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          What Happens When Parents And Children Are Separated At The U.S.-Mexico Border      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit AUDIE CORNISH, HOST: In the last few weeks, the Trump administration has been doubling down on its official policy of separating some parents and children at the U.S.-Mexico border. As these cases become more common, we wanted a better understanding of what happens to families in these situations. Denise Gilman represents a mother currently separated from her 4-year-old and 10-year-old sons. They illegally crossed into the U.S. Gilman is the director of the Immigration Clinic at the University of Texas School of Law. Welcome to the program. DENISE GILMAN: Thank you. CORNISH: So let's start at the beginning. Your client is from El Salvador. Who is she? And how did she come to make the decision to come to the U.S.? GILMAN: So Jessica (ph) decided that she had to come to the United States for safety for herself and her two young boys when she was receiving very grave threats from the MS-13 gang and, in fact, had been beaten up by gang members who
          Juliaca: Desalojan a 26 familias de la urbanización Néstor Cáceres      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Juliaca (San Román). El Poder judicial-Juliaca ordenó el desalojo de 26 familias y la demolición de los cercos perimétricos en la urbanización Néstor Cáceres Velázquez, IV sector de Villa El Salvador, de la ciudad de Juliaca. Utilizando bombas lacrimógenas y perdigones, más de 200 policias lograron erradicar del lugar a los más de 500 pobladores […]

The post Juliaca: Desalojan a 26 familias de la urbanización Néstor Cáceres appeared first on Diario Sin Fronteras.


          8/8/2018: METRO: ICE raids spur activists to make demands of mayor      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

As D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser (D) prepares to travel to El Salvador this weekend on a trip she says will showcase her support for the city’s immigrants, she faces pressure at home from Latino activists who are calling her an unreliable ally. In a...
          The Uninhabitable Earth      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   


The Uninhabitable Earth
Famine, economic collapse, a sun that cooks us: What climate change could wreak — sooner than you think.

By David Wallace-Wells

In the jungles of Costa Rica, where humidity routinely tops 90 percent, simply moving around outside when it’s over 105 degrees Fahrenheit would be lethal. And the effect would be fast: Within a few hours, a human body would be cooked to death from both inside and out. Fossils by Heartless Machine
July 9, 2017

I. ‘Doomsday’
Peering beyond scientific reticence.

It is, I promise, worse than you think. If your anxiety about global warming is dominated by fears of sea-level rise, you are barely scratching the surface of what terrors are possible, even within the lifetime of a teenager today. And yet the swelling seas — and the cities they will drown — have so dominated the picture of global warming, and so overwhelmed our capacity for climate panic, that they have occluded our perception of other threats, many much closer at hand. Rising oceans are bad, in fact very bad; but fleeing the coastline will not be enough.

Indeed, absent a significant adjustment to how billions of humans conduct their lives, parts of the Earth will likely become close to uninhabitable, and other parts horrifically inhospitable, as soon as the end of this century.

Even when we train our eyes on climate change, we are unable to comprehend its scope. This past winter, a string of days 60 and 70 degrees warmer than normal baked the North Pole, melting the permafrost that encased Norway’s Svalbard seed vault — a global food bank nicknamed “Doomsday,” designed to ensure that our agriculture survives any catastrophe, and which appeared to have been flooded by climate change less than ten years after being built.

The Doomsday vault is fine, for now: The structure has been secured and the seeds are safe. But treating the episode as a parable of impending flooding missed the more important news. Until recently, permafrost was not a major concern of climate scientists, because, as the name suggests, it was soil that stayed permanently frozen. But Arctic permafrost contains 1.8 trillion tons of carbon, more than twice as much as is currently suspended in the Earth’s atmosphere. When it thaws and is released, that carbon may evaporate as methane, which is 34 times as powerful a greenhouse-gas warming blanket as carbon dioxide when judged on the timescale of a century; when judged on the timescale of two decades, it is 86 times as powerful. In other words, we have, trapped in Arctic permafrost, twice as much carbon as is currently wrecking the atmosphere of the planet, all of it scheduled to be released at a date that keeps getting moved up, partially in the form of a gas that multiplies its warming power 86 times over.

Maybe you know that already — there are alarming stories in the news every day, like those, last month, that seemed to suggest satellite data showed the globe warming since 1998 more than twice as fast as scientists had thought (in fact, the underlying story was considerably less alarming than the headlines). Or the news from Antarctica this past May, when a crack in an ice shelf grew 11 miles in six days, then kept going; the break now has just three miles to go — by the time you read this, it may already have met the open water, where it will drop into the sea one of the biggest icebergs ever, a process known poetically as “calving.”


Watch: How Climate Change Is Creating More Powerful Hurricanes

But no matter how well-informed you are, you are surely not alarmed enough. Over the past decades, our culture has gone apocalyptic with zombie movies and Mad Max dystopias, perhaps the collective result of displaced climate anxiety, and yet when it comes to contemplating real-world warming dangers, we suffer from an incredible failure of imagination. The reasons for that are many: the timid language of scientific probabilities, which the climatologist James Hansen once called “scientific reticence” in a paper chastising scientists for editing their own observations so conscientiously that they failed to communicate how dire the threat really was; the fact that the country is dominated by a group of technocrats who believe any problem can be solved and an opposing culture that doesn’t even see warming as a problem worth addressing; the way that climate denialism has made scientists even more cautious in offering speculative warnings; the simple speed of change and, also, its slowness, such that we are only seeing effects now of warming from decades past; our uncertainty about uncertainty, which the climate writer Naomi Oreskes in particular has suggested stops us from preparing as though anything worse than a median outcome were even possible; the way we assume climate change will hit hardest elsewhere, not everywhere; the smallness (two degrees) and largeness (1.8 trillion tons) and abstractness (400 parts per million) of the numbers; the discomfort of considering a problem that is very difficult, if not impossible, to solve; the altogether incomprehensible scale of that problem, which amounts to the prospect of our own annihilation; simple fear. But aversion arising from fear is a form of denial, too.

In between scientific reticence and science fiction is science itself. This article is the result of dozens of interviews and exchanges with climatologists and researchers in related fields and reflects hundreds of scientific papers on the subject of climate change. What follows is not a series of predictions of what will happen — that will be determined in large part by the much-less-certain science of human response. Instead, it is a portrait of our best understanding of where the planet is heading absent aggressive action. It is unlikely that all of these warming scenarios will be fully realized, largely because the devastation along the way will shake our complacency. But those scenarios, and not the present climate, are the baseline. In fact, they are our schedule.

The present tense of climate change — the destruction we’ve already baked into our future — is horrifying enough. Most people talk as if Miami and Bangladesh still have a chance of surviving; most of the scientists I spoke with assume we’ll lose them within the century, even if we stop burning fossil fuel in the next decade. Two degrees of warming used to be considered the threshold of catastrophe: tens of millions of climate refugees unleashed upon an unprepared world. Now two degrees is our goal, per the Paris climate accords, and experts give us only slim odds of hitting it. The U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change issues serial reports, often called the “gold standard” of climate research; the most recent one projects us to hit four degrees of warming by the beginning of the next century, should we stay the present course. But that’s just a median projection. The upper end of the probability curve runs as high as eight degrees — and the authors still haven’t figured out how to deal with that permafrost melt. The IPCC reports also don’t fully account for the albedo effect (less ice means less reflected and more absorbed sunlight, hence more warming); more cloud cover (which traps heat); or the dieback of forests and other flora (which extract carbon from the atmosphere). Each of these promises to accelerate warming, and the history of the planet shows that temperature can shift as much as five degrees Celsius within thirteen years. The last time the planet was even four degrees warmer, Peter Brannen points out in The Ends of the World, his new history of the planet’s major extinction events, the oceans were hundreds of feet higher.*

The Earth has experienced five mass extinctions before the one we are living through now, each so complete a slate-wiping of the evolutionary record it functioned as a resetting of the planetary clock, and many climate scientists will tell you they are the best analog for the ecological future we are diving headlong into. Unless you are a teenager, you probably read in your high-school textbooks that these extinctions were the result of asteroids. In fact, all but the one that killed the dinosaurs were caused by climate change produced by greenhouse gas. The most notorious was 252 million years ago; it began when carbon warmed the planet by five degrees, accelerated when that warming triggered the release of methane in the Arctic, and ended with 97 percent of all life on Earth dead. We are currently adding carbon to the atmosphere at a considerably faster rate; by most estimates, at least ten times faster. The rate is accelerating. This is what Stephen Hawking had in mind when he said, this spring, that the species needs to colonize other planets in the next century to survive, and what drove Elon Musk, last month, to unveil his plans to build a Mars habitat in 40 to 100 years. These are nonspecialists, of course, and probably as inclined to irrational panic as you or I. But the many sober-minded scientists I interviewed over the past several months — the most credentialed and tenured in the field, few of them inclined to alarmism and many advisers to the IPCC who nevertheless criticize its conservatism — have quietly reached an apocalyptic conclusion, too: No plausible program of emissions reductions alone can prevent climate disaster.

Over the past few decades, the term “Anthropocene” has climbed out of academic discourse and into the popular imagination — a name given to the geologic era we live in now, and a way to signal that it is a new era, defined on the wall chart of deep history by human intervention. One problem with the term is that it implies a conquest of nature (and even echoes the biblical “dominion”). And however sanguine you might be about the proposition that we have already ravaged the natural world, which we surely have, it is another thing entirely to consider the possibility that we have only provoked it, engineering first in ignorance and then in denial a climate system that will now go to war with us for many centuries, perhaps until it destroys us. That is what Wallace Smith Broecker, the avuncular oceanographer who coined the term “global warming,” means when he calls the planet an “angry beast.” You could also go with “war machine.” Each day we arm it more.

II. Heat Death
The bahraining of New York.

In the sugar­cane region of El Salvador, as much as one-fifth of the population has chronic kidney disease, the presumed result of dehydration from working the fields they were able to comfortably harvest as recently as two decades ago. Photo: Heartless Machine
Humans, like all mammals, are heat engines; surviving means having to continually cool off, like panting dogs. For that, the temperature needs to be low enough for the air to act as a kind of refrigerant, drawing heat off the skin so the engine can keep pumping. At seven degrees of warming, that would become impossible for large portions of the planet’s equatorial band, and especially the tropics, where humidity adds to the problem; in the jungles of Costa Rica, for instance, where humidity routinely tops 90 percent, simply moving around outside when it’s over 105 degrees Fahrenheit would be lethal. And the effect would be fast: Within a few hours, a human body would be cooked to death from both inside and out.

Climate-change skeptics point out that the planet has warmed and cooled many times before, but the climate window that has allowed for human life is very narrow, even by the standards of planetary history. At 11 or 12 degrees of warming, more than half the world’s population, as distributed today, would die of direct heat. Things almost certainly won’t get that hot this century, though models of unabated emissions do bring us that far eventually. This century, and especially in the tropics, the pain points will pinch much more quickly even than an increase of seven degrees. The key factor is something called wet-bulb temperature, which is a term of measurement as home-laboratory-kit as it sounds: the heat registered on a thermometer wrapped in a damp sock as it’s swung around in the air (since the moisture evaporates from a sock more quickly in dry air, this single number reflects both heat and humidity). At present, most regions reach a wet-bulb maximum of 26 or 27 degrees Celsius; the true red line for habitability is 35 degrees. What is called heat stress comes much sooner.

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Actually, we’re about there already. Since 1980, the planet has experienced a 50-fold increase in the number of places experiencing dangerous or extreme heat; a bigger increase is to come. The five warmest summers in Europe since 1500 have all occurred since 2002, and soon, the IPCC warns, simply being outdoors that time of year will be unhealthy for much of the globe. Even if we meet the Paris goals of two degrees warming, cities like Karachi and Kolkata will become close to uninhabitable, annually encountering deadly heat waves like those that crippled them in 2015. At four degrees, the deadly European heat wave of 2003, which killed as many as 2,000 people a day, will be a normal summer. At six, according to an assessment focused only on effects within the U.S. from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, summer labor of any kind would become impossible in the lower Mississippi Valley, and everybody in the country east of the Rockies would be under more heat stress than anyone, anywhere, in the world today. As Joseph Romm has put it in his authoritative primer Climate Change: What Everyone Needs to Know, heat stress in New York City would exceed that of present-day Bahrain, one of the planet’s hottest spots, and the temperature in Bahrain “would induce hyperthermia in even sleeping humans.” The high-end IPCC estimate, remember, is two degrees warmer still. By the end of the century, the World Bank has estimated, the coolest months in tropical South America, Africa, and the Pacific are likely to be warmer than the warmest months at the end of the 20th century. Air-conditioning can help but will ultimately only add to the carbon problem; plus, the climate-controlled malls of the Arab emirates aside, it is not remotely plausible to wholesale air-condition all the hottest parts of the world, many of them also the poorest. And indeed, the crisis will be most dramatic across the Middle East and Persian Gulf, where in 2015 the heat index registered temperatures as high as 163 degrees Fahrenheit. As soon as several decades from now, the hajj will become physically impossible for the 2 million Muslims who make the pilgrimage each year.

It is not just the hajj, and it is not just Mecca; heat is already killing us. In the sugarcane region of El Salvador, as much as one-fifth of the population has chronic kidney disease, including over a quarter of the men, the presumed result of dehydration from working the fields they were able to comfortably harvest as recently as two decades ago. With dialysis, which is expensive, those with kidney failure can expect to live five years; without it, life expectancy is in the weeks. Of course, heat stress promises to pummel us in places other than our kidneys, too. As I type that sentence, in the California desert in mid-June, it is 121 degrees outside my door. It is not a record high.

III. The End of Food
Praying for cornfields in the tundra.

Climates differ and plants vary, but the basic rule for staple cereal crops grown at optimal temperature is that for every degree of warming, yields decline by 10 percent. Some estimates run as high as 15 or even 17 percent. Which means that if the planet is five degrees warmer at the end of the century, we may have as many as 50 percent more people to feed and 50 percent less grain to give them. And proteins are worse: It takes 16 calories of grain to produce just a single calorie of hamburger meat, butchered from a cow that spent its life polluting the climate with methane farts.

Pollyannaish plant physiologists will point out that the cereal-crop math applies only to those regions already at peak growing temperature, and they are right — theoretically, a warmer climate will make it easier to grow corn in Greenland. But as the pathbreaking work by Rosamond Naylor and David Battisti has shown, the tropics are already too hot to efficiently grow grain, and those places where grain is produced today are already at optimal growing temperature — which means even a small warming will push them down the slope of declining productivity. And you can’t easily move croplands north a few hundred miles, because yields in places like remote Canada and Russia are limited by the quality of soil there; it takes many centuries for the planet to produce optimally fertile dirt.

Drought might be an even bigger problem than heat, with some of the world’s most arable land turning quickly to desert. Precipitation is notoriously hard to model, yet predictions for later this century are basically unanimous: unprecedented droughts nearly everywhere food is today produced. By 2080, without dramatic reductions in emissions, southern Europe will be in permanent extreme drought, much worse than the American dust bowl ever was. The same will be true in Iraq and Syria and much of the rest of the Middle East; some of the most densely populated parts of Australia, Africa, and South America; and the breadbasket regions of China. None of these places, which today supply much of the world’s food, will be reliable sources of any. As for the original dust bowl: The droughts in the American plains and Southwest would not just be worse than in the 1930s, a 2015 NASA study predicted, but worse than any droughts in a thousand years — and that includes those that struck between 1100 and 1300, which “dried up all the rivers East of the Sierra Nevada mountains” and may have been responsible for the death of the Anasazi civilization.

Remember, we do not live in a world without hunger as it is. Far from it: Most estimates put the number of undernourished at 800 million globally. In case you haven’t heard, this spring has already brought an unprecedented quadruple famine to Africa and the Middle East; the U.N. has warned that separate starvation events in Somalia, South Sudan, Nigeria, and Yemen could kill 20 million this year alone.

IV. Climate Plagues
What happens when the bubonic ice melts?

Rock, in the right spot, is a record of planetary history, eras as long as millions of years flattened by the forces of geological time into strata with amplitudes of just inches, or just an inch, or even less. Ice works that way, too, as a climate ledger, but it is also frozen history, some of which can be reanimated when unfrozen. There are now, trapped in Arctic ice, diseases that have not circulated in the air for millions of years — in some cases, since before humans were around to encounter them. Which means our immune systems would have no idea how to fight back when those prehistoric plagues emerge from the ice.

The Arctic also stores terrifying bugs from more recent times. In Alaska, already, researchers have discovered remnants of the 1918 flu that infected as many as 500 million and killed as many as 100 million — about 5 percent of the world’s population and almost six times as many as had died in the world war for which the pandemic served as a kind of gruesome capstone. As the BBC reported in May, scientists suspect smallpox and the bubonic plague are trapped in Siberian ice, too — an abridged history of devastating human sickness, left out like egg salad in the Arctic sun.

Experts caution that many of these organisms won’t actually survive the thaw and point to the fastidious lab conditions under which they have already reanimated several of them — the 32,000-year-old “extremophile” bacteria revived in 2005, an 8 million-year-old bug brought back to life in 2007, the 3.5 million–year–old one a Russian scientist self-injected just out of curiosity — to suggest that those are necessary conditions for the return of such ancient plagues. But already last year, a boy was killed and 20 others infected by anthrax released when retreating permafrost exposed the frozen carcass of a reindeer killed by the bacteria at least 75 years earlier; 2,000 present-day reindeer were infected, too, carrying and spreading the disease beyond the tundra.

What concerns epidemiologists more than ancient diseases are existing scourges relocated, rewired, or even re-evolved by warming. The first effect is geographical. Before the early-modern period, when adventuring sailboats accelerated the mixing of peoples and their bugs, human provinciality was a guard against pandemic. Today, even with globalization and the enormous intermingling of human populations, our ecosystems are mostly stable, and this functions as another limit, but global warming will scramble those ecosystems and help disease trespass those limits as surely as Cortés did. You don’t worry much about dengue or malaria if you are living in Maine or France. But as the tropics creep northward and mosquitoes migrate with them, you will. You didn’t much worry about Zika a couple of years ago, either.

As it happens, Zika may also be a good model of the second worrying effect — disease mutation. One reason you hadn’t heard about Zika until recently is that it had been trapped in Uganda; another is that it did not, until recently, appear to cause birth defects. Scientists still don’t entirely understand what happened, or what they missed. But there are things we do know for sure about how climate affects some diseases: Malaria, for instance, thrives in hotter regions not just because the mosquitoes that carry it do, too, but because for every degree increase in temperature, the parasite reproduces ten times faster. Which is one reason that the World Bank estimates that by 2050, 5.2 billion people will be reckoning with it.

V. Unbreathable Air
A rolling death smog that suffocates millions.


By the end of the century, the coolest months in tropical South America, Africa, and the Pacific are likely to be warmer than the warmest months at the end of the 20th century. Photo: Heartless Machine
Our lungs need oxygen, but that is only a fraction of what we breathe. The fraction of carbon dioxide is growing: It just crossed 400 parts per million, and high-end estimates extrapolating from current trends suggest it will hit 1,000 ppm by 2100. At that concentration, compared to the air we breathe now, human cognitive ability declines by 21 percent.

Other stuff in the hotter air is even scarier, with small increases in pollution capable of shortening life spans by ten years. The warmer the planet gets, the more ozone forms, and by mid-century, Americans will likely suffer a 70 percent increase in unhealthy ozone smog, the National Center for Atmospheric Research has projected. By 2090, as many as 2 billion people globally will be breathing air above the WHO “safe” level; one paper last month showed that, among other effects, a pregnant mother’s exposure to ozone raises the child’s risk of autism (as much as tenfold, combined with other environmental factors). Which does make you think again about the autism epidemic in West Hollywood.

Already, more than 10,000 people die each day from the small particles emitted from fossil-fuel burning; each year, 339,000 people die from wildfire smoke, in part because climate change has extended forest-fire season (in the U.S., it’s increased by 78 days since 1970). By 2050, according to the U.S. Forest Service, wildfires will be twice as destructive as they are today; in some places, the area burned could grow fivefold. What worries people even more is the effect that would have on emissions, especially when the fires ravage forests arising out of peat. Peatland fires in Indonesia in 1997, for instance, added to the global CO2 release by up to 40 percent, and more burning only means more warming only means more burning. There is also the terrifying possibility that rain forests like the Amazon, which in 2010 suffered its second “hundred-year drought” in the space of five years, could dry out enough to become vulnerable to these kinds of devastating, rolling forest fires — which would not only expel enormous amounts of carbon into the atmosphere but also shrink the size of the forest. That is especially bad because the Amazon alone provides 20 percent of our oxygen.

Then there are the more familiar forms of pollution. In 2013, melting Arctic ice remodeled Asian weather patterns, depriving industrial China of the natural ventilation systems it had come to depend on, which blanketed much of the country’s north in an unbreathable smog. Literally unbreathable. A metric called the Air Quality Index categorizes the risks and tops out at the 301-to-500 range, warning of “serious aggravation of heart or lung disease and premature mortality in persons with cardiopulmonary disease and the elderly” and, for all others, “serious risk of respiratory effects”; at that level, “everyone should avoid all outdoor exertion.” The Chinese “airpocalypse” of 2013 peaked at what would have been an Air Quality Index of over 800. That year, smog was responsible for a third of all deaths in the country.

VI. Perpetual War
The violence baked into heat.

Climatologists are very careful when talking about Syria. They want you to know that while climate change did produce a drought that contributed to civil war, it is not exactly fair to saythat the conflict is the result of warming; next door, for instance, Lebanon suffered the same crop failures. But researchers like Marshall Burke and Solomon Hsiang have managed to quantify some of the non-obvious relationships between temperature and violence: For every half-degree of warming, they say, societies will see between a 10 and 20 percent increase in the likelihood of armed conflict. In climate science, nothing is simple, but the arithmetic is harrowing: A planet five degrees warmer would have at least half again as many wars as we do today. Overall, social conflict could more than double this century.

This is one reason that, as nearly every climate scientist I spoke to pointed out, the U.S. military is obsessed with climate change: The drowning of all American Navy bases by sea-level rise is trouble enough, but being the world’s policeman is quite a bit harder when the crime rate doubles. Of course, it’s not just Syria where climate has contributed to conflict. Some speculate that the elevated level of strife across the Middle East over the past generation reflects the pressures of global warming — a hypothesis all the more cruel considering that warming began accelerating when the industrialized world extracted and then burned the region’s oil.

What accounts for the relationship between climate and conflict? Some of it comes down to agriculture and economics; a lot has to do with forced migration, already at a record high, with at least 65 million displaced people wandering the planet right now. But there is also the simple fact of individual irritability. Heat increases municipal crime rates, and swearing on social media, and the likelihood that a major-league pitcher, coming to the mound after his teammate has been hit by a pitch, will hit an opposing batter in retaliation. And the arrival of air-conditioning in the developed world, in the middle of the past century, did little to solve the problem of the summer crime wave.

VII. Permanent Economic Collapse
Dismal capitalism in a half-poorer world.

The murmuring mantra of global neoliberalism, which prevailed between the end of the Cold War and the onset of the Great Recession, is that economic growth would save us from anything and everything.
But in the aftermath of the 2008 crash, a growing number of historians studying what they call “fossil capitalism” have begun to suggest that the entire history of swift economic growth, which began somewhat suddenly in the 18th century, is not the result of innovation or trade or the dynamics of global capitalism but simply our discovery of fossil fuels and all their raw power — a onetime injection of new “value” into a system that had previously been characterized by global subsistence living. Before fossil fuels, nobody lived better than their parents or grandparents or ancestors from 500 years before, except in the immediate aftermath of a great plague like the Black Death, which allowed the lucky survivors to gobble up the resources liberated by mass graves. After we’ve burned all the fossil fuels, these scholars suggest, perhaps we will return to a “steady state” global economy. Of course, that onetime injection has a devastating long-term cost: climate change.

The most exciting research on the economics of warming has also come from Hsiang and his colleagues, who are not historians of fossil capitalism but who offer some very bleak analysis of their own: Every degree Celsius of warming costs, on average, 1.2 percent of GDP (an enormous number, considering we count growth in the low single digits as “strong”). This is the sterling work in the field, and their median projection is for a 23 percent loss in per capita earning globally by the end of this century (resulting from changes in agriculture, crime, storms, energy, mortality, and labor).
Tracing the shape of the probability curve is even scarier: There is a 12 percent chance that climate change will reduce global output by more than 50 percent by 2100, they say, and a 51 percent chance that it lowers per capita GDP by 20 percent or more by then, unless emissions decline. By comparison, the Great Recession lowered global GDP by about 6 percent, in a onetime shock; Hsiang and his colleagues estimate a one-in-eight chance of an ongoing and irreversible effect by the end of the century that is eight times worse.

The scale of that economic devastation is hard to comprehend, but you can start by imagining what the world would look like today with an economy half as big, which would produce only half as much value, generating only half as much to offer the workers of the world. It makes the grounding of flights out of heat-stricken Phoenix last month seem like pathetically small economic potatoes. And, among other things, it makes the idea of postponing government action on reducing emissions and relying solely on growth and technology to solve the problem an absurd business calculation.
Every round-trip ticket on flights from New York to London, keep in mind, costs the Arctic three more square meters of ice.

VIII. Poisoned Oceans
Sulfide burps off the skeleton coast.

That the sea will become a killer is a given. Barring a radical reduction of emissions, we will see at least four feet of sea-level rise and possibly ten by the end of the century. A third of the world’s major cities are on the coast, not to mention its power plants, ports, navy bases, farmlands, fisheries, river deltas, marshlands, and rice-paddy empires, and even those above ten feet will flood much more easily, and much more regularly, if the water gets that high. At least 600 million people live within ten meters of sea level today.

But the drowning of those homelands is just the start. At present, more than a third of the world’s carbon is sucked up by the oceans — thank God, or else we’d have that much more warming already. But the result is what’s called “ocean acidification,” which, on its own, may add a half a degree to warming this century. It is also already burning through the planet’s water basins — you may remember these as the place where life arose in the first place. You have probably heard of “coral bleaching” — that is, coral dying — which is very bad news, because reefs support as much as a quarter of all marine life and supply food for half a billion people. Ocean acidification will fry fish populations directly, too, though scientists aren’t yet sure how to predict the effects on the stuff we haul out of the ocean to eat; they do know that in acid waters, oysters and mussels will struggle to grow their shells, and that when the pH of human blood drops as much as the oceans’ pH has over the past generation, it induces seizures, comas, and sudden death.

That isn’t all that ocean acidification can do. Carbon absorption can initiate a feedback loop in which underoxygenated waters breed different kinds of microbes that turn the water still more “anoxic,” first in deep ocean “dead zones,” then gradually up toward the surface. There, the small fish die out, unable to breathe, which means oxygen-eating bacteria thrive, and the feedback loop doubles back. This process, in which dead zones grow like cancers, choking off marine life and wiping out fisheries, is already quite advanced in parts of the Gulf of Mexico and just off Namibia, where hydrogen sulfide is bubbling out of the sea along a thousand-mile stretch of land known as the “Skeleton Coast.” The name originally referred to the detritus of the whaling industry, but today it’s more apt than ever. Hydrogen sulfide is so toxic that evolution has trained us to recognize the tiniest, safest traces of it, which is why our noses are so exquisitely skilled at registering flatulence. Hydrogen sulfide is also the thing that finally did us in that time 97 percent of all life on Earth died, once all the feedback loops had been triggered and the circulating jet streams of a warmed ocean ground to a halt — it’s the planet’s preferred gas for a natural holocaust. Gradually, the ocean’s dead zones spread, killing off marine species that had dominated the oceans for hundreds of millions of years, and the gas the inert waters gave off into the atmosphere poisoned everything on land. Plants, too. It was millions of years before the oceans recovered.

IX. The Great Filter
Our present eeriness cannot last.

So why can’t we see it? In his recent book-length essay The Great Derangement, the Indian novelist Amitav Ghosh wonders why global warming and natural disaster haven’t become major subjects of contemporary fiction — why we don’t seem able to imagine climate catastrophe, and why we haven’t yet had a spate of novels in the genre he basically imagines into half-existence and names “the environmental uncanny.” “Consider, for example, the stories that congeal around questions like, ‘Where were you when the Berlin Wall fell?’ or ‘Where were you on 9/11?’ ” he writes. “Will it ever be possible to ask, in the same vein, ‘Where were you at 400 ppm?’ or ‘Where were you when the Larsen B ice shelf broke up?’ ” His answer: Probably not, because the dilemmas and dramas of climate change are simply incompatible with the kinds of stories we tell ourselves about ourselves, especially in novels, which tend to emphasize the journey of an individual conscience rather than the poisonous miasma of social fate.

Surely this blindness will not last — the world we are about to inhabit will not permit it. In a six-degree-warmer world, the Earth’s ecosystem will boil with so many natural disasters that we will just start calling them “weather”: a constant swarm of out-of-control typhoons and tornadoes and floods and droughts, the planet assaulted regularly with climate events that not so long ago destroyed whole civilizations. The strongest hurricanes will come more often, and we’ll have to invent new categories with which to describe them; tornadoes will grow longer and wider and strike much more frequently, and hail rocks will quadruple in size. Humans used to watch the weather to prophesy the future; going forward, we will see in its wrath the vengeance of the past. Early naturalists talked often about “deep time” — the perception they had, contemplating the grandeur of this valley or that rock basin, of the profound slowness of nature. What lies in store for us is more like what the Victorian anthropologists identified as “dreamtime,” or “everywhen”: the semi-mythical experience, described by Aboriginal Australians, of encountering, in the present moment, an out-of-time past, when ancestors, heroes, and demigods crowded an epic stage. You can find it already watching footage of an iceberg collapsing into the sea — a feeling of history happening all at once.

It is. Many people perceive climate change as a sort of moral and economic debt, accumulated since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution and now come due after several centuries — a helpful perspective, in a way, since it is the carbon-burning processes that began in 18th-century England that lit the fuse of everything that followed. But more than half of the carbon humanity has exhaled into the atmosphere in its entire history has been emitted in just the past three decades; since the end of World War II, the figure is 85 percent. Which means that, in the length of a single generation, global warming has brought us to the brink of planetary catastrophe, and that the story of the industrial world’s kamikaze mission is also the story of a single lifetime. My father’s, for instance: born in 1938, among his first memories the news of Pearl Harbor and the mythic Air Force of the propaganda films that followed, films that doubled as advertisements for imperial-American industrial might; and among his last memories the coverage of the desperate signing of the Paris climate accords on cable news, ten weeks before he died of lung cancer last July. Or my mother’s: born in 1945, to German Jews fleeing the smokestacks through which their relatives were incinerated, now enjoying her 72nd year in an American commodity paradise, a paradise supported by the supply chains of an industrialized developing world. She has been smoking for 57 of those years, unfiltered.

Or the scientists’. Some of the men who first identified a changing climate (and given the generation, those who became famous were men) are still alive; a few are even still working. Wally Broecker is 84 years old and drives to work at the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory across the Hudson every day from the Upper West Side. Like most of those who first raised the alarm, he believes that no amount of emissions reduction alone can meaningfully help avoid disaster. Instead, he puts his faith in carbon capture — untested technology to extract carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, which Broecker estimates will cost at least several trillion dollars — and various forms of “geoengineering,” the catchall name for a variety of moon-shot technologies far-fetched enough that many climate scientists prefer to regard them as dreams, or nightmares, from science fiction. He is especially focused on what’s called the aerosol approach — dispersing so much sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere that when it converts to sulfuric acid, it will cloud a fifth of the horizon and reflect back 2 percent of the sun’s rays, buying the planet at least a little wiggle room, heat-wise. “Of course, that would make our sunsets very red, would bleach the sky, would make more acid rain,” he says. “But you have to look at the magnitude of the problem. You got to watch that you don’t say the giant problem shouldn’t be solved because the solution causes some smaller problems.” He won’t be around to see that, he told me. “But in your lifetime …”

Jim Hansen is another member of this godfather generation. Born in 1941, he became a climatologist at the University of Iowa, developed the groundbreaking “Zero Model” for projecting climate change, and later became the head of climate research at NASA, only to leave under pressure when, while still a federal employee, he filed a lawsuit against the federal government charging inaction on warming (along the way he got arrested a few times for protesting, too). The lawsuit, which is brought by a collective called Our Children’s Trust and is often described as “kids versus climate change,” is built on an appeal to the equal-protection clause, namely, that in failing to take action on warming, the government is violating it by imposing massive costs on future generations; it is scheduled to be heard this winter in Oregon district court. Hansen has recently given up on solving the climate problem with a carbon tax alone, which had been his preferred approach, and has set about calculating the total cost of the additional measure of extracting carbon from the atmosphere.

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Hansen began his career studying Venus, which was once a very Earth-like planet with plenty of life-supporting water before runaway climate change rapidly transformed it into an arid and uninhabitable sphere enveloped in an unbreathable gas; he switched to studying our planet by 30, wondering why he should be squinting across the solar system to explore rapid environmental change when he could see it all around him on the planet he was standing on. “When we wrote our first paper on this, in 1981,” he told me, “I remember saying to one of my co-authors, ‘This is going to be very interesting. Sometime during our careers, we’re going to see these things beginning to happen.’ ”

Several of the scientists I spoke with proposed global warming as the solution to Fermi’s famous paradox, which asks, If the universe is so big, then why haven’t we encountered any other intelligent life in it? The answer, they suggested, is that the natural life span of a civilization may be only several thousand years, and the life span of an industrial civilization perhaps only several hundred. In a universe that is many billions of years old, with star systems separated as much by time as by space, civilizations might emerge and develop and burn themselves up simply too fast to ever find one another. Peter Ward, a charismatic paleontologist among those responsible for discovering that the planet’s mass extinctions were caused by greenhouse gas, calls this the “Great Filter”: “Civilizations rise, but there’s an environmental filter that causes them to die off again and disappear fairly quickly,” he told me. “If you look at planet Earth, the filtering we’ve had in the past has been in these mass extinctions.” The mass extinction we are now living through has only just begun; so much more dying is coming.

And yet, improbably, Ward is an optimist. So are Broecker and Hansen and many of the other scientists I spoke to. We have not developed much of a religion of meaning around climate change that might comfort us, or give us purpose, in the face of possible annihilation. But climate scientists have a strange kind of faith: We will find a way to forestall radical warming, they say, because we must.

It is not easy to know how much to be reassured by that bleak certainty, and how much to wonder whether it is another form of delusion; for global warming to work as parable, of course, someone needs to survive to tell the story. The scientists know that to even meet the Paris goals, by 2050, carbon emissions from energy and industry, which are still rising, will have to fall by half each decade; emissions from land use (deforestation, cow farts, etc.) will have to zero out; and we will need to have invented technologies to extract, annually, twice as much carbon from the atmosphere as the entire planet’s plants now do. Nevertheless, by and large, the scientists have an enormous confidence in the ingenuity of humans — a confidence perhaps bolstered by their appreciation for climate change, which is, after all, a human invention, too. They point to the Apollo project, the hole in the ozone we patched in the 1980s, the passing of the fear of mutually assured destruction. Now we’ve found a way to engineer our own doomsday, and surely we will find a way to engineer our way out of it, one way or another. The planet is not used to being provoked like this, and climate systems designed to give feedback over centuries or millennia prevent us — even those who may be watching closely — from fully imagining the damage done already to the planet. But when we do truly see the world we’ve made, they say, we will also find a way to make it livable. For them, the alternative is simply unimaginable.

*This article appears in the July 10, 2017, issue of New York Magazine.

*This article has been updated to provide context for the recent news reports about revisions to a satellite data set, to more accurately reflect the rate of warming during the Paleocene–Eocene Thermal Maximum, to clarify a reference to Peter Brannen’s The Ends of the World, and to make clear that James Hansen still supports a carbon-tax based approach to emissions.


          Argentine Abortion Campaigners Brace for Crucial Senate Vote      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
After Ireland voted to legalize abortion in May, will Argentina, another traditionally Catholic country, do the same? The country’s senators will make the decision Wednesday, amid fiercely polarized campaigns on both sides of the hot-button issue. The bill was passed by Congress’ lower house in June by the narrowest of margins, but it is widely expected to fall short of the votes needed to pass in the Senate — 37 of the 72 senators have made it known they will say no. If the measure does fail, lawmakers must wait a year to resubmit the legislation. As the lawmakers settled in for what was expected to be a marathon session that could stretch past midnight, demonstrators on both sides rallied outside Congress. Abortion rights supporters wore green scarves while anti-abortion activists donned baby blue. A partition was set up to keep them separated. Scores of buses have brought people into Buenos Aires from other parts of Argentina, city hall said. Despite the negative projections and strong opposition from the highly influential Catholic Church in the homeland of Pope Francis, abortion rights proponents are not giving up hope. “We’re doing everything so that the initiative passes. We have faith in the street movement,” leading campaigner Julia Martino told AFP. “We believe many senators will show their support when the vote happens.” Currently, abortion is allowed in Argentina in only three cases, similar to most of Latin America: rape, a threat to the mother's life or if the fetus is disabled. If passed, the bill would legalize abortion during the first 14 weeks of pregnancy and see Argentina join Uruguay and Cuba as the only countries in Latin America to fully decriminalize abortion. It’s also legal in Mexico City. Only in the Central American trio of El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua does it remain totally banned. With the tide seemingly flowing against legalization, abortion rights groups tried to amend the bill to reduce from 14 to 12 weeks the period in which it would be permitted, but that move failed. What activists can count on, though, is huge support from citizens. Question of rights  Demonstrations were held in Buenos Aires, with other rallies taking place around the world in front of Argentine diplomatic missions. One abortion rights protester in Buenos Aires, 20-year-old Celeste Villalba, said keeping abortions illegal would not prevent them from happening. “This debate is whether it should be legal or done in secret. It’s not about being in favor of abortion or not,” she said. She said she feared that “social machismo and a patriarchal and retrograde Church” would block adoption of the bill in the Senate. Various charities estimate that 500,000 illegal, secret abortions are carried out every year in Argentina, resulting in around 100 deaths. But opponents of abortion are not lacking support and held their own demonstrations. Priests and nuns have been joined by rabbis, imams and members of other Christian churches to oppose the bill. One of them, Federico Berruete, a 35-year-old priest, joined anti-abortion demonstrators holding up slogans reading “Life starts at conception.” “There is a big display of faith, a lot of people have turned out for a more humane country. Children about to be born need to be defended,” he said. In mid-June, the lower house voted in favor by just 129 to 125 thanks in part to the nonetheless anti-abortion President Mauricio Macri’s insistence in pushing the bill through the legislature. The conservative president released a letter Wednesday welcoming the debate and saying this is about more than legalizing abortion or not. “As a society, it presents a peaceful scenario to promote and carry out change,” the president wrote. Senator Norma Durango from the Justice Party said she would work “until the last minute so that this becomes law,” warning that those who vote against the bill would be “responsible for continuing deaths.” The Catholic Church has appointed a bishop, Alberto Bochatey, to handle dialogue with Congress on the issue. Last month, Bochatey, 62, told AFP that “you cannot make a law to justify the elimination of human life,” but said the Church was against locking up those who carried out illegal abortions.
          El Diario de Hoy, El Salvador, Lunes 06 de agosto de 2018      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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          Minority-Owned Small Business Partner Spotlight powered by First Republic Bank: D’Maize      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Luis and Zenaida Estrada came to San Francisco from El Salvador in search of better opportunities, including the chance to start their own business. After taking MEDA’s Core Business Training startup course with his wife Zenaida in late 2011,

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          Aborto en Argentina: cifras alarmantes y un debate Verde que ya es histórico      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Aborto Legal, marcha a favor frente al Congreso, NA 

El debate sobre el aborto cobró mucha importancia siempre, pero en este último tiempo ganó terrero: es tiempo de tomar una solución al respecto, de darle un marco legal. Así lo creemos las mujeres de la Argentina, en pos de encontrar que se logre sumar un derecho... el derecho a elegir.

 

Es que el aborto legal no significa que puedan generarse más abortos sino que es la posibilidad de poder contar con el derecho a tenerlo. Por eso las calles se tiñeron de verde para que el reclamo de miles de mujeres sea escuchado por los gobernantes.

 

Fue el pasado 14 de junio cuando la Cámara de Diputados en Argentina votó a favor de la legalización del aborto durante las primeras 14 semanas de embarazo. Fueron intensas horas de debate en el Parlamento. En las calles, mientras tanto, se vivía con euforia y emoción. Se celebró la aprobación fuera del Congreso entre gritos y lágrimas. La media sanción del proyecto de ley representó un momento histórico, no sólo para las mujeres en Argentina, sino para toda América Latina. 

 

De ahí su pase al Senado en busca de la aprobación. Este miércoles, clave en Cámara Alta, los números no acompañaban (desde antes de iniciado el debate) al reclamo Verde sino al Celeste, es decir, las cifras acompañaban al anti-aborto. Claro está, este tema generó la división en todo un país. Definiendo entre dos colores la elección de cada mujer. 

 

Pero más allá de todo, las estadísticas hablan por sí solas y son preocupantes en torno al tema del aborto. Tal como muestra la investigación realizada por 28 periodistas mujeres de Latinoamérica bajo el nombre de Chicas Argentina (@ChicaPoderosaAR), el aborto es más que un “sí” o un “no”. Aquí, las razones que generaron la movilización en la nuestro país:

Aborto Legal, marcha a favor frente al Congreso, Reuters 

QUÉ SE DISCUTE SOBRE EL ABORTO

 

  • En Argentina, el Congreso votó el “sí” al tratamiento de un nuevo proyecto de ley de aborto legal, llamado Proyecto de Ley de Interrupción Voluntaria del Embarazo (IVE) hasta la semana 14 de gestación redactado por la Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito. Su aprobación dependerá de lo que decida el Senado este 8 de agosto. A juzgar por los números, no sería aprobada y dejaría el debate en stand by.

     

  • En la actualidad, el aborto en el país no es punible bajo dos causales: si corriera peligro la vida de la madre o si el feto fuera resultado de una violación, según el código penal de 1921.

     

  • La nueva ley (ver texto completo AQUÍ) ampliaría los derechos de las mujeres para que decidan sobre su propio cuerpo: se plantea como una cuestión de salud pública para frenar la clandestinidad de los abortos y el riesgo para la vida de la mujer.

Aborto Legal, marcha a favor frente al Congreso, Reuters 

LO QUE HAY QUE SABER

 

  • En Argentina, un 15% de los nacimientos son de madres adolescentes, según Unicef.

     

  • Por año, suceden entre 370 mil y 522 mil abortos en el país, informan datos del Ministerio de Salud de Argentina.

     

  • Es difícil de calcular, pero según Chequeado, solo en 2016 murieron 43 mujeres por abortos clandestinos.

     

  • En Argentina existe una ley de educación sexual integral de 2006 (la ley 26150) pero, según la Fundación Huésped, no se implementa, porque menos de 20% de los docentes del país están capacitados.

     

  • Red de Mujeres, Socorristas en Red brindan más información a las mujeres sobre el aborto en Argentina.

 

 

ABORTO EN LATINOAMÉRICA

 

Made with Flourish

 

  • La situación en la región es variada. Hay casos extremos, como el de El Salvador, donde hasta un aborto que sucede de forma natural puede llevar a una mujer a la cárcel; casos intermedios, donde la violación o el riesgo de la vida de la madre pueden justificar un aborto legal, como en Chile; y dos casos donde el aborto es un derecho al que las mujeres acceden sin restricciones, como en Cuba, o con algunas restricciones, como Uruguay.

 

  • Además de reflejar las luchas que las mujeres están dando en sus países para avanzar sus derechosreproductivos, la #InvestigaciónPoderosa muestra una realidad: que en América Latina todos los días hay miles de mujeres que abortan. Las condiciones que rodean a estos abortos - el embarazo adolescente y la (falta de) educación sexual integral - también fueron incluidas para mostrar un panorama más completo de la situación. 

 

 Más detalles sobre "la investigación PODEROSA" AQUÍ. 

 Aborto, marcha contra el aborto legal, Reuters

El debate del aborto abrió una brecha. Una más de tantas. Y ahora, lo que para mí es simplemente una cuestión de "derechos" termina quedando relegado a la espera de obtener un marco legal.

 

Con este proyecto sólo se buscar evitar abortos clandestinos, poder ofrecer educación sexual, generar conciencia en torno a los embarazos y poder evitar muertes de mujeres por la falta de un aborto legal. Así debería ser.

 

Para otras, se trata simplemente de defender la vida del bebé. Con sus derechos. Y que en esta ocasión parecieran "chocar" con los derechos de la mujer. Paradojas de la vida, siendo que la mujer es la que puede engendrar esa otra vida. 

 

Y ¿qué hay acerca de la vida de la mujer? Parecería quedar relegada ella y su decisión. Al menos una despenalización podría dar paso a la "elección" consciente, contando con el apoyo de allegados y profesionales para la contención ante una situación de tener que elegir entre seguir adelante o no con un embarazo.

 

Somos tantas las mujeres, y de tan diversas edades y pensamientos. Como así también existen diferentes opiniones sobre el aborto. Y dentro del Congreso, las decisiones también generaron polémica.  

 

Aborto Legal, marcha a favor, Claudia Seta, Diario 26, Reuters

Por Claudia Seta

Twitter: @setaclaudia

*Datos proporcionados por @ChicaPoderosaAR.

*Fotos Reuters y NA.

 


          Is it safe for tourists in El Salvador?      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Is it safe to travel to El Salvador as a tourist? I want to go to Central America, but I'm unsure which countries to go to as I don't know which ones are safe. Is the political situation stable, or should I be worried about safety there?
          El salvador safety      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Many people think of elsalvador as a violent place. What would you say to a tourist considering of traveling there?
          El Salvador: Ex-presidente No Aguantó Más Y Confesó Todo      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

The post El Salvador: Ex-presidente No Aguantó Más Y Confesó Todo appeared first on Cachicha.com.


          'Innocent Voices'      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Yesterday I saw Innocent Voices. I expected a just enthralling movie because I heard the movie is rather amusing, and it is absolutely stellar. I'm definitely going to buy the DVD when it comes out! The plot involved the following: Set in the mid-1980s El Salvador, in the midst of the country's civil war, a young boy must decide between enlisting in the army or join up with guerrillas Leonor Varela should get an Oscar. Leonor Varela's performance is excellent too. The script is enthralling. Very special movie that is compelling and funny. Go see this movie!
          Font identification | font hola el salvador 2018      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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          Font identification | hola el salvador font      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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          Colombia es el cuarto país que más invierte en Honduras      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Logística.  Argos invertirá en Choloma, Cortés.

San Pedro Sula, Honduras Totto, la empresa de textiles colombiana, ha visto en el mercado centroamericano un nicho de constante crecimiento.

En Honduras tiene más de 12 años de operaciones y ocho puntos de venta y 200 distribuidores a nivel nacional.

Totto está en más de 30 países con 650 puntos de venta y 3,000 personas empleadas y otros 7,000 en sus canales de distribución.

63.

3Millones de dólares esel saldo de las compras que Honduras hizo de Colombia y las ventas a ese país sumaron más de 12 millones dólares hasta mayo.

“La marca, con sus maletines, ropa y accesorios, se ha convertido en la primera opción de compra, porque las personas la relacionan con calidad”, refiere Allan Martínez, gerente de Mercadeo de Totto en Honduras.

La empresa conquistó en 2016 el reinado de bolsos y accesorios en Colombia con un incremento del 87% de las ganancias, al tiempo de seguir conquistando el extranjero con un plan de expansión que sigue hasta la fecha y con agenda de avanzar para la década del 2020.

A criterio de Martínez, parte de la recepción favorable de los consumidores es explicado por la tecnología y diseños puestos en cada producto.

Para Honduras, la inversión extranjera directa (IED) de Colombia sumó $13.

3 millones hasta marzo de este año.

Al cierre del año pasado, estos flujos de capital sumaron $103.

9 millones, un incremento interanual de 5.

3%.

Con este resultado, casi el 9% de la IED que recibió Honduras vino de ese país sudamericano, convirtiéndolo en el cuarto país que más invierte en Honduras, luego de Panamá (20%), Estados Unidos (17%) y Guatemala (9.

6%), conforme al BCH.

Otras empresas colombianas que operan a nivel nacional son Pintuco, por medio de su marca Protecto, Davivienda, Avianca y Cementos Argos.

Esta última anunció a principios de año la construcción de una planta para ampliar su capacidad de producción de cemento, misma que está valorada en $20 millones.

La obra denominada estación de molienda estará en Choloma, Cortés.

En el período 2000-2014, la IED colombiana a Centroamérica, según datos del Banco de la República de ese país, sumó $9.

231 millones.

De ellos, Panamá captó el 70.

7% de toda la inversión, seguido por Guatemala (10.

9%), El Salvador (7.

8%), Honduras (5.

8%) y Costa Rica (4.

9%), detalla un informe de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (Cepal).

Los sectores financieros y empresariales, industria manufacturera, petróleo, electricidad, transporte y comercio al por mayor, son las actividades que más recibieron capital colombiano.

Argos invertirá en Choloma, Cortés.

EstrategiaLos mandatarios de Colombia y Honduras hablaron de potenciar dos importantes destinos de ambos países, San Andrés y Roatán.

La idea entre los dos países es impulsar un trabajo que explote en mejor forma el concepto de la economía naranja (basada en el talento, la cultura, la propiedad intelectual y la conectividad), indicó el presidente Juan Orlando Hernández en conferencia ayer en Tegucigalpa.

“Hablamos de complementar el trabajo entre las islas de Roatán y San Andrés; asimismo, de intercambios culturales por medio de un esquema bajo el concepto de la economía naranja, con actos culturales, recreaciones funcionales y otros aspectos”, explicó Hernández.

Añadió que en ese esquema de trabajo, en Honduras se pretende reforzar áreas de turismo a las que no se les había sacado el debido provecho, como la represa hidroeléctrica conocida como El Cajón.

“Debemos mejorar muchos aspectos en el turismo”, dijo Hernández.


          Hombre cayó a hueco inundado por las lloviznas en Villa El Salvador [VIDEO]      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Las lloviznas en la capital peruana han generado que inundaciones en las calles, las cuales
          Alleged MS-13 leader asks to ease NY jail restrictions      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

MINEOLA, N.Y. (AP) — A man identified by prosecutors as the East Coast leader of the MS-13 gang says he's suffering from his Long Island jail lockdown.

Newsday reports that Miguel Angel Corea Diaz recently asked a judge for an improvement in jail conditions.

His lawyer, Scott Gross, says Corea Diaz has been locked in a cell for about 23 hours a day and only has limited phone access.

Corea Diaz says he has been unable to talk to his children. He also said he had received death threats from outside the jail.

The judge said she would look into his request. Nassau County declined to comment.

An indictment alleges Corea Diaz ordered beatings and killings while directing MS-13 drug operations in New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Texas and elsewhere. He has pleaded not guilty.

MS-13, or La Mara Salvatrucha, recruits young teenagers from El Salvador and Honduras — though many gang members were born in the U.S.


          MICROCAPITAL BRIEF: IDB Disburses $148m for Energy-efficiency Projects for Small, Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) in Argentina, El Salvador, Paraguay via UN’s Green Climate Fund      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

With funds drawn from the Green Climate Fund (GCF), a UN-managed investment vehicle for mitigating the effects of climate change, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), a member of the US-based IDB Group, recently made three loans totaling USD 140 million to finance energy-efficiency projects undertaken by small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Latin America. Each

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          International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador Tickets (AwesomeSeating) $71.30      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Tickets available for International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador on Tuesday, September 11

          The most persistent and pernicious canard      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
One of the most persistent and pernicious canards we hear about Third World invaders of White lands is that if given a chance to settle they'll become 'just like us', law-abiding and productive. So why aren't they like that in their home countries? Ah, that would be because they have to 'endure' high levels of crime and corruption there. And who are the instigators of said crime and corruption? Well, unless unknown interlopers are making daring nightly raids  across their borders then their own people are to blame. 

The overwhelming majority of illegal immigrants to the USA are from Latin America and that region is one of the world's worst in terms of the murder, poverty and corruption upon which lie a flimsy and delusional patina of democracy. Unbelievably almost 120 politicians were murdered in the run up to Mexico's most recent election. But this just reflects the rest of society. The homicide rate stands around 22 per 100,000 population — near the levels of Columbia and Guatemala. By way of contrast the USA rate is 5 (the vast majority of murderers are non-White) while Ireland's is less than 1.  The real high achievers are Honduras (44) and El Salvador (60) - both, by the way, rich sources of illegal immigration to the USA.

Meanwhile in Brazil, that happy samba-land of multicultural bliss, things have got so bad that, according to Zero Hedge the country's elites have become "totally freaked out" and are fleeing 'bloodshed and chaos'. 'Amid the economic, political, and social collapse, Brazil has been described by many as being in the midst of a “zombie apocalypse” as years of corruption and violence spectacularly implodes all at once. Horrified by the out of control violence and pessimistic about the nation’s political and economic outlook, thousands of wealthy Brazilians are now fleeing the country'. A well-known actor said he has considered moving his family to Europe for the safety of his three children. “In several years, they’re going to want to go out, to start dating, without worrying about getting shot.”  Well there's a simple answer to that: Ban guns.

It makes perfect sense for Third Worlders to emigrate to wealthy, safe and clean White countries. It makes no sense whatsoever for White countries to let them in because, as we see in the barrios and ghettos of America and Europe they'll turn their new host countries into mirrors of the ones they fled. While complaining bitterly about the racism of their hosts. 

No less an authority than Plato recognised this phenomenon more than 2,000 years ago when he said that 'this City is what it is because our citizens are what they are.'

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          History of the CIA - Part two      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
1968
Operation CHAOS — The CIA has been illegally spying on American citizens since 1959, but with Operation CHAOS, President Johnson dramatically boosts the effort. CIA agents go undercover as student radicals to spy on and disrupt campus organizations protesting the Vietnam War. They are searching for Russian instigators, which they never find. CHAOS will eventually spy on 7,000 individuals and 1,000 organizations.

Bolivia — A CIA-organized military operation captures legendary guerilla Che Guevara. The CIA wants to keep him alive for interrogation, but the Bolivian government executes him to prevent worldwide calls for clemency.

1969
Uruguay — The notorious CIA torturer Dan Mitrione arrives in Uruguay, a country torn with political strife. Whereas right-wing forces previously used torture only as a last resort, Mitrione convinces them to use it as a routine, widespread practice. "The precise pain, in the precise place, in the precise amount, for the desired effect," is his motto. The torture techniques he teaches to the death squads rival the Nazis’. He eventually becomes so feared that revolutionaries will kidnap and murder him a year later.

1970
Cambodia — The CIA overthrows Prince Sahounek, who is highly popular among Cambodians for keeping them out of the Vietnam War. He is replaced by CIA puppet Lon Nol, who immediately throws Cambodian troops into battle. This unpopular move strengthens once minor opposition parties like the Khmer Rouge, which achieves power in 1975 and massacres millions of its own people.

1971
Bolivia — After half a decade of CIA-inspired political turmoil, a CIA-backed military coup overthrows the leftist President Juan Torres. In the next two years, dictator Hugo Banzer will have over 2,000 political opponents arrested without trial, then tortured, raped and executed.

Haiti — "Papa Doc" Duvalier dies, leaving his 19-year old son "Baby Doc" Duvalier the dictator of Haiti. His son continues his bloody reign with full knowledge of the CIA.

1972
The Case-Zablocki Act — Congress passes an act requiring congressional review of executive agreements. In theory, this should make CIA operations more accountable. In fact, it is only marginally effective.

Cambodia — Congress votes to cut off CIA funds for its secret war in Cambodia.
Wagergate Break-in — President Nixon sends in a team of burglars to wiretap Democratic offices at Watergate. The team members have extensive CIA histories, including James McCord, E. Howard Hunt and five of the Cuban burglars. They work for the Committee to Reelect the President (CREEP), which does dirty work like disrupting Democratic campaigns and laundering Nixon’s illegal campaign contributions. CREEP’s activities are funded and organized by another CIA front, the Mullen Company.

1973
Chile — The CIA overthrows and assassinates Salvador Allende, Latin America’s first democratically elected socialist leader. The problems begin when Allende nationalizes American-owned firms in Chile. ITT offers the CIA $1 million for a coup (reportedly refused). The CIA replaces Allende with General Augusto Pinochet, who will torture and murder thousands of his own countrymen in a crackdown on labor leaders and the political left.

CIA begins internal investigations — William Colby, the Deputy Director for Operations, orders all CIA personnel to report any and all illegal activities they know about. This information is later reported to Congress.

Watergate Scandal — The CIA’s main collaborating newspaper in America, The Washington Post, reports Nixon’s crimes long before any other newspaper takes up the subject. The two reporters, Woodward and Bernstein, make almost no mention of the CIA’s many fingerprints all over the scandal. It is later revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the White House, and knows many important intelligence figures, including General Alexander Haig. His main source, "Deep Throat," is probably one of those.

CIA Director Helms Fired — President Nixon fires CIA Director Richard Helms for failing to help cover up the Watergate scandal. Helms and Nixon have always disliked each other. The new CIA director is William Colby, who is relatively more open to CIA reform.

1974
CHAOS exposed — Pulitzer prize winning journalist Seymour Hersh publishes a story about Operation CHAOS, the domestic surveillance and infiltration of anti-war and civil rights groups in the U.S. The story sparks national outrage.

Angleton fired — Congress holds hearings on the illegal domestic spying efforts of James Jesus Angleton, the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence. His efforts included mail-opening campaigns and secret surveillance of war protesters. The hearings result in his dismissal from the CIA.

House clears CIA in Watergate — The House of Representatives clears the CIA of any complicity in Nixon’s Watergate break-in.

The Hughes Ryan Act — Congress passes an amendment requiring the president to report nonintelligence CIA operations to the relevant congressional committees in a timely fashion.

1975
Australia — The CIA helps topple the democratically elected, left-leaning government of Prime Minister Edward Whitlam. The CIA does this by giving an ultimatum to its Governor-General, John Kerr. Kerr, a longtime CIA collaborator, exercises his constitutional right to dissolve the Whitlam government. The Governor-General is a largely ceremonial position appointed by the Queen; the Prime Minister is democratically elected. The use of this archaic and never-used law stuns the nation.
Angola — Eager to demonstrate American military resolve after its defeat in Vietnam, Henry Kissinger launches a CIA-backed war in Angola. Contrary to Kissinger’s assertions, Angola is a country of little strategic importance and not seriously threatened by communism. The CIA backs the brutal leader of UNITAS, Jonas Savimbi. This polarizes Angolan politics and drives his opponents into the arms of Cuba and the Soviet Union for survival. Congress will cut off funds in 1976, but the CIA is able to run the war off the books until 1984, when funding is legalized again. This entirely pointless war kills over 300,000 Angolans.

"The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence" — Victor Marchetti and John Marks publish this whistle-blowing history of CIA crimes and abuses. Marchetti has spent 14 years in the CIA, eventually becoming an executive assistant to the Deputy Director of Intelligence. Marks has spent five years as an intelligence official in the State Department.

"Inside the Company" — Philip Agee publishes a diary of his life inside the CIA. Agee has worked in covert operations in Latin America during the 60s, and details the crimes in which he took part.
Congress investigates CIA wrong-doing — Public outrage compels Congress to hold hearings on CIA crimes. Senator Frank Church heads the Senate investigation ("The Church Committee"), and Representative Otis Pike heads the House investigation. (Despite a 98 percent incumbency reelection rate, both Church and Pike are defeated in the next elections.) The investigations lead to a number of reforms intended to increase the CIA’s accountability to Congress, including the creation of a standing Senate committee on intelligence. However, the reforms prove ineffective, as the Iran/Contra scandal will show. It turns out the CIA can control, deal with or sidestep Congress with ease.

The Rockefeller Commission — In an attempt to reduce the damage done by the Church Committee, President Ford creates the "Rockefeller Commission" to whitewash CIA history and propose toothless reforms. The commission’s namesake, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, is himself a major CIA figure. Five of the commission’s eight members are also members of the Council on Foreign Relations, a CIA-dominated organization.

1979
Iran — The CIA fails to predict the fall of the Shah of Iran, a longtime CIA puppet, and the rise of Muslim fundamentalists who are furious at the CIA’s backing of SAVAK, the Shah’s bloodthirsty secret police. In revenge, the Muslims take 52 Americans hostage in the U.S. embassy in Tehran.
Afghanistan — The Soviets invade Afghanistan. The CIA immediately begins supplying arms to any faction willing to fight the occupying Soviets. Such indiscriminate arming means that when the Soviets leave Afghanistan, civil war will erupt. Also, fanatical Muslim extremists now possess state-of-the-art weaponry. One of these is Sheik Abdel Rahman, who will become involved in the World Trade Center bombing in New York.

El Salvador — An idealistic group of young military officers, repulsed by the massacre of the poor, overthrows the right-wing government. However, the U.S. compels the inexperienced officers to include many of the old guard in key positions in their new government. Soon, things are back to "normal" — the military government is repressing and killing poor civilian protesters. Many of the young military and civilian reformers, finding themselves powerless, resign in disgust.

Nicaragua — Anastasios Samoza II, the CIA-backed dictator, falls. The Marxist Sandinistas take over government, and they are initially popular because of their commitment to land and anti-poverty reform. Samoza had a murderous and hated personal army called the National Guard. Remnants of the Guard will become the Contras, who fight a CIA-backed guerilla war against the Sandinista government throughout the 1980s.

1980
El Salvador — The Archbishop of San Salvador, Oscar Romero, pleads with President Carter "Christian to Christian" to stop aiding the military government slaughtering his people. Carter refuses. Shortly afterwards, right-wing leader Roberto D’Aubuisson has Romero shot through the heart while saying Mass. The country soon dissolves into civil war, with the peasants in the hills fighting against the military government. The CIA and U.S. Armed Forces supply the government with overwhelming military and intelligence superiority. CIA-trained death squads roam the countryside, committing atrocities like that of El Mazote in 1982, where they massacre between 700 and 1000 men, women and children. By 1992, some 63,000 Salvadorans will be killed.

1981
Iran/Contra Begins — The CIA begins selling arms to Iran at high prices, using the profits to arm the Contras fighting the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. President Reagan vows that the Sandinistas will be "pressured" until "they say ‘uncle.’" The CIA’s Freedom Fighter’s Manual disbursed to the Contras includes instruction on economic sabotage, propaganda, extortion, bribery, blackmail, interrogation, torture, murder and political assassination.

1983
Honduras — The CIA gives Honduran military officers the Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual – 1983, which teaches how to torture people. Honduras’ notorious "Battalion 316" then uses these techniques, with the CIA’s full knowledge, on thousands of leftist dissidents. At least 184 are murdered.

1984
The Boland Amendment — The last of a series of Boland Amendments is passed. These amendments have reduced CIA aid to the Contras; the last one cuts it off completely. However, CIA Director William Casey is already prepared to "hand off" the operation to Colonel Oliver North, who illegally continues supplying the Contras through the CIA’s informal, secret, and self-financing network. This includes "humanitarian aid" donated by Adolph Coors and William Simon, and military aid funded by Iranian arms sales.

1986
Eugene Hasenfus — Nicaragua shoots down a C-123 transport plane carrying military supplies to the Contras. The lone survivor, Eugene Hasenfus, turns out to be a CIA employee, as are the two dead pilots. The airplane belongs to Southern Air Transport, a CIA front. The incident makes a mockery of President Reagan’s claims that the CIA is not illegally arming the Contras.

Iran/Contra Scandal — Although the details have long been known, the Iran/Contra scandal finally captures the media’s attention in 1986. Congress holds hearings, and several key figures (like Oliver North) lie under oath to protect the intelligence community. CIA Director William Casey dies of brain cancer before Congress can question him. All reforms enacted by Congress after the scandal are purely cosmetic.

Haiti — Rising popular revolt in Haiti means that "Baby Doc" Duvalier will remain "President for Life" only if he has a short one. The U.S., which hates instability in a puppet country, flies the despotic Duvalier to the South of France for a comfortable retirement. The CIA then rigs the upcoming elections in favor of another right-wing military strongman. However, violence keeps the country in political turmoil for another four years. The CIA tries to strengthen the military by creating the National Intelligence Service (SIN), which suppresses popular revolt through torture and assassination.

1989
Panama — The U.S. invades Panama to overthrow a dictator of its own making, General Manuel Noriega. Noriega has been on the CIA’s payroll since 1966, and has been transporting drugs with the CIA’s knowledge since 1972. By the late 80s, Noriega’s growing independence and intransigence have angered Washington… so out he goes.

1990
Haiti — Competing against 10 comparatively wealthy candidates, leftist priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide captures 68 percent of the vote. After only eight months in power, however, the CIA-backed military deposes him. More military dictators brutalize the country, as thousands of Haitian refugees escape the turmoil in barely seaworthy boats. As popular opinion calls for Aristide’s return, the CIA begins a disinformation campaign painting the courageous priest as mentally unstable.

1991
The Gulf War — The U.S. liberates Kuwait from Iraq. But Iraq’s dictator, Saddam Hussein, is another creature of the CIA. With U.S. encouragement, Hussein invaded Iran in 1980. During this costly eight-year war, the CIA built up Hussein’s forces with sophisticated arms, intelligence, training and financial backing. This cemented Hussein’s power at home, allowing him to crush the many internal rebellions that erupted from time to time, sometimes with poison gas. It also gave him all the military might he needed to conduct further adventurism — in Kuwait, for example.

The Fall of the Soviet Union — The CIA fails to predict this most important event of the Cold War. This suggests that it has been so busy undermining governments that it hasn’t been doing its primary job: gathering and analyzing information. The fall of the Soviet Union also robs the CIA of its reason for existence: fighting communism. This leads some to accuse the CIA of intentionally failing to predict the downfall of the Soviet Union. Curiously, the intelligence community’s budget is not significantly reduced after the demise of communism.

1992
Economic Espionage — In the years following the end of the Cold War, the CIA is increasingly used for economic espionage. This involves stealing the technological secrets of competing foreign companies and giving them to American ones. Given the CIA’s clear preference for dirty tricks over mere information gathering, the possibility of serious criminal behavior is very great indeed.

1993
Haiti — The chaos in Haiti grows so bad that President Clinton has no choice but to remove the Haitian military dictator, Raoul Cedras, on threat of U.S. invasion. The U.S. occupiers do not arrest Haiti’s military leaders for crimes against humanity, but instead ensure their safety and rich retirements. Aristide is returned to power only after being forced to accept an agenda favorable to the country’s ruling class.

EPILOGUE

In a speech before the CIA celebrating its 50th anniversary, President Clinton said: "By necessity, the American people will never know the full story of your courage."

Clinton’s is a common defense of the CIA: namely, the American people should stop criticizing the CIA because they don’t know what it really does. This, of course, is the heart of the problem in the first place. An agency that is above criticism is also above moral behavior and reform. Its secrecy and lack of accountability allows its corruption to grow unchecked.

Furthermore, Clinton’s statement is simply untrue. The history of the agency is growing painfully clear, especially with the declassification of historical CIA documents. We may not know the details of specific operations, but we do know, quite well, the general behavior of the CIA. These facts began emerging nearly two decades ago at an ever-quickening pace. Today we have a remarkably accurate and consistent picture, repeated in country after country, and verified from countless different directions.

The CIA’s response to this growing knowledge and criticism follows a typical historical pattern. (Indeed, there are remarkable parallels to the Medieval Church’s fight against the Scientific Revolution.) The first journalists and writers to reveal the CIA’s criminal behavior were harassed and censored if they were American writers, and tortured and murdered if they were foreigners. (See Philip Agee’s On the Run for an example of early harassment.) However, over the last two decades the tide of evidence has become overwhelming, and the CIA has found that it does not have enough fingers to plug every hole in the dike. This is especially true in the age of the Internet, where information flows freely among millions of people. Since censorship is impossible, the Agency must now defend itself with apologetics. Clinton’s "Americans will never know" defense is a prime example.

Another common apologetic is that "the world is filled with unsavory characters, and we must deal with them if we are to protect American interests at all." There are two things wrong with this. First, it ignores the fact that the CIA has regularly spurned alliances with defenders of democracy, free speech and human rights, preferring the company of military dictators and tyrants. The CIA had moral options available to them, but did not take them.

Second, this argument begs several questions. The first is: "Which American interests?" The CIA has courted right-wing dictators because they allow wealthy Americans to exploit the country’s cheap labor and resources. But poor and middle-class Americans pay the price whenever they fight the wars that stem from CIA actions, from Vietnam to the Gulf War to Panama. The second begged question is: "Why should American interests come at the expense of other peoples’ human rights?"

The CIA should be abolished, its leadership dismissed and its relevant members tried for crimes against humanity. Our intelligence community should be rebuilt from the ground up, with the goal of collecting and analyzing information. As for covert action, there are two moral options. The first one is to eliminate covert action completely. But this gives jitters to people worried about the Adolf Hitlers of the world. So a second option is that we can place covert action under extensive and true democratic oversight. For example, a bipartisan Congressional Committee of 40 members could review and veto all aspects of CIA operations upon a majority or super-majority vote. Which of these two options is best may be the subject of debate, but one thing is clear: like dictatorship, like monarchy, unaccountable covert operations should die like the dinosaurs they are.


This article came from this website.

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          Nicaragua’s failed coup      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

While the international pressure continues, by mid-July it became clear that, for the time being at least, the opposition in Nicaragua no longer has sufficient local support to achieve its goal. Español

Crowds of supporters during Daniel Ortega's inauguration speech. Wikimedia Commons. All Rights Reserved.

For three months Daniel Ortega and his government in Nicaragua were under intense pressure to resign – from protesters and opposition groups, from local media and from right-wing politicians in the US. But by mid-July it became clear that, despite persistent images of near-collapse painted by the international press, the country appears to be returning to something close to normality. How did a protest that seemed so strong when it began, lose momentum so quickly?

Daniel Ortega has been in power since 2007, in the last election won 72% of the vote and until recently was running high in independent opinion polls. Despite this, a casual reader of the national and international media would get the impression that he’s deeply despised.

In Open Democracy, the international protest group SOS Nicaragua calls him a “tyrant hell-bent on the bloody repression of the nation.” His local detractors agree. For example, on July 10 Vilma Núñez, a longstanding opponent of Ortega’s who was originally his ally, told the BBC that he is rolling out an “extermination plan” for Nicaragua.

When rebels briefly held one of Nicaragua’s cities a few weeks ago, their leaders said they had ended “eleven years of repression”. SOS Nicaragua even claims that Ortega is a “more hated and more long-lived tyrant than Nicaragua’s former dictator” (Anastasio Somoza and his family, who ruled Nicaragua ruthlessly for more than 40 years).

A casual glance at social media will show that plenty of people share these views, and at the peak of the opposition’s popularity they clearly had considerable traction. But the opposition’s first mistake might have been its overblown rhetoric, as people began to question whether it squared with their own perceptions.

For example, until April this year, Nicaragua was the second safest country in Latin America despite also being one of the poorest. Its police were renowned for their community-based methods in which (unlike in the “northern triangle” countries of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala) killings by police officers were a rarity. Drugs-related crime was at a minimum and the violent gangs found in neighbouring countries didn’t exist.

Of course the police weren’t perfect, but people could safely report problems such as domestic violence without expecting a violent response from police themselves. Yet the same police are now labelled “assassins” by the opposition and blamed for the majority of the deaths since the protests started.

No one has questioned how a force with a record of limited violence was transformed overnight into ruthless murderers, supposedly capable of torture and even of killing children.

That there have been violent deaths in the past three months is not in doubt. Bloomberg repeated the claim from local human rights groups that 448 had died by the end of July. However, a detailed analysis of those reported in the first two months of the crisis showed how the numbers were being manipulated. By then nearly 300 deaths had been recorded by the two main human rights organisations or by the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.

A claim made right from the beginning by the protesters was that they were either unarmed or at best had only homemade weapons to protect themselves. Again, the international media were convinced. But local people could see otherwise.

A case-by-case analysis showed that of those listed only about 120 were definitely attributable to the protests, with many unrelated to the events or having unclear causes, or involved bystanders or resulted from double-counting.  Of course, the exaggerated picture is still held in many people’s minds (only the other day someone told my wife that “hundreds of students have been killed”), but many others have gradually realised that no massacre has in fact occurred.

In an important respect the opposition succeeded. They created what The Guardian calls “a widespread and growing consensus within the international community that Nicaragua’s government is in fact largely responsible for the bloodshed.” While human rights NGOs repeat the message that the police and security forces (in Amnesty International’s words) “shoot to kill”, the people themselves mostly know otherwise. Whatever the provenance of the deaths in the April protests, recent victims have often been government supporters or the police themselves.

In an analytic interview, Nils McCune explained to journalist Max Blumenthal how the opposition violence grew and Sandinistas were persecuted. Examples include a little reported incident on July 12, in which opposition gunmen killed four police and a schoolteacher in the small town of Morrito, kidnapping nine others.

On July 15, protesters captured a policeman from Jinotepe while he was on his way home, tortured him and burnt his body. Of the deaths verified in the analysis above, about half are of government officials, police or Sandinista supporters. On August 4 there was a massive march in Managua of government supporters calling for justice for these deaths, which are little reported internationally.

A claim made right from the beginning by the protesters was that they were either unarmed or at best had only homemade weapons to protect themselves. Again, the international media were convinced. But local people could see otherwise. The dangerous homemade mortars were soon being supplemented by more serious weapons. In the places where the protesters rested control of the streets, AK47s and other arms were being carried openly.

This was not surprising, as what started as mainly a student protest quickly changed to one in which trouble-makers were recruited from outside. There were reports from various cities of youths being paid to man the barricades; in some cases, more serious criminals became involved.

One of the student leaders of the protest, Harley Morales, admitted on June 10 that they had lost touch with what was happening on the streets. It was increasingly clear to local people that the coup attempt was leading to danger and insecurity of a kind they hadn’t experienced for years.

An initially successful element of the opposition’s campaign was building road blocks (“tranques”) on city streets and on the country’s half-dozen main highways. At one point the country was effectively paralysed and the government was forced to demand the lifting of the tranques before it would continue with the “national dialogue” aimed at resolving the crisis (hosted by Catholic bishops and involving both opposition and government supporters).

If the opposition had been sensible, it would have taken the government at its word, lifted the blockades and insisted that the dialogue proceed at pace. But either it was hooked on the power that the blockades had given it, or it couldn’t control those who were manning them. As well as simply being intimidating for local people to cross and very disruptive for local businesses, by this stage the tranques were the main focus of violence.

They quickly turned from being an opposition asset to being the main reason why people wanted a quick return to “normality” (a plea frequently heard in the streets). In the space of only a week or two, the opposition lost perhaps the best chance it had to influence the outcome of the crisis. When police and paramilitaries finally moved in to clear the tranques, people were out celebrating in Leon, Carazo and Masaya.

Another area in which the opposition wasted its initial gains was in use of social media. The starting point for the crisis was a forest fire in one of the country’s remote reserves. The opposition accused the government of ignoring the fire and turning down offers of help to fight it. By the time these were shown to be false, attention had moved on to a much more inflammatory issue, reforms to the social security system.

The strength and pace of the protests were fuelled by a stream of real and fake news, principally via Facebook. Of course government supporters were doing the same, but the opposition proved far more effective.

Again, there were distorted messages both about the reforms themselves and the subsequent protests. In perhaps the first example of mass manipulation of social media in Nicaragua since smartphones became widely available a couple of years ago, the strength and pace of the protests were fuelled by a stream of real and fake news, principally via Facebook. Of course government supporters were doing the same, but the opposition proved far more effective.

Any death was of a protester. Scenes were staged of tearful students uttering their “last messages” while under fire or people “confessing” to doing the government’s dirty work. While manipulation by the government side was more obvious and less sophisticated, many people became sceptical about what they saw on their phones and began to place more trust in their own experiences.

As the opposition became more desperate, social media took a turn for the worse, with instructions to track down and kill government “toads” (“zapos”), leading to the victimising and even torturing of government workers and supporters.  The intolerance has spread to the US and Europe, with SOS Nicaragua members shouting down anyone speaking about Nicaragua who does not support their line (as happened in early August in San Francisco).

Yet another opposition tactic that misfired was in calling strikes. That these came about was due to big business, which for long was happy to live with the Ortega government but was called to action by the US ambassador in March, when she told them they needed to get involved in politics. From day one they supported the opposition, even at the cost of their own businesses.

But Nicaragua is unique in Latin America in having only modest reliance on big firms. Thanks both to the nature of its economy and support from the Ortega government, small businesses, artesan workshops, co-ops and small farmers have grown in number.

What’s known as the “popular economy” contributes 64% of national income, far higher than is the case with Nicaragua’s neighbours. As well as being strangled by the tranques, small businesses couldn’t cope with strikes. Some observed them (perhaps under threat) but many did not, and the opposition lost other potential allies.

The protest marches, tranques and strikes were all aimed at putting pressure on the government, with the (televised) national dialogue as the public platform. Here, the opposition not only missed its best chance to secure reforms but its attacks misfired in other ways. It had only one argument, repeatedly put forward, that the government was responsible for all the deaths that were happening and must resign forthwith.

In other words, it didn’t really want dialogue at all. A belligerence that found approval among its hard-core supporters was simply off-putting to the majority of people who desperately wanted a negotiated outcome that would end the violence. The national dialogue now receives little attention, in part because the government has regained control of the streets but also because it is obvious that the opposition were using it only to insult and criticise, with no real intention of engaging properly.

Furthermore, instead of the Catholic church staying to one side as mediators, their priests have again and again been found to support the protests, so their role as neutral actors in the dialogue is no longer credible, if it ever was.

By aligning itself with the right wing of the US Republican party through its well-publicised trips to Washington and Miami, and its acceptance of US government finance, the opposition points to a change of political direction for Nicaragua which would be anathema to most Sandinistas and even to many of its own supporters.

By having to speak publicly in the dialogue, the opposition has also exposed other weaknesses. While it is united in wanting Ortega to go, it is divided on tactics and even more fundamentally in its politics. Whatever one thinks of the Ortega government, it can be seen to have taken the country in a certain direction and to have accumulated many social achievements during its eleven years in power.

What would happen to these? Even on the issue that ostensibly began the protests, the national social security fund, the opposition offers no clear alternative. Worse, by aligning itself with the right wing of the US Republican party through its well-publicised trips to Washington and Miami, and its acceptance of US government finance (detailed by the Grayzone Project), the opposition points to a change of political direction for Nicaragua which would be anathema to most Sandinistas and even to many of its own supporters.

There is a paradox here, because a tactic which backfired in Nicaragua may yet serve the opposition’s cause internationally and damage both Nicaragua and the Ortega government in a different way. While for the Trump administration Nicaragua is hardly a priority, there is long-running resentment about the success of Sandinista governments within the US establishment, awoken by the recent protests.

The same establishment also sees an opportunity to attack an ally of Venezuela’s. It has been working hard in bodies like the Organisation of American States, aided by its new allies in the region, to restrict Nicaragua’s support to the small number of Latin American countries that refuse to play the US game. While the OAS/OEA can take few concrete steps itself, it is contributing to an image of Nicaragua among US lawmakers that may allow sanctions to be imposed that could be very damaging to its economy and hence to its people.

As a result of all the opposition’s mistakes, and of the government’s concerted action to regain control, Nicaragua’s real situation has shifted markedly in the few weeks since mid-July. But international commentators are failing to keep up. The New York Times, Huffington Post, Guardian and other media continue to talk about the tyranny, or the mounting political violence, or (in the case of Huffpost) even the rise of fascism in Nicaragua.

In Open Democracy, José Zepeda claims that “the majority of the Nicaraguan people have turned their backs on [Ortega]”.  In Canada, the Ottawa Citizen talked about Nicaragua imploding. But most of these correspondents are not in the country. In practice the violence has slowed almost to a halt, Nicaraguan cities are clear of barricades and normal life is being resumed. The prevailing feeling is one of relief, and better-informed commentators have begun to conclude that the attempted coup has failed.

Of course there are enormous challenges, and huge potential pitfalls for a government now having to repair the country’s infrastructure with reduced tax revenues, scarce international investment and near-zero tourism, as well as facing open hostility from its neighbours and possible economic sanctions by the United States. But in terms of the strength of its core support among Nicaraguan people, Daniel Ortega’s government may even be stronger now than it was before the crisis began.

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Las alertas que han emitido los diferentes países a sus ciudadanos sobre la peligrosidad de viajar a Nicaragua cierran las oportunidades de trabajo para los turoperadores del país.

“Hemos llegado a un nivel de cancelaciones del 90% de reservaciones porque tenemos sobre el país advertencias de viajes (…); le están diciendo a ese flujo turístico que Nicaragua en estos momentos no está en condiciones para recibir visitantes”,  dijo la presidenta de la Asociación de Turoperadoras (Antur), Claudia Aguirre, tras participar en un encuentro de representantes del sector turismo que buscan una estrategia para enfrentar la crisis.

Antur aglutina a 45 turoperadoras, de las cuales 15 han cerrado, y las que aún sobreviven están ofreciendo rutas en zonas donde  existen ciertos niveles de seguridad al momento de desplazarse.

 Pasajes más caros por la reducción de vuelos

“(Por ejemplo) alguien que pueda venir de la frontera de Peñas Blancas que pueda movilizarse en zonas cercas, alguien que pueda llegar a El Castillo, Solentiname. Estamos hablando de una mínima expresión, de un 10%. Pero, de ahí la otra franja y los otros destinos que históricamente han sido de actividad de turismo lógicamente ahí no  hay reservaciones”, indicó Aguirre.

En León, Granada, Masaya, Rivas y Managua es donde se realizan las actividades de mayor preferencia de los turistas, según el Instituto Nicaraguense de Turismo (Intur), zonas que han sido más afectada por la situación del país, lo cual deja en desventaja a los prestadores de servicios para el turismo.

“Nosotros somos nicaragüenses y nos desplazamos a Granada, León y para nosotros mismos, los nicaragüenses, es tensionante”, mencionó Aguirre.

Por su parte,  la presidenta la Cámara Nacional de Turismo (Canatur), Lucy Valenti, demandó a las autoridades gubernamentales “sacar de circulación a los paramilitares”, porque de lo contrario ni el turismo interno podrá desplazarse con tranquilidad en los diferentes destinos.

 Encapuchados ahuyentan a turistas, afirman dueños de negocios

El Intur registra que los turistas prefieren realizar actividades que demandan desplazamientos como visita de ciudades coloniales, pueblos blancos, isletas de Granada, Isla de Ometepe, reservas naturales, mercado de artesanía y la ruta del norte.

Nicaragua fuera de multidestinos

Las touroperadoras que tienen alianzas con sus pares en Nicaragua han reestructurado el itinerario de sus clientes, pues no existen “condiciones de seguridad óptimas” para el turista.

Las fuentes relacionadas al sector apuntan a que Costa Rica y Guatemala, principalmente, están captando a ese flujo de visitantes.

“El  visitante que venía a Nicaragua lo que hace es quedarse más  (tiempo) en Costa Rica”, aseveró Aguirre.

Valenti lamentó que el trabajo que venían realizando en esa vía, no tenga frutos en este momento. “No se está incluyendo a Nicaragua en estos momentos por la situación, seguramente se están yendo  a Costa Rica, Panamá, Guatemala, incluso Honduras y El Salvador, que también tiene multidestinos”.

Mientras que el presidente de la Asociación de Pequeños Hoteleros de Nicaragua (Hopen), Héctor Jiménez, afirmó que “Costa Rica está en bonanza, porque tiene sus turistas y el (turista) que no nos está viniendo a nosotros”.

 La corrupción de Guatemala es nociva para la economía de Centroamérica

Ese comportamiento ha obligado a los pequeños hoteleros a regresar el dinero a los huéspedes que habían reservado a través de las plataformas digitales.

“Nos pasó con Booking y Expedia, que tuvimos que regresar el dinero que ya teníamos de la reserva”, resaltó el presidente de Hopen.

Inevitable fuga de especialistas

Conocedores del sector turístico estiman que por la crisis han despedido a más de 70,000 empleados, la mayoría con experiencia en las especialidades propias del sector, lo cual los deja en mayor desventaja al momento de reiniciar las operaciones porque  muchos de ellos han migrado.

“Mucho de ese personal había regresado a Nicaragua procedente de Costa Rica, había aprendido y capacitado en la industria turística, pero mucho de ese personal se ha ido a Costa Rica”, añadió Valenti.

Antur aglutina a 45 turoperadoras, de las cuales 15 han cerrado, y las que aún sobreviven están ofreciendo rutas en zonas donde  existen ciertos niveles de seguridad al momento de desplazarse.

Aguirre dice que el profesional del turismo va a migrar donde haya mayor movimiento, y sí la mayoría lo ha hecho a Costa Rica es porque ahí “encuentran un espacio”.

Alertas botan campaña de promoción internacional

Valenti y Aguirre coinciden en que mientras no se busque una salida a la situación del país, no hay campaña de promoción internacional exitosa.

“¿Qué estrategia de promoción podemos ver? ¿Cuáles son las medidas a reflexión? Vamos a invertir en promoción internacional cuando nosotros tenemos serias e innumerables advertencias de viajes,  miremos primero y reflexionemos de cuáles son las condiciones reales en que estamos”, señaló Aguirre.


          DEPARTAMENTO DE VENTA SECTOR REP DEL SALVADOR      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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Wed, 08 Aug 2018 09:53:16 -0400
          Nicaragua’s failed coup      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

While the international pressure continues, by mid-July it became clear that, for the time being at least, the opposition in Nicaragua no longer has sufficient local support to achieve its goal. Español

Crowds of supporters during Daniel Ortega's inauguration speech. Wikimedia Commons. All Rights Reserved.

For three months Daniel Ortega and his government in Nicaragua were under intense pressure to resign – from protesters and opposition groups, from local media and from right-wing politicians in the US. But by mid-July it became clear that, despite persistent images of near-collapse painted by the international press, the country appears to be returning to something close to normality. How did a protest that seemed so strong when it began, lose momentum so quickly?

Daniel Ortega has been in power since 2007, in the last election won 72% of the vote and until recently was running high in independent opinion polls. Despite this, a casual reader of the national and international media would get the impression that he’s deeply despised.

In Open Democracy, the international protest group SOS Nicaragua calls him a “tyrant hell-bent on the bloody repression of the nation.” His local detractors agree. For example, on July 10 Vilma Núñez, a longstanding opponent of Ortega’s who was originally his ally, told the BBC that he is rolling out an “extermination plan” for Nicaragua.

When rebels briefly held one of Nicaragua’s cities a few weeks ago, their leaders said they had ended “eleven years of repression”. SOS Nicaragua even claims that Ortega is a “more hated and more long-lived tyrant than Nicaragua’s former dictator” (Anastasio Somoza and his family, who ruled Nicaragua ruthlessly for more than 40 years).

A casual glance at social media will show that plenty of people share these views, and at the peak of the opposition’s popularity they clearly had considerable traction. But the opposition’s first mistake might have been its overblown rhetoric, as people began to question whether it squared with their own perceptions.

For example, until April this year, Nicaragua was the second safest country in Latin America despite also being one of the poorest. Its police were renowned for their community-based methods in which (unlike in the “northern triangle” countries of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala) killings by police officers were a rarity. Drugs-related crime was at a minimum and the violent gangs found in neighbouring countries didn’t exist.

Of course the police weren’t perfect, but people could safely report problems such as domestic violence without expecting a violent response from police themselves. Yet the same police are now labelled “assassins” by the opposition and blamed for the majority of the deaths since the protests started.

No one has questioned how a force with a record of limited violence was transformed overnight into ruthless murderers, supposedly capable of torture and even of killing children.

That there have been violent deaths in the past three months is not in doubt. Bloomberg repeated the claim from local human rights groups that 448 had died by the end of July. However, a detailed analysis of those reported in the first two months of the crisis showed how the numbers were being manipulated. By then nearly 300 deaths had been recorded by the two main human rights organisations or by the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.

A claim made right from the beginning by the protesters was that they were either unarmed or at best had only homemade weapons to protect themselves. Again, the international media were convinced. But local people could see otherwise.

A case-by-case analysis showed that of those listed only about 120 were definitely attributable to the protests, with many unrelated to the events or having unclear causes, or involved bystanders or resulted from double-counting.  Of course, the exaggerated picture is still held in many people’s minds (only the other day someone told my wife that “hundreds of students have been killed”), but many others have gradually realised that no massacre has in fact occurred.

In an important respect the opposition succeeded. They created what The Guardian calls “a widespread and growing consensus within the international community that Nicaragua’s government is in fact largely responsible for the bloodshed.” While human rights NGOs repeat the message that the police and security forces (in Amnesty International’s words) “shoot to kill”, the people themselves mostly know otherwise. Whatever the provenance of the deaths in the April protests, recent victims have often been government supporters or the police themselves.

In an analytic interview, Nils McCune explained to journalist Max Blumenthal how the opposition violence grew and Sandinistas were persecuted. Examples include a little reported incident on July 12, in which opposition gunmen killed four police and a schoolteacher in the small town of Morrito, kidnapping nine others.

On July 15, protesters captured a policeman from Jinotepe while he was on his way home, tortured him and burnt his body. Of the deaths verified in the analysis above, about half are of government officials, police or Sandinista supporters. On August 4 there was a massive march in Managua of government supporters calling for justice for these deaths, which are little reported internationally.

A claim made right from the beginning by the protesters was that they were either unarmed or at best had only homemade weapons to protect themselves. Again, the international media were convinced. But local people could see otherwise. The dangerous homemade mortars were soon being supplemented by more serious weapons. In the places where the protesters rested control of the streets, AK47s and other arms were being carried openly.

This was not surprising, as what started as mainly a student protest quickly changed to one in which trouble-makers were recruited from outside. There were reports from various cities of youths being paid to man the barricades; in some cases, more serious criminals became involved.

One of the student leaders of the protest, Harley Morales, admitted on June 10 that they had lost touch with what was happening on the streets. It was increasingly clear to local people that the coup attempt was leading to danger and insecurity of a kind they hadn’t experienced for years.

An initially successful element of the opposition’s campaign was building road blocks (“tranques”) on city streets and on the country’s half-dozen main highways. At one point the country was effectively paralysed and the government was forced to demand the lifting of the tranques before it would continue with the “national dialogue” aimed at resolving the crisis (hosted by Catholic bishops and involving both opposition and government supporters).

If the opposition had been sensible, it would have taken the government at its word, lifted the blockades and insisted that the dialogue proceed at pace. But either it was hooked on the power that the blockades had given it, or it couldn’t control those who were manning them. As well as simply being intimidating for local people to cross and very disruptive for local businesses, by this stage the tranques were the main focus of violence.

They quickly turned from being an opposition asset to being the main reason why people wanted a quick return to “normality” (a plea frequently heard in the streets). In the space of only a week or two, the opposition lost perhaps the best chance it had to influence the outcome of the crisis. When police and paramilitaries finally moved in to clear the tranques, people were out celebrating in Leon, Carazo and Masaya.

Another area in which the opposition wasted its initial gains was in use of social media. The starting point for the crisis was a forest fire in one of the country’s remote reserves. The opposition accused the government of ignoring the fire and turning down offers of help to fight it. By the time these were shown to be false, attention had moved on to a much more inflammatory issue, reforms to the social security system.

The strength and pace of the protests were fuelled by a stream of real and fake news, principally via Facebook. Of course government supporters were doing the same, but the opposition proved far more effective.

Again, there were distorted messages both about the reforms themselves and the subsequent protests. In perhaps the first example of mass manipulation of social media in Nicaragua since smartphones became widely available a couple of years ago, the strength and pace of the protests were fuelled by a stream of real and fake news, principally via Facebook. Of course government supporters were doing the same, but the opposition proved far more effective.

Any death was of a protester. Scenes were staged of tearful students uttering their “last messages” while under fire or people “confessing” to doing the government’s dirty work. While manipulation by the government side was more obvious and less sophisticated, many people became sceptical about what they saw on their phones and began to place more trust in their own experiences.

As the opposition became more desperate, social media took a turn for the worse, with instructions to track down and kill government “toads” (“zapos”), leading to the victimising and even torturing of government workers and supporters.  The intolerance has spread to the US and Europe, with SOS Nicaragua members shouting down anyone speaking about Nicaragua who does not support their line (as happened in early August in San Francisco).

Yet another opposition tactic that misfired was in calling strikes. That these came about was due to big business, which for long was happy to live with the Ortega government but was called to action by the US ambassador in March, when she told them they needed to get involved in politics. From day one they supported the opposition, even at the cost of their own businesses.

But Nicaragua is unique in Latin America in having only modest reliance on big firms. Thanks both to the nature of its economy and support from the Ortega government, small businesses, artesan workshops, co-ops and small farmers have grown in number.

What’s known as the “popular economy” contributes 64% of national income, far higher than is the case with Nicaragua’s neighbours. As well as being strangled by the tranques, small businesses couldn’t cope with strikes. Some observed them (perhaps under threat) but many did not, and the opposition lost other potential allies.

The protest marches, tranques and strikes were all aimed at putting pressure on the government, with the (televised) national dialogue as the public platform. Here, the opposition not only missed its best chance to secure reforms but its attacks misfired in other ways. It had only one argument, repeatedly put forward, that the government was responsible for all the deaths that were happening and must resign forthwith.

In other words, it didn’t really want dialogue at all. A belligerence that found approval among its hard-core supporters was simply off-putting to the majority of people who desperately wanted a negotiated outcome that would end the violence. The national dialogue now receives little attention, in part because the government has regained control of the streets but also because it is obvious that the opposition were using it only to insult and criticise, with no real intention of engaging properly.

Furthermore, instead of the Catholic church staying to one side as mediators, their priests have again and again been found to support the protests, so their role as neutral actors in the dialogue is no longer credible, if it ever was.

By aligning itself with the right wing of the US Republican party through its well-publicised trips to Washington and Miami, and its acceptance of US government finance, the opposition points to a change of political direction for Nicaragua which would be anathema to most Sandinistas and even to many of its own supporters.

By having to speak publicly in the dialogue, the opposition has also exposed other weaknesses. While it is united in wanting Ortega to go, it is divided on tactics and even more fundamentally in its politics. Whatever one thinks of the Ortega government, it can be seen to have taken the country in a certain direction and to have accumulated many social achievements during its eleven years in power.

What would happen to these? Even on the issue that ostensibly began the protests, the national social security fund, the opposition offers no clear alternative. Worse, by aligning itself with the right wing of the US Republican party through its well-publicised trips to Washington and Miami, and its acceptance of US government finance (detailed by the Grayzone Project), the opposition points to a change of political direction for Nicaragua which would be anathema to most Sandinistas and even to many of its own supporters.

There is a paradox here, because a tactic which backfired in Nicaragua may yet serve the opposition’s cause internationally and damage both Nicaragua and the Ortega government in a different way. While for the Trump administration Nicaragua is hardly a priority, there is long-running resentment about the success of Sandinista governments within the US establishment, awoken by the recent protests.

The same establishment also sees an opportunity to attack an ally of Venezuela’s. It has been working hard in bodies like the Organisation of American States, aided by its new allies in the region, to restrict Nicaragua’s support to the small number of Latin American countries that refuse to play the US game. While the OAS/OEA can take few concrete steps itself, it is contributing to an image of Nicaragua among US lawmakers that may allow sanctions to be imposed that could be very damaging to its economy and hence to its people.

As a result of all the opposition’s mistakes, and of the government’s concerted action to regain control, Nicaragua’s real situation has shifted markedly in the few weeks since mid-July. But international commentators are failing to keep up. The New York Times, Huffington Post, Guardian and other media continue to talk about the tyranny, or the mounting political violence, or (in the case of Huffpost) even the rise of fascism in Nicaragua.

In Open Democracy, José Zepeda claims that “the majority of the Nicaraguan people have turned their backs on [Ortega]”.  In Canada, the Ottawa Citizen talked about Nicaragua imploding. But most of these correspondents are not in the country. In practice the violence has slowed almost to a halt, Nicaraguan cities are clear of barricades and normal life is being resumed. The prevailing feeling is one of relief, and better-informed commentators have begun to conclude that the attempted coup has failed.

Of course there are enormous challenges, and huge potential pitfalls for a government now having to repair the country’s infrastructure with reduced tax revenues, scarce international investment and near-zero tourism, as well as facing open hostility from its neighbours and possible economic sanctions by the United States. But in terms of the strength of its core support among Nicaraguan people, Daniel Ortega’s government may even be stronger now than it was before the crisis began.

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          THE DOW WAS DOWN 45 POINTS WEDNESDAY YESTERDAY.      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
JEWISH KING JESUS IS COMING AT THE RAPTURE FOR US IN THE CLOUDS-DON'T MISS IT FOR THE WORLD.THE BIBLE TAKEN LITERALLY- WHEN THE PLAIN SENSE MAKES GOOD SENSE-SEEK NO OTHER SENSE-LEST YOU END UP IN NONSENSE.GET SAVED NOW- CALL ON JESUS TODAY.THE ONLY SAVIOR OF THE WHOLE EARTH - NO OTHER. 1 COR 15:23-JESUS THE FIRST FRUITS-CHRISTIANS RAPTURED TO JESUS-FIRST FRUITS OF THE SPIRIT-23 But every man in his own order: Christ the firstfruits; afterward they that are Christ’s at his coming.ROMANS 8:23 And not only they, but ourselves also, which have the firstfruits of the Spirit, even we ourselves groan within ourselves, waiting for the adoption, to wit, the redemption of our body.(THE PRE-TRIB RAPTURE)

HOARDING OF GOLD AND SILVER

JAMES 5:1-3
1 Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries that shall come upon you.
2 Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are motheaten.
3 Your gold and silver is cankered; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasure together for the last days.

REVELATION 18:10,17,19
10 Standing afar off for the fear of her torment, saying, Alas, alas that great city Babylon, that mighty city! for in one hour is thy judgment come.(IN 1 HR THE STOCK MARKETS WORLDWIDE WILL CRASH)
17 For in one hour so great riches is come to nought. And every shipmaster, and all the company in ships, and sailors, and as many as trade by sea, stood afar off,
19 And they cast dust on their heads, and cried, weeping and wailing, saying, Alas, alas that great city, wherein were made rich all that had ships in the sea by reason of her costliness! for in one hour is she made desolate.

EZEKIEL 7:19
19 They shall cast their silver in the streets, and their gold shall be removed:(CONFISCATED) their silver and their gold shall not be able to deliver them in the day of the wrath of the LORD: they shall not satisfy their souls, neither fill their bowels: because it is the stumblingblock of their iniquity.

LUKE 2:1-3
1 And it came to pass in those days, that there went out a decree from Caesar Augustus, that all the world should be taxed.
2  (And this taxing was first made when Cyrenius was governor of Syria.)
3  And all went to be taxed, every one into his own city.

REVELATION 13:16-18
16 And he(THE FALSE POPE WHO DEFECTED FROM THE CHRISTIAN FAITH) causeth all,(IN THE WORLD ) both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads:(MICROCHIP IMPLANT)
17 And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the mark,(MICROCHIP IMPLANT) or the name of the beast,(WORLD DICTATORS NAME INGRAVED ON YOUR SKIN OR TATTOOED ON YOU OR IN THE MICROCHIP IMPLANT) or the number of his name.(THE NUMBERS OF HIS NAME INGRAVED IN THE MICROCHIP IMLPLANT)-(ALL THESE WILL TELL THE WORLD DICTATOR THAT YOUR WITH HIM AND AGAINST KING JESUS-GOD)
18 Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast:(WORLD LEADER) for it is the number of a man; and his number is Six hundred threescore and six.(6-6-6) A NUMBER SYSTEM (6006006)OR(60020202006)(SOME KIND OF NUMBER IMPLANTED IN THE MICROCHIP THAT TELLS THE WORLD DICTATOR AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER THAT YOU GIVE YOUR TOTAL ALLIGIENCE TO HIM AND NOT JESUS)(ITS AN ETERNAL DECISION YOU MAKE)(YOU CHOOSE YOUR OWN DESTINY)(YOU TAKE THE DICTATORS NAME OR NUMBER UNDER YOUR SKIN,YOUR DOOMED TO THE LAKE OF FIRE AND TORMENTS FOREVER,NEVER ENDING MEANT ONLY FOR SATAN AND HIS ANGELS,NOT HUMAN BEINGS).OR YOU REFUSE THE MICROCHIP IMPLANT AND GO ON THE SIDE OF KING JESUS AND RULE FOREVER WITH HIM ON EARTH.YOU CHOOSE,ITS YOUR DECISION.

1 KINGS 10:13-14
13  And king Solomon gave unto the queen of Sheba all her desire, whatsoever she asked, beside that which Solomon gave her of his royal bounty. So she turned and went to her own country, she and her servants.
14  Now the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one year was six hundred threescore and six talents of gold,

GENESIS 49:16-17
16  Dan shall judge his people, as one of the tribes of Israel.
17  Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse heels, so that his rider shall fall backward.

REVELATION 6:5-6
5 And when he had opened the third seal, I heard the third beast say, Come and see. And I beheld, and lo a black horse; and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his hand.
6 And I heard a voice in the midst of the four beasts say, A measure of wheat for a penny, and three measures of barley for a penny; and see thou hurt not the oil and the wine.(A DAYS WAGES FOR A LOAF OF BREAD)

DOCTOR DOCTORIAN FROM ANGEL OF GOD
then the angel said, Financial crisis will come to Asia. I will shake the world.

BANK RELATED INFORMATION
http://israndjer.blogspot.ca/2015/09/bank-related-links.html 
CURRENCIES
http://www.bloomberg.com/markets/currencies
COMMODITIES
http://www.bloomberg.com/markets/commodities 


UPDATE-AUGUST 09,2018-12:00AM

DOW MARKET THURSDAY-AUGUST 09,,2018
09:30AM-5.07
10:00AM-
10:30AM-
11:00AM-
11:30AM-
12:00PM-
12:30PM-
01:00PM-
01:30PM-
02:00PM-
02:30PM-
03:00PM-
03:30PM-
04:00PM-0.00+ 25583.00 - S&P +0.00 2857.00 - NASDAQ +0.00 7888.00
HIGH +05 LOW -05
TSX -00.00 16,315.08 - GOLD $-00.00 $1,212.93 - OIL $-0.00 $66.67

EARTHQUAKES

EZEKIEL 37:7,11-14
7  So I prophesied as I was commanded: and as I prophesied, there was a noise, and behold a shaking, and the bones came together, bone to his bone.(POSSIBLE QUAKE BRINGS ISRAEL BACK TO LIFE-SO NOISE AND SHAKING-QUAKES WILL ALSO DESTROY ISRAELS ENEMIES)
11  Then he said unto me, Son of man, these bones are the whole house of Israel: behold, they say, Our bones are dried, and our hope is lost: we are cut off for our parts.
12  Therefore prophesy and say unto them, Thus saith the Lord GOD; Behold, O my people, I will open your graves, and cause you to come up out of your graves, and bring you into the land of Israel.
13  And ye shall know that I am the LORD, when I have opened your graves, O my people, and brought you up out of your graves,
14  And shall put my spirit in you, and ye shall live, and I shall place you in your own land: then shall ye know that I the LORD have spoken it, and performed it, saith the LORD.

MATTHEW 24:7-8
7 For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes, in divers places.
8 All these are the beginning of sorrows.

MARK 13:8
8 For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom:(ETHNIC GROUP AGAINST ETHNIC GROUP) and there shall be earthquakes in divers places, and there shall be famines and troubles: these are the beginnings of sorrows.

LUKE 21:11
11 And great earthquakes shall be in divers places,(DIFFERNT PLACES AT THE SAME TIME) and famines, and pestilences; and fearful sights and great signs shall there be from heaven.

UPDATE-AUGUST 09, 2018-11:55PM

1 Day, Magnitude 2.5+ U.S.33 of 36 earthquakes in map area.

    5.1-128km S of La Libertad, El Salvador-2018-08-09 00:26:02 (UTC)-38.3 km

STOCK MARKET AND EARTHQUAKE NEWS
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-up-126-points-tuesday.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-up-39-points-monday.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-up-136-points-friday-new.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/weekend-quake-results-for-august-04.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-down-07-points-thursday.html
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-down-81-points-wednesday.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-dow-was-up-108-points-tuesday.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/07/the-dow-was-down-144-points-monday.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/07/the-dow-was-down-76-points-friday-new.html 
http://israndjer.blogspot.com/2018/07/weekend-quake-results-for-july-28.html 

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          Caravan Of Central American Migrants Seeking Asylum Hope To Cross Border      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit MICHEL MARTIN, HOST: Now to the U.S.-Mexico border, where hundreds of people from Central America have gathered in hopes of crossing into the U.S. Many say they are fleeing from violence in Honduras and El Salvador and hope to present themselves to U.S. officials to ask for asylum. The so-called migrant caravan has attracted much media attention and the hostility of President Trump. U.S. officials say they will prosecute anybody who makes a false claim. NPR's Carrie Kahn is in Tijuana, Mexico, and she's with us now. Carrie, thanks so much for joining us. CARRIE KAHN, BYLINE: Thanks. Thanks for having me. MARTIN: So Carrie, you're there with the caravan. We understand that U.S. officials are saying that the main San Diego border crossing can't accept any more asylum-seekers tonight. What does that mean? And what do you see? KAHN: I am standing on the Mexican side right in front of the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana, and a group of about 40
          Resin frame clutch bag - Herb garden minuit - Awesome purse / Peach pink frame / Japanese fabric / Cotton and Steel / blue green yellow by octopurse      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

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Guess why it is called awesome? This purse is so stylish and classy! A compact size, with a bright resin frame closed by strong magnets. Easy and LOVELY! You can't miss it!

♥ Approximate size
Main body: 24cm wide, 12cm high, 9cm deep (9.5" x 4.75" x 3.5")
Frame (resin): 20 wide, 10cm high (8" x 4")

♥ Material
Outside: 85% cotton, 15% linen (reinforced)
Inside: 100% cotton
A combination of fleece in sewn between outer fabric and lining for structure, extra protection and "puffy touch"!
Toucher moelleux garanti!

♥ The playmobil is 7,5cm tall (3").
The listing is only for the purse, Playmobil not included ;)

♥ Smoke and pet free home.

♥ IMPORTANT: this item cannot be shipped to EL SALVADOR or DOMINICAN REPUBLIC without extra shipping charges. Please contact me for more infos.


          Resin frame clutch bag - Neon hexies in puple and orange - Awesome purse / Pink frame / Japanese fabric / Neon pink orange purple red by octopurse      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

50.00 EUR

Guess why it is called awesome? This purse is so stylish and classy! A compact size, with a bright resin frame closed by strong magnets. Easy and LOVELY! You can't miss it!

♥ Approximate size
Main body: 24cm wide, 12cm high, 9cm deep (9.5" x 4.75" x 3.5")
Frame (resin): 20 wide, 10cm high (8" x 4")

♥ Material
Outside: 100% cotton (reinforced)
Inside: 100% cotton
A combination of fleece in sewn between outer fabric and lining for structure, extra protection and "puffy touch"!
Toucher moelleux garanti!

♥ The playmobil is 7,5cm tall (3").
The listing is only for the purse, Playmobil not included ;)

♥ Smoke and pet free home.

♥ IMPORTANT: this item cannot be shipped to EL SALVADOR or DOMINICAN REPUBLIC without extra shipping charges. Please contact me for more infos.


          U.S. women's U18 hoops team into semifinals of FIBA tourney      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
by Palo Alto Online Sports/USA Basketball

Even without 6-foot-7 Texas sophomore Sedona Prince, who is out for the tournament after sustaining an injury in Friday's victory over Puerto Rico, the United States U18 women's basketball team had more than enough to win the rebounding battle en route to a convincing 87-27 victory over El Salvador in the quarterfinal round of the FIBA Americas Championship in Mexico City on Sunday.

          Professores do Paradesporto falam sobre sua experiência      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Na Semana Nacional da Pessoa com Deficiência, de 21 a 28 deste mês, o Núcleo de Paradesporto da Fundação Municipal de Esportes (FMEBC) preparou atividades relacionadas em algumas escolas. Elas são coordenadas pela diretoria de Esportes Comunitários e executadas pelo Núcleo de Paradesporto, que hoje possui quatro profissionais especializados: Alba Cristina Sobreira Garcia, Caike Rovigo, Gevelyn de Almeida Quadros e Tabata Aparecida Zuchi.

Segundo a diretora de Esportes Comunitários, Mariana Dalvesco, o projeto criado em 2017 para incluir deficientes às práticas esportivas atendeu no primeiro ano sete escolas municipais, uma escola particular, e esteve presente em cerca de cinco eventos.

As modalidades ofertadas são: atletismo adaptado (deficientes físicos, visuais e intelectuais); Voleibol sentado (deficientes físicos); Bocha paralímpica (deficientes físicos e intelectuais); Futebol de 5 (deficientes visuais); Basquetebol e handebol em cadeira de rodas (deficientes físicos) e Oficina de interação com os paratletas.

“É uma oportunidade para que alunos e professores possam experimentar as limitações que o deficiente físico possui e as ferramentas que podem ser utilizadas para a inclusão de todos através do esporte”, disse Mariana.

Durante a Semana da Pessoa com Deficiência a Fundação levará o projeto a três centros educacionais municipais (Tomaz Garcia/Vereador Santa/Nova Esperança), uma escola estadual (Higino Pio) e à Faculdade Avantis.

A reportagem conversou com os professores de esportes adaptados para saber como é esta experiência. Eles se dividem entre iniciar pessoas com deficiência na prática desportiva e outros em melhorar cada vez mais as marcas dos seus atletas de rendimento. Balneário tem muitos atletas com deficiência com títulos estaduais, nacionais e até mundial.

Acompanhe os depoimentos:

Gevelyn e suas atletas de handebol em cadeiras de rodas

Gevelyn de Almeida Quadros (atletismo e handebol em cadeira de rodas. É também atleta em destaque nacional) 

“O trabalho que viemos realizando com o paradesporto é de sensibilização. Procuramos levar a temática da pessoa com deficiência e o trabalho que vem sendo realizado pelos professores e pela Fundação Municipal de Esportes de uma forma mais próxima ou seja buscando por meio da inclusão e do projeto paradesporto nas escolas levar a vivência das modalidades adaptadas ofertadas pelo município. A resposta tem sido extremamente gratificante estamos tendo uma grande receptividade por parte também dos profissionais da rede municipal e principalmente dos alunos e da importância da igualdade e oportunidade para todos. O esporte transforma, educa e conscientiza, buscamos com o projeto não só captar novos atletas para fortalecer a equipe de paradesporto principalmente a nível escolar, mas é preciso trabalhar a conscientização sobre as diferenças para que a inclusão aconteça de forma plena em todos os quesitos. Colaboramos para uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária buscando cada vez mais trabalhar a inclusão de pessoas com deficiência em diferentes espaços na sociedade”.

Alba Cristina Sobreira Garcia (basquete em cadeiras de rodas e bocha paralímpica)

Alba e seus campeões

“Treinamos basquete toda terça e quinta no CEM Nova Esperança, das 19 às 22h30, é aberto ao público. Atualmente estamos em sétimo lugar no Brasileiro e somos a única equipe do sul do país a participar da primeira divisão nacional. Este ano iremos novamente representar SC no Campeonato Brasileiro e tentaremos nos manter na primeira divisão. Também estamos participando do estadual, promovido pela Federação Catarinense de Basquete em Cadeira de Rodas. Na bocha paralímpica estou preparando os atletas classificados em suas categorias: BC1 - Anelyse Nunes; BC2 - Gabriel Prezzi (campeão brasileiro, campeão do ParaJesc e foi convocado para a seleção catarinense na Paralimpíada em novembro e eu serei a técnica da seleção catarinense; BC4 - Neucir Francisco Borsatto, Kleverton Luiz Favaretto e Evandro Rodrigues da Rosa. Treinamos toda segunda, terça e sexta das 14h30 às 17h30 na Afadefi. É aberto a quem se interessar. Trabalhar com pessoas deficientes significou uma mudança muito grande de valores e de conceitos. Através desse trabalho consegui verificar que muitas vezes a gente dá importância para coisas tão supérfluas que esquecemos o principal, que é o amor ao próximo. Me sinto realizada tanto profissionalmente como quanto ser humano porque é muito importante saber que estou ajudando a reconstruir a vida, a colocá-los novamente em contato com a sociedade”.

Tabata Aparecida Zucchi (atletismo)

Tábata e sua turminha

“Com esta programação de uma semana, o principal objetivo é mostrar e fazer com que os envolvidos saibam como é o dia a dia das pessoas que possuem alguma limitação, deficiência. Já realizamos o projeto Paradesporto nas Escolas, que tem como público os alunos da rede municipal de ensino, ensino fundamental, onde também buscamos juntamente com os atletas, mostrar pra eles as rotinas de treinos e a diferença que o esporte fez na vida deles. Tendo uma troca de vivência, experiência e de carinho maravilhosa entre todos. Este é o meu primeiro ano trabalhando com eles e está sendo uma experiência e tanto, a cada dia durante nossas manhãs e tardes de treinos, aprendo mais. Para eles não tem tempo ruim, não tem dificuldade que os impeça de tentar qualquer coisa. Eles nos transmitem uma alegria que faz com que esquecemos de tudo aquilo que não nos acrescenta! É desafiador, porém somos recompensados ver um sorriso de orelha a orelha em cada um deles”.

Caique Rovigo (atletismo)

Caique com seus atletas de rendimento

“Atualmente temos 35 atletas no paratletismo, 21 são adultos de rendimento. Os nossos destaques são: Suelen Marcheski de Oliveira (campeã mundial juvenil); Paulina Pereira da Silva e Gevelyn de Quadros (campeãs para pan-americana FISU American Games e Gevelyn está atualmente entre as três melhores atletas do mundo no lançamentos dardo F55); Mike França Teply (seleção brasileira sub-19 de Fut7 e atualmente jogando a Copa do Mundo de Fut7 na Espanha). Temos também os atletas que irão para a Paralimpíada Escolar em novembro em São Paulo: Atletismo (Caroline Gomes de Castro, Brendha Bensberg Sanches e Karine Vitória da Silva Richter); Fut7 (Maike França Teply) e Goobool (Lucas Rafael Salvador). Trabalhar com pessoas com deficiência para mim é um sonho. Cada dia é uma conquista. Já tive grandes resultados (citados acima) e cada conquista deles é a realização de um sonho. Este projeto da Fundação é muito bacana, abre oportunidades e cada conquista deles é um avanço no trabalho que realizamos”.


          T&T quintet for Junior & Cadet Open in El Salvador      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Luc O’Young and Derron Douglas will spearhead a T&T quintet who will compete in the boy’s competition at the El Salvador Junior and Cadet Open International Table Tennis Federation (ITTF) Junior Circuit from August 15 to 19.

Douglas, the reigning national Under-15 champion left on Tuesday night to attend a training camp at Lilly Yip Table Tennis Training Centre, in Dunellen, New Jersey, USA for a week and will link up with national Under-18 title-holder O’Young, in Miami, at the end of the training stint before heading over to El Salvador where they will join other players.

Last month, Douglas and O’Young were beaten in their respective Junior Boys Singles last-32 matches at the 2018 Pan American Junior Table Tennis Championship, in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.

Douglas went under to Argentina’s Martin Bentacor 1-11, 10-12, 3-11, 8-11 and O’Young was beaten by USA’s Sharon Alguetti 2-11, 3-11, 3-11, 3-11.

The local duo was also ousted in the first round of the Boys Doubles, 11-9, 9-11, 6-11, 14-16 by Puerto Ricans, Angel Naranjo and Jabdiel Torres.

On Friday, both Douglas and O’Young had qualified from their round-robin singles group as second-placed finishers.

Douglas went under to Canada’s Terrence Yeung 4-11, 6-11, 8-11 in his four-player Group Ten opener.

However, the T&T ace rebounded with wins against Aruban Jean-Claude Hoek 12-10, 10-12, 11-5, 5-11, 11-9 and Brazilian, Sergio Bignardi, 11-5, 8-11, 11-4, 11-9 to end with a 2-1 pool record and second spot to qualify.

O’Young has also defeated in his Group Four opener by Chile’s Andres Martinez 3-11, 9-11, 8-11 but outplayed Dominican Republic’s Noel Almonte 11-6, 11-7, 11-6 in his other match for a 1-1 record and second in his three-player series.

Martinez defeats Almonte 11-8, 11-6, 5-11, 11-8 in the other match.

T&T’s other participant, Javier King did not manage to get out of his Group Eighth four-player pool after defeats at the hands of Uruguay’s Pablo Palou (6-11, 5-11, 7-11); Dominican Republic’s Omar Andujar (5-11, 7-11, 11-9, 7-11), and Canada’s Alexander Bu, (1-11, 5-11, 4-11).


          Significado de polvorete por Danilo Enrique Noreña Benítez      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Nombre de una canción tropical colombiana (Cumbia), compuesta por el maestro Manuel Salvador...
          Latin America's fight to legalise abortion: the key battlegrounds      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

After Argentina rejected a bill to allow abortion in the first 14 weeks of pregnancy, hopes of reform now rest elsewhere

An estimated 6.5 million abortions take place across Latin America each year. Three-quarters of these procedures are unlawful, often performed in unsafe illegal clinics or at home.

Of 33 countries across Latin America and the Caribbean, only Cuba, Uruguay and Guyana permit elective abortions. Women also have the right to choose in Mexico City. Elsewhere, however, the right to an abortion is severely restricted, with terminations often permitted in cases of rape, or if the pregnancy will endanger the life of the mother. Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Haiti and Suriname all have a complete ban on abortion.

Continue reading...
          Viaje a Zamora-Mirando do Douro-Puebla de Sanabria - # PARTE 1      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
ZAMORA: Ciudad del Románico

*Para ver bien las fotografías os aconsejo que las agrandéis una a una pinchando sobre ellas

Hace unos días estuvimos haciendo un pequeño viaje de 4 días, fuimos con mi hija Sonia y su hijo Teo (mi nieto mayor) mi marido y yo. Ya os he comentado que ahora mismo, por la situación que tenemos en casa con mi madre, no puedo ausentarme muchos días, así que estamos haciendo pequeñas escapadas para desconectar que falta nos hace....En esta primera fotografía, nuestra llegada a la Hostería Real de Zamora donde nos hospedamos, y  que se encuentra junto al puente de  piedra sobre el río Duero. 


La Hostería Real de Zamora es un hotel ubicado en el llamado Palacio de la Inquisición, edificio renacentista del siglo XVI, construido sobre una importante casa judía de la que se conserva el Mijhbe o Baño Judío (Foto arriba a la derecha). Está catalogado como monumento histórico artístico, con un patio claustral y los jardines colindantes con la Muralla Medieval de la ciudad.  Contiene tallas góticas y pinturas del Renacimiento y Barroco de autores como Murillo, Zurbarán, Cerezo, Morales, Tristán, Ribera, Maíno y Juan de Ribalta.  


Llegamos a media mañana, así que dejamos el equipaje en el hotel y nos dispusimos a recorrer el casco histórico de la ciudad de Zamora. Las primeras fotografías son del puente sobre el río Duero , al lado del hotel y  que desde la  terraza hay unas vistas divinas de este puente (arriba a la izda.) En la foto de arriba a la dcha. la cuesta que hay que subir desde la Hostería para acceder a su casco histórico, hacía mucho calor por cierto....uff!!!   Zamora tiene un casco histórico semi peatonal y muy bien conservado, es una ciudad pequeña que se recorre muy bien a pié. Pertenece a la comunidad  de Castilla-León , situada en el noroeste de España, en plena ruta de la Plata. 


Varias vistas de esa parte histórica de Zamora, las murallas donde posan mi nieto Teo y mi marido que rodean toda esa zona.  Arriba a la dcha. una fotografía de los jardines del Castillo donde se encuentran las ruinas ( las columnas) del Monasterio de San Jerónimo.  


El Castillo de Zamora, siglo XI, tiene forma romboidal de la que sobresalen tres torres, dos pentagonales y una heptagonal. Es el elemento que mejor define la historia de Zamora, recibiendo además , la máxima protección dentro del Patrimonio Histórico Español en 1931. Junto al castillo se ha instalado una sala de exposiciones del escultor zamorano Baltasar Lobo, del que encontramos varias esculturas en sus jardines.


Más de Zamora, en la fotografía donde estoy yo posando.....de las  pocas veces, porque no me gusta, la puerta del Monasterio de San Jerónimo, de la que os hablé con anterioridad en la foto de las columnas, que junto con esta puerta es lo que queda de él.....Otras fotografías de Zamora y sus calles monumentales....


 La Catedral de San Salvador del siglo XII, situada en la parte más alta de la ciudad de Zamora, con su famosa cúpula bizantina de 16 arcos dobles,  es una de las catedrales más pequeñas y antiguas de Castilla-León, declarada Monumento Nacional por una Real Orden en 1889. Estilo Románico del Duero. Se mezclan diferentes estilos en las distintas reformas de sus varias ampliaciones como son: además del Románico,  el  gótico y neoclásico.  Destaca también la torre del Salvador de 45 m de altura. 


Más iglesias de Zamora, arriba a la izda. Santa Lucía, del siglo XIII, de origen románico, el la fachada podemos ver el reloj solar . En la foto de al  lado la Iglesia de San Cipriano del siglo XI. Abajo a la izda, la Catedral de San Salvador con las columnas del antiguo Monasterio de San Jerónimo delante. Y al lado la iglesia de Santiago del Burgo, de finales del siglo XI o principios del XII, y finaliza en época tardorománica, se encuentra en la plaza de Santiago .   


Aquí nos encontramos con la Iglesia de San Juan Bautista, del siglo XII aunque se terminó en el siglo XV, está ubicada en la Plaza Mayor de Zamora. Lo más destacado  es el rosetón de rueda de carro , símbolo característico del románico, que se sitúa encima de la puerta principal. En lo alto de la torre ondea una de las veletas más famosas de Castilla-León (el Peromato) y  junto a su entrada encontramos uno de los monumentos más fotografiados de Zamora: el Merlú, seña de identidad de la Semana Santa zamorana. Abajo a la dcha. la Subdelegación del Gobierno, edificio modernista de 1902. 


En esta otra fotografía, arriba a la izda. el antiguo Ayuntamiento viejo situado en la plaza Mayor, abajo la estatua dedicada  a Viriato, en la plaza del mismo nombre. Y en la fotografía abajo a la derecha, el Parador de Zamora, antiguo palacio del siglo XV y estilo renacentista, situado también en la Plaza de Viriato. En la foto arriba, mi marido y Teo haciendo un pequeño descanso. 


Más de Zamora, en la fotografía de arriba, el ayuntamiento actual, situado en la Plaza Mayor, con muchas terracitas donde tomar algo fresco como hace Teo e hicimos todos nosotros, al lado de nuevo la Iglesia de San Juan, me repetí en la foto....uff!! con tantas....me hago un líooooo!! cuesta mucho hacer estas entradas, me lleva horas.......ya os lo digo yo. También vemos abajo a la izda, una fotografía de los edificios modernistas de la ciudad, la verdad que tiene edificios preciosos de ese estilo, es solo una muestra. Ese edificio azul, es el Teatro Ramos Carrión, también es de estilo modernista, se construyó en honor al humorista zamorano Miguel Ramos Carrión, del cual hay un busto delante .


Más edificios de Zamora, que fotografié durante mi paseo por la ciudad. Abajo a la dcha, donde aparece mi hija Sonia sentada, encontramos el Palacio de los Momos, es un edificio renacentista, aunque con decoración de elementos propios del gótico isabelino. Se construyó a finales del siglo XV y principios del XVI,  y que actualmente es el Palacio de Justicia.  En la foto de la izda. la Plaza del Seminario, donde se encuentra la estatua de San Alfonso y la Iglesia de San Andrés y junto a ella el Seminario Conciliar Diocesano.


Hubo tiempo también para ir de compras, compramos unos quesos zamoranos que son buenísimos, con su denominación de origen ¡¡nos encanta el queso zamorano!! trajimos para mis otros hijos :David y Cristina y la familia.  En estas fotografías varios escaparates de Zamora y la tienda donde hicimos nuestras compras de quesos y otras donde compramos algún recuerdo de la ciudad.  


Me encanta fotografiar el arte callejero en todas las ciudades que visito, es un vicio!!! y aquí una muestra. También unas notas preciosas que colgaban de un árbol que vimos en uno de nuestros paseos, fotografié una de ellas. Abajo esa casa con un "trampantojo" espectacular!!! es preciosa la verdad, digna de ver.  Y otras pinturas que también merecieron mi atención y que veis en estas otras fotografías. 


Otra de las cosas que me encanta fotografiar, son las bicicletas, siempre encuentro algunas que merecen la pena, por el diseño o por el entorno, aquí podemos ver tres: Una en la tienda donde compramos el queso  y que es antigua , otra pintada en un muro, y otra delante de un cartel, la combinación de la bici y el cartel me encantó. También fotografié otras cositas que me iba encontrando en el camino, como es ese cochecito antiguo, ese juego de la rana y ese edificio donde se ubica la Real Cofradía del  Santo Entierro, la Semana Santa Zamorana es muy famosa y de interés turístico.   


  Y por último unas fotografías del casco antiguo de Zamora que me gustan mucho, fotos tomadas en nuestros paseo por esa preciosa ciudad. Pasamos mucho calor, pero mereció la pena, tenía muchas ganas de conocer Zamora y ya me quité la espinita. Espero que os gusten y la visitéis si tenéis ocasión, merece mucho la pena . Os seguiré contando el resto del viaje......

Llevo unos días perdida, pero entre el viaje y la visita de mi familia a continuación, no hemos parado en casa nada, había que atenderlos como se merecen, ni tiempo había tenido de clasificar y preparar esta entrada, más vale tarde que nunca....¿no? Tengo que ponerme al día .....

Chelo  


          LOCAL INDUSTRIAL ZONIFICACIÓN I 2 VILLA EL SALVADOR      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
21564
EasyBroker ID: EB-AA4222. Local Industrial en Perú, Lima, Villa El Salvador. ESPACIOS IMPLEMENTAMOS Y ÁREAS CONFORME A SU NECESIDAD INDUSTRIAL 100% TECHADO O SIN TECHO. CUENTA CON ZONIFICACIÓN I-2 (INDUSTRIA LIVIANA) FÁBRICA, ALMACÉN/DEPÓSITO....
Sat, 07 Apr 2018 11:11:44 -0400
          Más de 5,300 menores hondureños deportados hasta julio, un 97,3% más que 2017 - El Nuevo Diario      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Un total de 5,314 menores hondureños que fueron detenidos cuando intentaban viajar ilegalmente a EE.UU., México, países centroamericanos y de Europa fueron deportados en los primeros siete meses de 2018, un 97,3 por ciento más que en el mismo periodo de 2017, informó hoy una fuente oficial.

Estados Unidos deportó en los primeros siete meses de este año a 119 menores hondureños, de ellos 84 son niños y 35 niñas, señala un informe del Observatorio Consular y Migratorio de Honduras al que tuvo acceso Acan-Efe.

 Lea: Deportación de guatemaltecos desde EEUU aumenta 85,2 % en siete meses de 2018

En el período de referencia, México deportó, por vía aérea, a 588 menores hondureños indocumentados, 377 de ellos infantes, añade el informe.

Según el documento, otros 4,573 menores hondureños, muchos de ellos solos, fueron deportados también por las autoridades mexicanas vía terrestre, mientras que otros 33 niños y adolescentes fueron repatriados desde Guatemala, El Salvador y Belice.

 De interés: Interceptan 149 migrantes centroamericanos en un camión en el sur de México

Las autoridades migratorias de Europa deportaron además a un menor hondureño, apunta el informe del Observatorio Migratorio de Honduras.

Un total de 2,693 menores hondureños indocumentados regresaron a su país deportados por las autoridades de Estados Unidos, México, Centroamérica, Europa y Suramérica en los primeros siete meses de 2017, según cifras oficiales.

  Además: Detienen a seis guatemaltecos acusados de tráfico de migrantes

De acuerdo con organismos de derechos humanos, un centenar de hondureños, muchos de ellos menores, salen a diario hacia Estados Unidos y pagan a traficantes de personas grandes cantidades de dinero.


                Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
EL DOMINÓ VENEZOLANO
JOAQUIN VILLALOBOS 
La tragedia venezolana no tiene precedentes en Latinoamérica. Algunos consideran que Venezuela puede convertirse en otra Cuba, pero lo más probable es que Cuba acabe pronto convertida en otra Venezuela. Estamos frente a la repetición del efecto dominó que derrumbó a los regímenes del campo socialista en Europa Oriental, cuando hizo implosión la economía soviética. Las relaciones económicas entre estos Gobiernos funcionaban bajo lo que se conocía como Consejo Económico de Ayuda Mutua (CAME). Fidel Castro copió el CAME y se inventó la Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de América (ALBA) para salvar su régimen con el petróleo venezolano. La implosión económica de Venezuela ha desatado un efecto dominó que pone en jaque a los regímenes de Nicaragua y Cuba y a toda la extrema izquierda continental.
Las economías de los ocho regímenes de Europa del Este y Cuba sobrevivían por el subsidio petrolero y económico soviético. Cuando este terminó, los países comunistas europeos colapsaron a pesar de contar con poderosas fuerzas armadas, policías y servicios de inteligencia. Cuba perdió el 85% de su intercambio comercial, su PIB cayó un 36%, la producción agrícola se redujo a la mitad y los cubanos debieron sobrevivir con la mitad del petróleo que consumían. Castro decidió “resistir” con lo que llamó “periodo especial” para evitar que la hambruna terminara en estallido social. En esas circunstancias apareció el subsidio petrolero venezolano que salvó al socialismo cubano del colapso. El dinero venezolano, a través de ALBA, construyó una extensa defensa geopolítica, financió a Unasur, a los países del Caribe y a Gobiernos y grupos de izquierda en Nicaragua, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Chile, Argentina, Bolivia y España.
Pero, como era previsible, la economía venezolana terminó en un desastre, resultado de haber expropiado más de 700 empresas y cerrado otras 500.000 por efecto de los controles que impuso al mercado. El chavismo destruyó la planta productiva y perdió a la clase empresarial, gerencial y tecnocrática del país. Este desastre terminó alcanzando al petróleo, con la paradoja de que ahora que los precios subieron, la producción se ha derrumbado porque Pdvsa quebró al quedarse sin gerentes y técnicos. El chavismo asesinó a la gallina de los huevos de oro, los subsidios al izquierdismo se acabaron y lo que estamos viendo ahora son los efectos. Más de 3.000 millones de dólares venezolanos parieron la autocracia nicaragüense, pero, cuando el subsidio terminó, el Gobierno intentó un ajuste estructural y estalló el actual conflicto. En mayo de este año Venezuela ¡compró petróleo extranjero! para seguir sosteniendo al régimen cubano.
La economía global está totalmente regida por relaciones capitalistas. La idea de que Rusia y China pueden ser la salvación es un sueño. Rusia es un país pobre con una economía del tamaño de la de España, pero con tres veces más población, y China es un país rico, pero, como todo rico, mide riesgos, invierte para sacar ganancias y si presta cobra con intereses. En la economía mundial, ahora nadie regala nada; Hugo Chávez fue el último Santa Claus y eso se acabó. No hay quien subsidie ni a Venezuela, ni a Cuba ni a Nicaragua. Quizás encuentren apoyos diplomáticos, pero lo que necesitan para no derrumbarse es dinero regalado no diplomacia compasiva.
Nada va a cambiar a favor, la única esperanza sería que se recuperara la economía venezolana y eso es imposible. El despilfarro y la corrupción hicieron quebrar a Pdvsa, ALBA y Unasur. Hay miles de millones de dólares perdidos y robados. Venezuela está en bancarrota y vive en un caos. Maduro se ha enfrentado a más de 5.000 protestas en lo que va de 2018, los venezolanos sufren hiperinflación, una criminalidad feroz, escases de comida, medicinas, gasolina y dinero circulante; los servicios de transporte, energía y agua están colapsados. En medio de un severo aislamiento internacional la cohesión del bloque de poder se acabó, Maduro está reprimiendo al propio chavismo, a los funcionarios de Pdvsa y a los militares, los tres pilares fundamentales de su poder. Este conflicto está dejando despidos, capturas, torturas, muertos y hasta un confuso atentado contra Maduro.
La brutal represión en Nicaragua acabó la confianza que había generado en el mercado y abrió un camino sin retorno que está arrasando con la débil economía del país. El Gobierno ha regresado a las expropiaciones poniendo terror al mercado y se estima que 215.000 empleos se han perdido; ya no habrá crecimiento, sino más pobreza, más crisis social, más emigración, más descontento, y un irreversible y creciente rechazo al régimen. En Cuba apenas empiezan a hablar de propiedad privada con cambios lentos y torpes hacia una economía de mercado. El régimen teme que el surgimiento de una clase empresarial rompa el balance de poder y tiene razón. En la Unión Soviética las primeras reformas obligaron a más reformas que terminaron derrumbando el sistema. La lección fue que no se podía reformar lo que es irreformable. Paradójicamente ahora la consigna para la economía cubana no es socialismo o muerte, sino capitalismo o muerte, los jóvenes cubanos no resistirán otra hambruna. Sin el subsidio venezolano, la crisis cubana está a las puertas y la débil autocracia nicaragüense flotará sin recuperarse hasta quedarse sin reservas para pagar la represión.
La defensa estratégica de Cuba ha sido alentar conflictos en su periferia para evitar presión directa sobre su régimen. Por eso apoyó siempre revueltas en todo el continente. Los conflictos en Venezuela y Nicaragua son ahora la defensa de Cuba, ha puesto a otros a matar y destruir mientras su régimen intenta reformarse. La salvaje represión que sufren y la compleja lucha que libran los opositores venezolanos y nicaragüenses no es casual. No se enfrentan a un Gobierno, sino a tres, y con ellos a toda la extrema izquierda. El destino de la dictadura cubana y de toda la mitología revolucionaria izquierdista está en juego. Los opositores sufren dificultades en el presente, pero los Gobiernos a los que enfrentan no tienen futuro. Son regímenes históricamente agotados, luchando por sobrevivir, pueden matar, apresar, torturar y ser en extremo cínicos, pero eso no resuelve los problemas económicos, sociales y políticos que padecen ni los libera del aislamiento internacional.
No hay una lucha entre izquierda y derecha, sino entre democracia y dictadura, en la que el mayor beneficio del fin de las dictaduras de izquierda será para la izquierda democrática que durante décadas ha pagado los costos del miedo y sufrido el chantaje de ser llamados traidores si se atrevían a cuestionar a Cuba. La izquierda democrática debe luchar con los pies en la tierra y asumir sin pena y sin miedo la democracia, el mercado y el deseo de superación individual que mueve a todos los seres humanos. No tiene sentido luchar por ideales y terminar defendiendo a muerte privilegios personales. No hay razones ni morales ni políticas, ni prácticas para defender algo que, además de no funcionar, genera matanzas, hambrunas y dictaduras.
Joaquín Villalobos fue guerrillero salvadoreño y es consultor para la resolución de conflictos.

          El aborto continuará siendo ilegal en Argentina: el Senado vota "no" a su despenalización      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Embarazo

El pasado mes de junio, la Cámara de Diputados de Argentina aprobó un proyecto de ley para despenalizar el aborto hasta la semana 14, aunque faltaba conocer el voto de Senado para ratificar esta decisión.

Ayer supimos que finalmente, con 38 votos en contra y 31 a favor, el Senado ha dicho "no" a reformar la ley del aborto en este país, continuando de este modo vigente la ley de 1921 por la que sólo se permite abortar en caso de violación o riesgo de vida para la madre.

La interrupción del embarazo seguirá siendo un delito penado con cárcel

Con el proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cámara de Diputados argentina, se pretendía despenalizar el aborto hasta la semana 14; es decir, que aquellas mujeres que quisieran poner fin a su embarazo en los primeros estadios de la gestación, pudieran hacerlo sin enfrentarse a penas de cárcel.

Pero el Senado, con un carácter mucho más conservador, no ha ratificado el proyecto de ley, por lo que la interrupción del embarazo continuará siendo tipificado como un delito penado con hasta cuatro años de cárcel, según la ley de 1921 que continuará vigente en el país.

La ley de 1921, sólo permite el aborto en caso de violación o riesgo de vida para la madre, dos supuestos que según muchas mujeres argentinas no responde a las demandas sociales actuales.

Este tema ha generado un gran debate en el país en los últimos meses, y ha dividido a la opinión pública en dos grupos enfrentados. De un lado, quienes se oponían a la legalización y pedían más ayudas y apoyo para las mujeres embarazadas. De otro lado, quienes apoyaban que el aborto pudiera ser legal, libre y gratuito.

Abortar en clandestinidad

El hecho de que el proyecto de ley no haya salido finalmente adelante, no hará que muchas mujeres argentinas continúen abortando de forma ilegal y poco segura.

Según explica El País, estimaciones extraoficiales cifran entre 350.000 y 450.000 las mujeres que abortan cada año en clandestinidad. Lo hacen asumiendo graves riesgos para sus vidas, sobre todo aquéllas que cuentan con menos recursos económicos y acaban sometiéndose a prácticas peligrosas realizadas por personas no profesionales .

Son muy pocos los países de América Latina y Caribe en los que el aborto es una práctica legal y libre: Cuba, Ciudad de México, Guayana, Guayana francesa, Puerto Rico y Uruguay (legalizado en el año 2012).

En seis países, el aborto no está permitido bajo ninguna circunstancia: El Salvador, Nicaragua, República Dominincana, República del Surinam, Honduras y Haití. Y en el resto de países (como el caso de Argetina), se permite con algunas excepciones

El caso de Irlanda

El caso de Argentina nos ha recordado al de Irlanda, uno de los países europeos que contaba con mayores restricciones en materia de aborto. Pero el pasado mes de mayo, se realizó un referéndum en el que los irlandeses votaron "sí" a la despenalización, provocando un cambio histórico en el país.

La modificación de la ley irlandesa permite ahora interrumpir el embarazo en las primeras 12 semanas de gestación, y hasta las 24 semanas si la vida o la salud de la madre estuvieran en riesgo, o si el feto no pudiera sobrevivir fuera del cuerpo de la madre.

Pero antes de esta reforma, las irlandesas sólo podían abortar si la vida de la madre corría peligro, y no se contemplaba el aborto en casos de incesto, violación o malformaciones del feto.

Según estimaciones de la OMS, cada año se realizan en el mundo 22 millones de abortos de forma insegura, lo que provoca la muerte de 47.000 mujeres, y discapacidad a cinco millones de ellas.

La OMS incide en la importancia de la educación sexual, la planificación familiar y el acceso al aborto inducido de forma legal y sin riesgos, para evitar las alarmantes cifras de muertes maternas en todo el mundo.

Vía | El País

En Magnet | Así se ha vivido en el Congreso y en las calles de Argentina el sí a la despenalización del aborto

En Bebés y Más | [Irlanda vota "sí" a reformar la legislación del aborto, según los primeros sondeos](Irlanda vota sí https://www.bebesymas.com/noticias/irlanda-vota-si-reformar-legislacion-aborto-segun-primeros-sondeos), Así es la ley que regula el aborto en los principales países europeos: plazos, supuestos y otras particularidades , La OMS ya alertó a España de que restringir el aborto provocaría más mortalidad materna


          Reconocen labor de biblioteca católica que envía libros a países pobres      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   


MADRID, 08 Ago. 18 (ACI Prensa).- El Pontificio Consejo de la Cultura ha reconocido la trayectoria de la Biblioteca Solidaria Misionera de Valencia (España) por la distribución de libros a países necesitados de América Latina y África que realizan bajo el lema “Cultura contra la pobreza”.

El Presidente del Pontificio Consejo para la Cultura, Cardenal Gianfranco Ravasi, envió una carta al P. Antonio Benlloch, director de la Biblioteca Solidaria Misionera, en la que reconoció la gran labor que realizan al recoger y distribuir libros y material escolar para  las escuelas de los países más pobres”.

De esta manera, el Cardenal Ravasi le concedió el patrocinio del Pontificio Consejo “en consideración al valor didáctico y humanitario de la iniciativa”.

Según señala la agencia AVAN, la Biblioteca Solidaria Misionera nació en el año 2001 con el objetivo de ayudar a quienes más lo necesitan llevándoles la cultura por medio de libros y material escolar para todos los niveles de enseñanza.

De esta manera la Biblioteca recibe desde de particulares o instituciones libros, enciclopedias, diccionarios hasta material audiovisual como vídeos, dvd´s, cd´s, y también material escolar para después clasificarlo y enviarlo a los países que lo necesitan.

Según informan, durante los primeros meses del 2018 se han enviado 356 kilos de material a Paraguay y más de 6.500 kilos a Perú.

En el último año se han distribuido 27.610 kilos de libros y material en Guinea Ecuatorial, Angola, Perú, Honduras, Bolivia, Paraguay, República Dominicana, Cuba, El Salvador, Argentina, Ecuador, Isla Margarita, y Venezuela.

Desde su primer envío en 2001, la Biblioteca ha mandado cerca de 240.000 libros.

Esta Biblioteca nació con el lema “Cultura contra la pobreza” y gracias a la iniciativa del sacerdote valenciano Juan Eduardo Schenk Sanchís y por el instituto secular Lumen Christi, fundado por él. Cuenta con el apoyo de voluntarios que en sus sedes recogen clasifican y organizan el material escolar.

Según declaró a AVAN el coordinador de la Biblioteca, Francisco Tébar, son necesario s más voluntarios para poder atender todos los pedidos que recibe y también pidió más ayuda económica ya que no reciben subvenciones oficiales, aunque subrayó la “estrecha colaboración” con Cáritas Diocesana y con la Delegación de Misiones del Arzobispado.

Para más información sobre cómo colaborar o apadrinar el envío de material escolar y libros AQUÍ. www.fundacion.padrejuan.org o enviar un correo electrónico fundacionpadrejuan@gmail.com








           El salvador de la boda de Diego Matamoros       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Kiko Matamoros se defiende de las acusaciones de la madre de su hijo, Marián Flores
          DEPARTAMENTO DE VENTA SECTOR REP DEL SALVADOR      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
169000
ACOGEDOR DEPARTAMENTO EXCELENTE UBICACIÓN !Por estrenar Dos dormitorios Dos bañosBalcónUna bodegaUn parqueaderoÁrea de BBQSauna, Turco y Gimnasio Angela Velasco C. 0998#####
2 habitaciones 2 baños 106 m² 1.594 USD/m² gimnasio
Wed, 08 Aug 2018 09:53:35 -0400
          Former Salvadoran president to plead guilty       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Sometimes you have to offer a plea deal but this just seems like a raw deal for the Salvadoran people. Former president Tony Saca of ARENA, subsequently GANA, was accused of embezzling over $300 million during his five years as president. He was arrested in late 2016 and faced up to 30 years in prison if convicted.

However, according to his lawyers this week, he agreed to plead guilty to charges of embezzlement and money laundering in return for a lighter sentence (10 years) and the seizure of some cash and properties ($25-35 million). 


Saca gets off relatively lightly. Even though they get a "win," prosecutors are still trying to find where the other $250 million embezzled funds went. There is speculation that the deal will guarantee ARENA support for the attorney general's re-election. Spanish and English media whitewash the fact that Saca was with ARENA during his presidency. And front-runner and former mayor of San Salvador for the FMLN, Nayib Bukele, is officially GANA's presidential candidate. I imagine that former president Mauricio Funes of the FMLN is now on the phone trying to get in touch with the attorney general for a similar deal. Can't make this stuff up.
          La FIFA rechaza el recurso presentado por Ramón "Primitivo" Maradiaga      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

La Prensa

Redacción Deportes.

La Comisión de Apelación de la FIFA ha informado este jueves de que ha rechazado el recurso interpuesto por el exseleccionador de El Salvador Ramón Maradiaga y ha confirmado la decisión adoptada por el órgano de decisión de la Comisión de Ética, que lo inhabilitó dos años para ejercer actividades relacionadas con el fútbol.

El pasado 2 de mayo la Comisión de Ética de la FIFA decidió inhabilitar durante dos años a Ramón Maradiaga por su implicación en un intento de manipulación de partidos en 2016, que fue denunciado por los jugadores del equipo.

Tras analizar y tener en cuenta todas las circunstancias del caso, la Comisión de Apelación estimó que la conducta de Maradiaga constituyó una violación del artículo 21 (cohecho y corrupción) y el 18 (obligación de denunciar, cooperar y rendir cuentas) del Código Ético de la FIFA de 2012.

LEA: "Primitivo" Maradiaga no podrá dirigir por dos años y Juticalpa busca nuevo DTLa citada comisión se mostró conforme con los principios y argumentos empleados por el órgano de decisión de la Comisión de Ética para calcular la sanción, y halló que la inhabilitación de dos años para ejercer actividades relacionadas con el fútbol, así como la multa de 20.

000 francos suizo impuesta a Maradiaga eran adecuadas.

Por consiguiente, ambas sanciones se mantienen vigentes.

La inhabilitación de Maradiaga entró en vigor el pasado 2 de mayo.

Ese día la Comisión de Ética de la FIFA decidió inhabilitar durante dos años a Ramón Maradiaga por su implicación en un intento de manipulación de partidos en 2016, que fue denunciado por los jugadores del equipo.

LEA: "Primitivo" Maradiaga se defiende: "Mi carrera ha sido limpia"Dicha sanción implica que Madariaga no puede ejercer ninguna actividad relacionada con el fútbol, administrativa, deportiva o de otra naturaleza, tanto en el ámbito nacional como en el internacional.

La sanción al técnico es consecuencia de la investigación iniciada el 18 de julio pasado a partir de un informe del Departamento de Integridad de la FIFA, después de que los jugadores salvadoreños denunciaran, en una conferencia de prensa el 5 de septiembre, que una persona les prometió dinero a cambio de alterar el resultado de un encuentro contra la selección de Canadá.

La Comisión de Integridad investigó la implicación de Madariaga en el caso, ya que "permitió y no dio parte de la reunión mantenida por los jugadores y esa tercera persona" y el órgano de decisión de la Comisión de Ética lo consideró culpable de infringir el Código Ético de la organización.

EFELEA: La Fifa suspende al entrenador hondureño Ramón Maradiaga


          Salto de fe al vacío para cumplir con designio fatal: tétrica muerte de hombre en Medellín      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Un mediodía de horror se vivió el pasado miércoles en el puente de La Asomadera ubicado en el barrio El Salvador: el espectro de la muerte solo dejó pavor.
Sección: 

          Pompeo y Videgaray coinciden en importancia de pacto sobre TLCAN      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

El secretario de Estado de EU, Mike Pompeo, y su homólogo mexicano, Luis Videgaray, han coincidido en la "importancia" de llegar a un acuerdo sobre el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN), apuntó hoy la diplomacia estadounidense.

La portavoz del Departamento de Estado, Heather Nauert, informó hoy de una llamada telefónica entre Pompeo y Videgaray, que se produjo ayer miércoles, justo antes de que el propio canciller mexicano viajara a Washington para revisar los progresos de las negociaciones comerciales.

Pompeo y Videgaray también conversaron sobre la "importancia de reducir la inmigración irregular" que cruza México huyendo, en su mayoría, de la violencia y la falta de oportunidades económicas del Triángulo Norte de Centroamérica (El Salvador, Guatemala y Honduras).

Al respecto, los titulares de Exteriores hablaron de la necesidad de una "mayor inversión" en Centroamérica para enfrentar los restos en materia económica, de seguridad y de fortaleza institucional.

"Ellos también hablaron de la importancia de llegar a un acuerdo sobre el TLCAN", dijo Nauert, sin ofrecer más detalles.

Videgaray se encuentra hoy en Washington junto al secretario de Economía de México, Ildefonso Guajardo, y Jesús Seade, designado como jefe negociador del TLCAN por parte del equipo del próximo presidente de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, quien asumirá el poder el próximo 1 de diciembre.

El pasado 1 de agosto, Videgaray, Guajardo y Seade efectuaron otro viaje a la capital estadounidense para participar en una reunión de renegociación del TLCAN.

México, Estados Unidos y Canadá están inmersos en una compleja renegociación del TLCAN, en vigor desde 1994, a petición del presidente estadounidense, Donald Trump, quien considera que el convenio comercial perjudica la industria y el empleo en su país.

A finales de julio, el secretario de Comercio de Estados Unidos, Wilbur Ross, dijo que las negociaciones sobre el tratado estaban "cerca de acabar".

Más información en El Siglo de Torreón


          Al menos diez ríos se han secado en El Salvador por la falta de lluvia      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Al menos una decena de ríos de la zona oriental de El Salvador se han secado debido a la falta de lluvia en el país centroamericano. Se trata de ríos que “para esta época del año siempre tienen agua y en este año no presentan caudal”, dijo Roberto Cerón, gerente de Hidrología del Ministerio de […]
          Comment on Cuba: Revolution or Resistance? by repatriado      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Captain, it is true that western culture (including japan) is in trouble, for me the biggest problem is the inequality, it is quickly approaching to levels never seen before and that is extremely dangerous for democracy. Now with Trump fucking around the world it is normal to foresee an increase of lack of faith or confidence in democracy, with the concentration of media power of course freedom of speech is under attack, bottom-line, it is not a good moment for humankind, but, there is hope, internet is a great distributor of information, there are social movements, and I am not talking about Foro do Sao Paulo, social movements demanding a better distribution of wealth, Obama something did on did, but too little and less of what he could I think, Europe is moving to a unity, with more or less speed but moving, one they manage to have a continental taxation organism Europe will improve a lot and social states will prevail there, China is growing and they still have to grow a lot to reach Europe or united states level of life, that is great for many many people there that were very poor, I don´t talk about the Chinese political system because I do think Chinese culture is different to ours. We people need to change a lot, we need to stop watching consume and constant economic growing as a goal, and we have to stop reproduction, we are not too many, but we can perfectly manage to keep the population we already have without growing, emigrations will help to balance humans situations, I love to see Africans and middle east people going to Europe and Latin Americans going to US, but there is needed some better politics to do that without people dying. Cuba have not the big problems that Guatemala, el Salvador, Nicaragua, Haiti, or many others have, but we never had those problems so compare Cuba with those nations is not correct, but we have deep problems, the biggest, for me, to be in the hands of a corrupt elite that violate humans rights constantly, that is not only very unmoral, that is a brake, an stop in our development as nation. When you talk with Cubans, you have to think that the most of us have being disconnected from the world, and that our perspective of life is conditions by the state monopoly of disinformation. Thank you very much for care about Cubans.
          Oportunidad oficina de venta en la República del Salvador Amoblada      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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Oficina de venta de 91m22-bañosÁrea de cafetería2 garajesEn primer piso alto Oficina con 3 divisionesMás sala de reunionesAmobladaCon 2 ascensoresPrecio 128.000 NegociablesContactos Benny Pozo0987#####
2 baños 91 m² 1.406 USD/m²
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          Local Industrial en Villa El Salvador, Lima, Lima, Perú      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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EasyBroker ID: EB-BX9615. Local Industrial en Perú, Lima, Villa El Salvador. Zonificación I-2 (INDUSTRIA LIVIANA) Área Techada Nave Parabólica 300 m2 aprox. Área de Oficinas administrativas: 200 m2 aprox. Pisos 02 (baños 02) Área de 12 Duchas...
bien comunicado
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          LOCAL INDUSTRIAL ZONIFICACIÓN I 2 VILLA EL SALVADOR      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
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EasyBroker ID: EB-AA4222. Local Industrial en Perú, Lima, Villa El Salvador. ESPACIOS IMPLEMENTAMOS Y ÁREAS CONFORME A SU NECESIDAD INDUSTRIAL 100% TECHADO O SIN TECHO. CUENTA CON ZONIFICACIÓN I-2 (INDUSTRIA LIVIANA) FÁBRICA, ALMACÉN/DEPÓSITO....
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          To Counter Trump, Vox Defends MS-13 As Nice Kids Who Ride Bikes, Work After-School Jobs      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Vox and ProPublica take aim at President Trump’s heightened concern for gangs in the United States in a recently published video, claiming his harsh characterizations of MS-13 are unfair. The gang, also known as Mara Salvatrucha, numbers in the tens of thousands and is composed primarily of outlaws from El Salvador, Honduras, and other Central American countries. Trump’s hardline stance on crime and border security has made MS-13 a more widely recognized public menace. But instead of acknowledging the rising violent threat that MS-13 poses to the American people, progressive media outlets like Vox and ProPublica are casting the Trump...
          The Message of a Scorching 2018: We’re Not Prepared for Global Warming      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
This summer of fire and swelter looks a lot like the future that scientists have been warning about in the era of climate change, and it’s revealing in real time how unprepared much of the world remains for life on a hotter planet. The disruptions to everyday life have been far-reaching and devastating. In California, firefighters are racing to control what has become the largest fire in state history. Harvests of staple grains like wheat and corn are expected to dip this year, in some cases sharply, in countries as different as Sweden and El Salvador. In Europe, nuclear power...
          Canal 33 El Salvador      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Streaming online Canal 33 El Salvador, channel Entertainment Live Streaming
          International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador Tickets (AwesomeSeating) $71.30      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Tickets available for International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador on Tuesday, September 11

          International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador Tickets (AwesomeSeating) $71.30      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Tickets available for International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador on Tuesday, September 11

          Judge blocks administration from deporting asylum seekers -- but the government already had two on a plane      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
A federal judge on Thursday erupted at the Trump administration when he learned that two asylum seekers fighting deportation were at that moment being deported and on a plane to El Salvador.

          Expresidente salvadoreño Saca confiesa desvío de más 300 millones de dólares      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

El expresidente de El Salvador Elías Antonio Saca confesó hoy ante un tribunal que durante su mandato (2004-2009) emitió un reglamento para facilitar el desvío y lavado de más de 300 millones de dólares del presupuesto estatal. “Dicha normativa me permitía asegurar la aparente legalidad en el manejo de los fondos públicos, aprovechar su uso […]

La entrada Expresidente salvadoreño Saca confiesa desvío de más 300 millones de dólares se publicó primero en Teleamazonas.


          ANÁLISE: Apesar da derrota, 'maré verde' argentina pode ecoar na América Latina      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Avanços para a legalização do aborto ainda são lentos e caminham para a descriminalização. Manifestante a favor da legalização do aborto reage à rejeição do projeto no Senado argentino'' Reuters/Marcos Brindicci Ativistas contrários ao aborto comemoraram como se fosse um gol a rejeição do projeto de lei que legalizaria a prática, deixando as mulheres argentinas à mercê da legislação de 1921, que proíbe a interrupção voluntária da gravidez. E também em situação semelhante à de 97% de suas vizinhas latino-americanas. Mas, na Argentina do século XXI e do Papa Francisco, o placar apertado e a grande mobilização são indicativos de que nada será como antes. Apesar de proibido, o aborto ganha força como um dos temas dominantes da campanha presidencial do próximo ano. E o governo Macri já cogita incluir a sua descriminalização no projeto de reforma do Código Penal que enviará ainda este mês ao Congresso. Toda vez que o aborto consegue romper resistências e entrar na agenda legislativa, o debate viraliza, mobilizando os dois campos, independentemente da nacionalidade. Esta semana, mulheres latino-americanas buscaram inspiração na maré verde argentina, tentando fazer com que o movimento ecoasse em seus países. Numa região em que o peso do conservadorismo encontra na Igreja seu maior aliado, apenas Uruguai, Cuba e Guiana permitem o aborto, que pode ser realizado até a 12ª semana também em Porto Rico e na Cidade do México. A interrupção da gravidez é terminantemente proibida em El Salvador, Honduras, Haiti, Nicarágua, República Dominicana e Suriname. Oito países permitem que ocorra apenas para salvar a vida da mulher. Ativistas antiaborto comemoram rejeição do projeto no senado argentino Agustin Marcarian/Reuters Os avanços, contudo, ocorrem lentamente. A legislação chilena foi flexibilizada no ano passado, liberando a prática em casos de má formação do feto, de perigo da vida para a mãe e de gravidez decorrente de estupro. No Brasil, o debate ainda ressoa mais no Judiciário do que no Congresso. O STF encerrou esta semana as audiências públicas para debater a ação impetrada pelo PSOL pedindo para que o aborto não seja mais considerado crime se feito até a 12ª semana. Ainda não há prazo para a relatora, ministra Rosa Weber, preparar o voto ou pedir a sua inclusão na pauta de julgamento do plenário do Supremo. A proibição do aborto não reduziu o número de intervenções. Ao contrário, segundo relatório da Organização Mundial de Saúde, incrementou a prática clandestina, pondo em risco a saúde da mulher. Mas, por enquanto, a descriminalização, que exime a mulher de ser presa por praticar o aborto, ainda parece ser o atalho para a legalização do aborto na América Latina. Arte/G1
          Villa El Salvador: entraron a comprar una pastilla y se llevaron S/1.400       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Los ladrones se hicieron pasar como clientes y redujeron a trabajadores de farmacia. 


          Ex-El Salvador president Saca pleads guilty to embezzlement      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Former Salvador President Tony Saca has pleaded guilty to embezzling hundreds of millions of dollars in government funds. Saca acknowledged to a three-judge panel Thursday that he was the brains of a network that prosecutors say diverted $301 million in public funds. Saca’s lawyer Mario Machado said his client […]
          The Organist: An Interview with Poet Javier Zamora      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

This is the third in an ongoing series of interviews and essays we’re running alongside the release of the fifth season of the Organist, the arts-and-culture podcast we produce with KCRW. This piece coincides with our latest episode, Borderlands.

- - -

Javier Zamora is a poet whose work explores the troubled terrain of memory, place, and the intertwined, deeply political fates of his homeland of El Salvador and his current home in the United States.

When Zamora was nine years old, he crossed the border into the U.S. by himself to reunite with his family, who had earlier fled to escape the Salvadoran civil war. His latest collection, Unaccompanied, documents that journey, chronicling the perils of crossing the desert alone, the psychological impact of an omnipresent threat of danger, and the longing for a lost motherland, one filled with natural beauty.

The first time I spoke to Javier was in the fall of 2017, when his book had just been released. We recorded the interview in his home in San Rafael, CA, the town he grew up in after migrating to the United States. I spoke to him again in early summer 2018, over the phone. He was thousands of miles away, in the house he grew up in, in the coastal town of La Herradura. It was the first time he’d been back since he left for the United States nineteen years ago.

These two sections are excerpts of the separate conversations we had. They have been condensed and edited for clarity.

— Hannah Kingsley-Ma

- - -

SAN RAFAEL, 2017

There’s a lot in this book about the trauma of the war and the violence in El Salvador, which is separate from the beauty of the country, and the feelings you have of missing it, and remembering it fondly. I wonder if you feel like there’s an absence of those beautiful images in the way that Americans see El Salvador.

I think the media only portrays us as gangsters, especially now, with the Trump administration. Or as unaccompanied minors—which I was. I’m still trying to figure out how to navigate that part. I wanted to show the beauty without seeming exotic, and I’ve gotten that critique as well.

I got asked this question at a reading yesterday: why so many trees and fruits? And it’s because I grew up in a house where we had five different types of mango trees. We had bananas, we had coconuts, we had soursops, sweetsops, everything. I could just walk up to a tree and eat it. We had different types of animals. We had iguanas, we had dogs, we raised our own chickens, we got eggs from the chickens that we grew. And I could walk to the beach. I could go pick up a crab and eat it. That was the childhood that I think I missed a lot growing up here in an apartment complex in San Rafael.

How did you know what shape the book was going to take?

I didn’t. I didn’t know the shape that the book wanted to be. [At first] I just wanted a book that would be read without any section breaks, but I think that the content of the book calls for stops. Because it’s intense, traumatic work.

How did you know that writing these poems was the work you wanted to do?

My very first poem that I wrote knowing it was a poem was called “Mi Tierra” — my land. It addressed what I left, and I’d never had that medium to release all that pent-up anger and angst and longing. I liked it, I kept on doing it, I kept going back to the page. I wrote other works and then eventually I was writing about my immigration story. Because I didn’t see those stories on paper as poetry. I kept on looking for work [by immigrant writers]. It wasn’t until 2010 that I found the poet Javier O. Huerta, who was an immigrant and who immigrated here. But still I didn’t find any Salvadoran immigrant who had written something. So when I started writing I felt this need to see myself on the page. Kind of like what Toni Morrison says: write a book that you want to read. I think that was what I was yearning for.

One of the things that struck me is that even the parts that were really traumatic and really harrowing were still kind of beautiful. Was it strange, that process of beautification? Making a poem feel resonant and lush in the way a poem is, when writing about something so stark and brutal?

Art is beautiful. And I think that is the pressure in revising these memories — these poems… If somebody I was with [while crossing the border] was reading this work, I want them to read it and see some beauty in that experience they went through. Because I think the best poems are beautiful, and beauty doesn’t have to be happy. Beauty manifests itself in different ways, even in a traumatic experience.

I think being a kid — immigrating when I did as a nine-year-old—I could still see the beauty and the nature around me because I wasn’t so aware of the danger. And it’s only after growing up that I began to realize, oh shit, I was so close to death. You know, having cravings in the desert because you’re hungry and thirsty is not a beautiful thing.

Now that your book is being received and written about, is there anything around the narrative of the book that you feel is not being said? What do you wish people knew that they don’t?

What people are not saying about the book — and I wish they would — is that there have been children immigrating to this country since before we made headlines two or three years ago. At the time I was not the only child. It’s been happening for years and years. It just happened to peak recently. I wish people would pay attention to that and look at the patterns. And also mention the political poems in this book that directly address the hand the United States has in refugee crises all over the world.

I think another part of the book that I want to be acknowledged — and I think this about all the accolades that I’ve had — is that you may think that I am a good immigrant, that this is what could happen when the quote-unquote American Dream is satisfied. I don’t feel like I’m in no fucking dream. And it was important to me to include poems where I say, “I’m literally fucked up,” where I’m drinking, where there’s a lot of despair. Because I think those are the realities that even Dreamers and good valedictorians go through. And I think there’s a lot of pressure to be the good immigrant who graduates from UC Berkeley and has straight As, you know? I certainly felt that pressure, and it wasn’t happy and it wasn’t a good time trying to fulfill those roles that the media and the politicians want us to fulfill. I think they want us to fulfill it so they can leave most of the immigrants out…You’re either a complete criminal or a straight-A student. But most of us are in the middle.

What sounds do you associate with crossing the border?

I think silence. Or no — it’s like the lapping of waves on the boat. Even in the desert, I craved the water. And I craved being close to the ocean. Because that’s where I grew up. And that’s the sound of my hometown.

I think I was lucky because my elementary school separated us [newcomers]. There were five of us that had immigrated, days or weeks from each other. And we all had to get counseling. This counselor made me retell to her what had just happened, and she made me draw. So I have this book that I drew with her, and that helped me a lot. And it helped me forget what I had just gone through.

On the way up here, we inherently learn to keep some things private… These are all the things that get tied to you. And counseling helps, unlearning all those things that helped you survive but are not healthy in the regular world.

Is it hard talking about it now? Talking about it so much?

It’s actually good. Having the book out, it literally distances something inside of me from my body. It’s regenerative and healing.

Do you have people approach you after your readings saying, “This is something I’ve never seen before that really speaks to me”?

Yeah, I’m really touched when immigrant students come up to me. The coolest story was at the very first reading. Somebody bought a book — she’s a poet, and she works at a restaurant. She has a Salvadoran coworker. She was reading the book, and the coworker was drawn to the cover. And she asked, “What are you reading?” She said it was a work by a Salvadoran. The co-worker said, “Oh, can I see it?” And she gave it to her. The poet saw that the Salvadoran coworker kept on reading and reading, and she asked to borrow the book. She borrowed the book that night and she came back the next day and said thank you. And she was crying. She said, “I’ve never seen a book that talks about El Salvador and the experience that I’m going through.” This was like September, right before my book officially dropped. It was like a blessing. I was crying. I was like, this is why I wanted to write this book.

- - -

LA HERRADURA, 2018

When you interviewed me for the first time you were at my home, in the garage. And now I’m talking to you from my living room where I grew up.

I thought it was going to be emotionally tough to be here. But it’s been quite the opposite. I feel like a chapter of my life that has haunted me for a big part of my life — nineteen years — is finally closing. And it feels… it actually feels like closure. And I don’t even know how to describe that.

The way you write about your home in your poems is so full of longing. What is it like to be faced with those same images that you generated in your poems? Does it feel like you’re living in your poems a little bit? That you’re now walking amongst the images you’ve used repeatedly in your poetry?

It’s cool to be walking amongst my poems, but it’s also cool to be surprised by the things that my memory didn’t write, and couldn’t remember, and are all around me. And nature. I can pinpoint why I like nature so much now. Because it’s all around me. I think that’s why some people have categorized me as a nature poet. And I think it’s because of my childhood, and the house that I grew up in.

I wonder what it’s been like to experience this news cycle, with stories of children separated from their families at the border — while you’re in El Salvador.

I can feel it more being here, what people don’t understand about the situation in my country… By the time the sun sets, nobody walks in the streets. Everybody is at home. And I think that is the result of the violence and the fear. I go to sleep at 9 p.m., 9:30. My family doesn’t say that it’s because of the fear. But I can feel the fear. And I know it’s because of fear, and the violence. It didn’t use to be like this.

The book has been out for a while now. Have you been surprised by the way people are responding to it?

I’ve had other friends who are poets who have published books, who mostly read to white audiences. I was very afraid that was going to happen with my book. I’ve been very lucky; I’ve only read to two predominately white audiences — meaning more than fifty percent of the people in attendance were white. And I’ve probably done around forty events or more. The other times it’s been predominantly people of color, and predominantly Latinos. If we had an idea of who my target audience would be, it would’ve been Salvadorans. And those people have found that book.

The best experience that I’ve had is an entire class in Washington D.C. read my book. And some of the students were Salvadoran, or of Salvadoran descent — some of whom had recently immigrated themselves. Those students translated my work into Spanish, and read it before I went up and read my own poems. And that to me was what I intended. That was amazing. I couldn’t ask for more. If that was the only reading that I ever did, I would die happy.

- - -

Listen to the latest episode of the Organist to hear more from our interview with Javier Zamora and excerpts from his poems. In addition, you’ll hear from Porter Fox, who navigated the U.S.-Canada border, from end to end, by canoe, freighter, and rental car, encountering an increasingly policed border, Native American uprisings, and the unmistakable impact of climate change.


          Canal 21 El Salvador      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Streaming online Canal 21 El Salvador, channel Entertainment Live Streaming
          International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador Tickets (AwesomeSeating) $71.30      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Tickets available for International Friendly: Brazil vs. El Salvador on Tuesday, September 11

          El Salvadors ekspresident Tony Saca sier seg skyldig i korrupsjon      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
El Salvadors tidligere president Tony Saca erklærer seg skyldig i underslag av flere hundre millioner dollar i offentlige midler.


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