier, Pedro Sanchez, Macron went so far as to propose sanctions against European States who lack European solidarity. But France had just refused to open its ports to the Aquarius rejected by Italy, and finally welcomed in Spain. Never mind contradictions: Macron soon went on to borrow Salvini’s words, accusing NGOs of “playing into the hands” of human traffickers. The French president ostensibly rejects the temptation of “illiberal democracies” such as Poland and Hungary – but Europhobes no longer have a monopoly on political xenophobia. These days, Europhiles often follow suit. The French president is the perfect embodiment of what can be called “neoliberal illiberalism”. Europhobes no longer have a monopoly on political xenophobia. These days, Europhiles often follow suit.

“Leprosy” and neo-fascism

How are we to define today’s “leprosy”? Chantal Mouffe’s “populist moment” won’t do if we are to take into account both sides of the coin. The philosopher advocates left-wing populism in response to right-wing populism: according to her, both have a “democratic nucleus” since they are both responses to “the demands of the popular sectors,” “from the groups who are the main losers of neoliberal globalization.” One could argue (as I have) about the “popular” vote for Trump. But in any case, today, not only can we see that neoliberal leaders like Macron have no qualms about mobilizing xenophobia, but conversely, populist leaders such as Trump, Orbán, or Erdoğan, promote neoliberal policies. This is why it seems misleading to argue that voting for right-wing populists is “the expression of resistances against the post-democratic condition brought about by thirty years of neoliberal hegemony.”

Contrary to Mouffe who refuses “classifying right-wing populist parties as ‘extreme-right’ or ‘neo-fascist’,” I argue that it makes sense to speak of a “neo-fascist moment” of neoliberalism. Today, we encounter familiar features of historical fascism – such as racism and xenophobia, of course, but also the blurring of boundaries between right and left, the fascination for charismatic leaders and the celebration of the nation, the rejection of elites and the glorification of the masses, contempt for the rule of law and a taste for violence, to name but a few. Contrary to Mouffe who refuses “classifying right-wing populist parties as ‘extreme-right’ or ‘neo-fascist’,” I argue that it makes sense to speak of a “neo-fascist moment” of neoliberalism.

It is interesting to read in this light Cornel West’s immediate reaction after Trump’s election. To explain this neo-fascist resurgence, the philosopher pointed out the responsibility of neoliberal economic policies, from Bill Clinton to Barack Obama, that Hillary Clinton was about to continue: who could disagree? But he also writes: “The neoliberal era in the United States ended with a neo-fascist bang.” Who can believe that Trump’s neo-fascism put an end to neoliberal policies? Certainly not Wall Street.

Contrary to West, Wendy Brown rejects the historical comparison with fascism, and continues favouring an interpretation in the light of the “stealth revolution” of neoliberalism that she has powerfully analyzed as an “undoing of the demos”. According to this political scientist, “despite some resonances with 1930s fascism, this libertarian authoritarianism is a novel political formation, one that is an inadvertent effect of neoliberal rationality.” Such a formation “should not just be reduced to the idea of fascism or populism.”

This argument complements Robert Paxton’s: according to the great historian of Vichy, while “it is powerfully tempting to call the new president of the United States a fascist,” given all the “fascist staples” of the new regime, if one takes into account his economic libertarianism, it makes more sense to call him a “plutocrat.”

Umbrella terms

These are serious objections, because there are indeed real differences between historical fascism and today’s neo-fascism. But is this not the very definition of Weberian ideal-types, such as feudalism or bureaucracy? The terms we use to think about the social world are umbrella terms regrouping empirical realities from diverse historical contexts – because of their similarities, and despite their differences. That is how concepts work.

This is true of fascism or populism, as it is of capitalism or neoliberalism itself. As Wendy Brown rightly points out, Trump’s protectionism is but a neoliberal variation, just like German ordoliberalism can be approached as “the other neoliberalism”, despite differences with IMF ideology. In the same way as there are different forms of neoliberalism, distinct from but related to traditional economic liberalism, neo-fascism can be approached in its contemporary specificity with historical echoes. And instead of opposing the two readings (either neoliberalism or neo-fascism ?) – why not then think of a neo-fascist moment of neoliberalism?

An approach in terms of “moment” is a way to insist on the historical logic of such concepts. In other words, there is no necessary link between capitalism (today neoliberalism) and fascism (here neo-fascism) –any more than there is with democracy, of course, contrary to the dominant discourse after the fall of the Berlin Wall. One need only remember that Tony Blair and José Luis Zapatero, when they converted social democracy to neoliberalism, far from riding the xenophobic wave, advocated opening the borders to economic migrants. More recently, the German Chancellor was both “Kaiser Merkel” in the spring of 2015 (when imposing ordoliberal austerity on the Syriza government in Greece), and “Mutti Angela” in the fall (when she opened the borders to over a million Syrian refugees). Neoliberalism can go both ways. But these moments of liberal illiberalism seem to belong to the past. The German Chancellor was both “Kaiser Merkel” in the spring of 2015 ... and “Mutti Angela” in the fall.

Calling a spade a spade

Why speak of neo-fascism? The answer is pragmatic: because today we need to call a spade a spade. Refusing to name neo-fascism is a way to refuse acting against it. The theoretical scruples of a few can be used as a political pretext of inertia by the many. Euphemizing the harsh reality of contemporary neo-fascism can become an obstacle when we need to mobilize a kind of anti-fascism that, far from serving as a democratic alibi for current economic policies, clearly points out the responsibility of neoliberalism for the rise of neo-fascism. As a consequence, there is no need to entertain the illusion that populism, which is a symptom of neoliberalism, might be the cure against it. Conversely, we have to accept that neoliberals like Macron are no antidotes to the far right: his immigration policies are not fundamentally different from Salvini’s. Both defend “Fortress Europe”.

In a word, there is nothing anachronistic about singing “Bella Ciao” today – providing that we update its meaning: we should not reserve this anti-fascist treatment to the current Italian Minister of the Interior, head of the Lega. It equally applies to his predecessor, Marco Minniti, from the Democratic Party, and to his French colleague who left the Socialist Party for Macron’s movement, En Marche – although Gérard Collomb apparently complains that he is sick and tired of playing the role of a fascist.

Maybe these politicians need to be told what they are doing in so many words, in the hope, if not that their weariness might induce some seachange on their part, but that ideological clarity will help us develop alternative strategies.

A shorter version of this piece in French was published in Le Monde a month ago.

The Great Dictator.

Country or region: 
EU
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Conflict
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          LNT ziņas izplata dezinformāciju par kasjaks.lv      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Janis Rubenis2 13 komentāri Skatīt bildi
Blogs, kurā ik pa laikam uzrakstu kādu rakstu par Latvijas politiku kasjaks.lv ticis pieminēts LNT ziņu sižetā par viltus ziņām. LNT sižetā manis pārstāvētais resurss tiek nepatiesi apvainots viltus ziņu izplatīšanā un nosaukts par „politiskās zombēšanas rīku”.

Mani pārsteidz LNT žurnālistu nekompetence, izmantojotkasjaks.lv vizuālos materiālus savā sižetā. Es jau iepriekš esmu vairākkārtēji argumentējis to, ka manis pārstāvētā vietne nenodarbojas ar viltus ziņu izplatīšanu – tas ir politiskās satīras blogs, kurā ikviens lasītājs var paust savu viedokli. Iepriekš šai tēmai esmu veltījis 2 rakstus, kurus var aplūkot šeit un šeit. Toreiz mani viltus ziņu izplatīšanā nepatiesi apsūdzēja partijas NA politiķi un viņu sekotāji FB grupā „Sargi Latviju”.



Šoreiz nepatiesu informāciju par kasjaks.lv izplata telekanāls LNT un t.s. mediju eksperti.



Atkārtošu vēlreiz to pašu, ko esmu rakstījis jau iepriekš priekš NA „dīvāna kiberspēkiem” – 1) kasjaks.lv nav ziņu portāls. Lielāko daļu mūsu satura veido manis un dažu citu autoru viedokļraksti, nevis t.s. viltus ziņas. LNT žurnālisti nav pārbaudījuši kasjaks.lv saturu, ja viņi to būtu izdarījuši, tad saprastu, ka tur nav nevienas viltus ziņas. 2) Pretēji LNT apgalvotajam, kasjaks.lv entuziasti cīnās ar viltus ziņu izplatīšanu. Priekš šīs nodarbes mājaslapā ir atvēlētā vesela sadaļa „Viltus jaunumi”. Patiesībākasjaks.lv nodarbojas ar to, ar ko vajadzētu nodarboties LNT u.c. tradicionālajiem medijiem – viltus ziņu apkarošanu. 3) kasjaks.lv nav vienotas redakcijas politikas. Vietnē publicētie raksti aptver plašu politisko uzskatu spektru, vienīgā vienojošā ideoloģija ir patriotisms – blogā netiek publicēti raksti, kas nepamatoti kritizē Latviju. 4) Katru kasjaks.lv rakstu pavada virkne ar atsaucēm uz avotiem, kas izmantoti, lai izveidotu attiecīgo publikāciju. Pretējikasjaks.lv, Latvijas tradicionālie mediji atsauces neliek un nenorāda savus informācijas avotus.



No LNT žurnālistiem neatpaliek arī sižeta ietvaros uzaicinātie eksperti. Piemēram, Spriņģes jaunkundze, uz kuras veiktajiem pētījumiem es pats esmu vairākkārtīgi atsaucies, veidojot saturu priekš kasjaks.lv. Iespējams, ka Inga Spriņģe nezināja, ka viņas monologu par viltus zinām pavadīs tieši video materiāli no kasjaks.lv FB lapas. Tādā gadījumā tā ir tikai LNT žurnālistu vaina. Pretējā gadījumā Spriņģes kundze par viltus ziņām uzskata mājaslapu, kas aktīvi dalās un atbalsta viņas projektu Re:Baltica. Lūk, viens tāds piemērs – kasjaks.lv raksts „Re:Baltica publiskojusi izcilu pētījumu par Nila uzņēmumu vārdā „Rīga””.



Vēl viena eksperte, kas sižetā komentē viltus ziņu tēmu ir domnīcas Atlantic Council Digital Forensic Research Lab eksperte Nika Aleksejeva. Šī jaunkundze pirms tam ir atsaukusies uz manu rakstu par Rīgas mēra Nila Ušakova sakariem Vašingtonā un citējusi kasjaks.lv. Starp citu, savā rakstāmedium.com Aleksejevas jaunkundze ir pareizi norādījusi, ka kasjaks.lv ir satīras blogs, nevis ziņu vietne. Neskatoties uz to, LNT ir izmantojis viņas komentāru sižetā, kurā ir redzami kasjaks.lv vizuālie materiāli.



Līdz ar to veidojas gaužām absurda situācija – LNT piesauktie eksperti ir paši atsaukušies uz kasjaks.lv publicēto informāciju un otrādāk – kasjaks.lv ir atsaucies uz telekanāla pieaicinātajiem ekspertiem.



Vēlos lūgt LNT un mediju ekspertus, nebārstīties ar sekliem saukļiem par viltus ziņām attiecībā pret visiem netradicionālajiem medijiem. Lūdzu, neaizmirsīsim, ka starp tiem ir arī adekvāti informācijas avoti, kas neizplata dezinformāciju, bet tieši pretēji cīnās ar to un cenšas izglītot sabiedrību. Viens no šādiem avotiem ir arī kasjaks.lv.





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