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          A l’instar des grands hommes du monde: Joseph Kabila a tenu parole      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Kinshasa a vécu un moment sans pareil l’après-midi de ce mercredi. Contrairement à toutes les peurs et analyses les plus noires sur la République démocratique du Congo, analyses faites aussi bien par les Congolais que les étrangers tendant à démontrer que Joseph Kabila chercherait par tous les moyens légaux et illégaux à s’accrocher au pouvoir, le quatrième chef de l’Etat congolais a surpris beaucoup de gens en choisissant de ne pas se représenter à la présidentielle de décembre 2018. Il a plutôt porté son choix sur l’infatigable Ramazani Shadary qui défendra les couleurs du Front Commun pour le Congo (FCC) à la grande bataille de décembre de l’année finissante. Je respecterai la constitution A chacune de ses interventions médiatiques (points de presse ou messages à la nation), Joseph Kabila a gardé le même message qu’il savait si bien résumer : « je respecterai la constitution ».  Cette phrase, au lieu d’apaiser la classe politique, a donné lieu à des polémiques infinies. Plusieurs thèses ont été inventées autour de ce message. Les Congolais se rappellent encore le fameux Cyrus Mirindi dont les explications tordues de la constitution ont créé plus d’insomnies qu’il n’en a guéries. La pauvre population congolaise instrumentalisée par une classe politique sans foi ni loi est arrivée même à douter du véritable désir de son chef de respecter la constitution dans son esprit et dans sa lettre. Pour l’opposition, Kabila devait réciter une autre phrase plus explicite en disant : « je ne suis pas candidat à ma propre succession ». Le Raïs congolais, égal à lui-même et fort de sa décision prise depuis plusieurs années et sans pression, a gardé son silence même quand certains hommes et femmes se battaient et se tuaient sur la continuité ou non de ce président dont le charisme intrigue le monde. En acceptant de se retirer comme le prévoit la constitution de la République Démocratique du Congo, l’actuel président de la République entre dans l’histoire par la grande porte selon ce qu’il avait toujours désiré. Pour ceux qui ne le croient pas, Lambert Mende ministre des Médias et Communication a répété plus d’une fois qu’il y aurait passation des pouvoirs civilisé à la fin du mandat de Joseph Kabila, mais cela n’a pas empêché l’opposition à semer le doute dans la population et l’envoyer parfois dans la rue pour des choses déjà acquises comme le respect du nombre des mandats à la tête du pays. Le syndrome du referendum En regardant autour de la Rdc, l’on s’aperçoit que beaucoup de pays ont choisi de modifier leurs constitutions pour maintenir au pouvoir leurs  boss. Le Rwanda, qui semble donner des leçons mal placées à la RDC est parmi ces pays-là. L’Ouganda, le Burundi et le Congo Brazzaville n’ont pas fait mieux. La révision constitutionnelle était à la portée de Joseph Kabila. Il a choisi de ne pas le faire par respect à ce peuple souverain. Ni les conseils de certains flatteurs autour de lui, ni les chansons flatteuses de certains groupes corrompus et manipulés au son de « Wumela, Wumela », n’ont eu d’influence sur Joseph Kabila décidé à passer la main au terme de son second mandat. L’Occident qui s’est agité depuis plusieurs mois était convaincu que le maitre de Kingakati trouverait les moyens de s’accrocher au pouvoir envers et contre tous. Derrière plusieurs mouvements sociaux, l’Occident a contribué à créer un fossé dans la confiance entre le chef de l’Etat congolais et son peuple. Certains de ses mouvements dont l’existence était basée sur la présence de Kabila au pouvoir au-delà de son mandat, doivent avoir le courage de se dissoudre ou envisager autre chose. Le financement par la RDC du processus électoral fait aussi partie de ce que Joseph Kabila avait promis. Jusqu’à ce jour, toute opération électorale est financée par l’argent du contribuable congolais au grand étonnement de l’Europe qui n’en revient pas. Tous ceux qui doutaient de la tenue des élections dans le délai se sont empressés, toute honte bue, d’aller déposer leurs candidatures, alors que les mêmes passaient le plus clair de leur temps à expliquer qu’il y aurait pas d’élections dans ce pays et que les machines à voter étaient achetées pour le référendum. Petit à petit, les eaux deviennent claires et chacun se rend compte qu’il faut travailler dur pour non seulement prendre part aux élections, mais  aussi et surtout les gagner. Kabila en tenant parole, vient de confondre tous ses détracteurs et vendeurs d’illusions.   (Muntu Bualu)
          Le Burundi rejette les accusations de rapatriement forcé des réfugiés      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
@rib News 01/08/2018 Source Xinhua. Le gouvernement ne fait pas de rapatriement forcé des réfugiés burundais en provenance de la Tanzanie, selon un porte-parole. Le ministère burundais en charge de la question de rapatriement des réfugiés a rejeté mercredi les accusations de rapatriement forcé des....
          FAILED AND EXPIRED NIGERIA ON THE HIGH SPEED TO RWANDA (Part 1)      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
FAILED AND EXPIRED NIGERIA ON THE HIGH SPEED TO RWANDA (Part 1)


By Obulose Chidiebere
For: Family Writers Press.

According to one article that circulated on social media one time, titled “Nigeria; on the high way to Rwanda”, the writer said, “The clouds of war are gathering with blood sucking gods that follow the perching of vultures. Vultures from Europe, vultures from England, vultures from Asia, yes, vultures from America that deal on arms. With eyes constantly fixed on any trouble spot in the world. They are hopefully praying to extend their business from Tripoli to Abuja.
This is because, Nigeria is fast ascending to the very path that Freetown took. The path that ruined Congo and Libya. The expressway to Rwanda, that is the path Nigeria is fast speeding into.  He continued “Yet, this path is not a new path to us. It's a familiar terrain that we have taken before.

In 1966, long before even the Rwandan path was paved. Nigerian government wasted over 6million Biafrans during the Nigerian genocides against Biafrans, also hundreds of innocent souls were slaughtered before even the uncivil war started. Long before the Rwandan path was paved, religious differences and ethnic intolerance led to a civil war that took our best, took our leaders, took innocent souls and took us backward. The backwardness is still hunting and hurting us till day. And, it's the wounds of the war that was not treated in a round table talk, that is leading to another war.”.

And again sometime in the 90s, Bola Ige wrote a controversial but truthful article titled, “The Road To Kigali.” Which was later developed into a series of essays published in his Nigeria Tribune Newspaper Column, Bola’s Column, and so many other newspapers and magazines around Nigeria. And if you speed read out the controversies as it relates to who is playing the character of the Tutsi and who is playing the Hutu in the case of Nigeria, Bola Ige argued that, left on the same path Nigeria is trading, the people of Nigeria are headed for the same fate that befell Rwanda. And the base of his argument was that a country that is structurally flawed, inherently unjust, where impunity reigns, and law and order means nothing to anyone, like Nigeria, would constantly flirt with doom.

Since inception of Buhari/APC government, we have heard about importation of assorted  ammunitions and military uniforms and seizure by Nigeria immigration, but the story will always end on the pages of newspapers, nobody knows how and where those ammunition are disposed, who imported the ammunition etc. Those that claimed they are representing you will not even ask. Maybe the ammunitions are distributed to Fulani herders to use and secure their cows or they are storing it for what to come, it is either of the two.
Since inception of this government, the judiciary has become an object of caricature, toothless barking dog, jamboree made up elites dancing naked without compassion for the innocent observers, military and paramilitary has become an intimidating and political thuggery agencies, disobedience to rule and autocracy has become an accepted order.

Looking at the situation in Nigeria under Buhari/APC government, Nigeria may be heading for another war that will be more dangerous than that of that of Kigali in Rwanda.
According to Fr. Uche Felix Akam in his article “See Nigeria and weep” he said “When in a nation, people begin to retreat into little spheres where they have trust, in order to protect themselves, one has to concede that governance at every level has failed them. Like I told a friend who was denied US visa in Nigeria last week, "ordinary citizens of great nations are more respected than the most successful people of failed nations." Ultimately, Nigeria has fully degenerated into the Hobbesian state of nature where life is short, nasty, and brutish, a full blown despotic state. See Nigeria and weep” he ended.

The 1994 genocide in Rwanda started when, on April 6, 1994, a plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down as it prepared to land in Kigali. It killed everyone on board. The next day, genocide against Tutsi and moderate Hutu started.
President Habyarimana, a Hutu, had signed a ceasefire agreement called the Arusha Accords. It was aimed at ending the Rwanda Civil War. Hutu extremists who opposed the ceasefire agreement shot down the plane as part of the move to frustrate Habyarimana’s move to share power with the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front. But when the incident happened, Hutu extremists blamed it on the Tutsi. It became an inciting tool in the hands of Hutu leaders who were determined to wipe out Tutsi people in Rwanda.

Jean Kambanda, a banker and an economist, directed the genocide that followed. As the leader of the Mouvement Democratique Populaire, he directed the execution of what they called “the final solution of the Tutsi problem.” The Hutu set up roadblocks and apprehended Tutsi people and massacred them. They distributed machetes and Hutu militias, soldiers and regular folks, hit the streets, killing, maiming and destroying properties belonging to Tutsi. In 100 days, over 70% of Tutsi in Rwanda were killed.
That was not the first time Tutsi had been massacred in Rwanda. It happened in the 50s and 60s. For the Hutu extremists, the Tutsi have dominated the country’s economy and power for generations and must be stopped. To accentuate their narratives, the Hutu tagged the Tutsi as foreigners, oppressors, ‘native colonialists, and even called them cockroaches. In each of the past instances of killing before the 1994 genocide, Hutu government officials have been at the forefront of organizing and supervising the massacre. But more importantly, in their rhetoric before the massacres, they prepared the masses for gruesome acts against the Tutsi.

#EndNigeriaNow
#FreeBiafra

Edited by Her Excellency Oluchi Christy
For: Family Writers Press.
          Revolution is positive and civil war is negative: "Civil Wars" 3 of 3: by David Armitage      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
AUTHOR. (Photo: Mass meeting in New York City April 20, 1861, to support the Union.) http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/contact http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/schedules Twitter: @BatchelorShow Revolution is positive and civil war is negative: "Civil Wars" 3 of 3: by David Armitage [](https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars) [https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars](https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars) A highly original history, tracing the least understood and most intractable form of organized human aggression from Ancient Rome through the centuries to the present day. We think we know civil war when we see it. Yet ideas of what it is, and what it isn't, have a long and contested history, from its fraught origins in republican Rome to debates in early modern Europe to our present day. Defining the term is acutely political, for ideas about what makes a war "civil" often depend on whether one is a ruler or a rebel, victor or vanquished, sufferer or outsider. Calling a conflict a civil war can shape its outcome by determining whether outside powers choose to get involved or stand aside: from the American Revolution to the war in Iraq, pivotal decisions have depended on such shifts of perspective.  The age of civil war in the West may be over, but elsewhere in the last two decades it has exploded--from the Balkans to Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, and Sri Lanka, and most recently Syria. And the language of civil war has burgeoned as democratic politics has become more violently fought. This book's unique perspective on the roots and dynamics of civil war, and on its shaping force in our conflict-ridden world, will be essential to the ongoing effort to grapple with this seemingly interminable problem.
          Is a civil war generative? "Civil Wars" 2 of 3: by David Armitage      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
AUTHOR. (Photo:The meeting of the Estates General on 5 May 1789 at Versailles ) http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/contact http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/schedules Twitter: @BatchelorShow Is a civil war generative? "Civil Wars" 2 of 3: by David Armitage https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars A highly original history, tracing the least understood and most intractable form of organized human aggression from Ancient Rome through the centuries to the present day. We think we know civil war when we see it. Yet ideas of what it is, and what it isn't, have a long and contested history, from its fraught origins in republican Rome to debates in early modern Europe to our present day. Defining the term is acutely political, for ideas about what makes a war "civil" often depend on whether one is a ruler or a rebel, victor or vanquished, sufferer or outsider. Calling a conflict a civil war can shape its outcome by determining whether outside powers choose to get involved or stand aside: from the American Revolution to the war in Iraq, pivotal decisions have depended on such shifts of perspective.  The age of civil war in the West may be over, but elsewhere in the last two decades it has exploded--from the Balkans to Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, and Sri Lanka, and most recently Syria. And the language of civil war has burgeoned as democratic politics has become more violently fought. This book's unique perspective on the roots and dynamics of civil war, and on its shaping force in our conflict-ridden world, will be essential to the ongoing effort to grapple with this seemingly interminable problem.
          How do you know you are in a civil war? "Civil Wars"1 of 3: by David Armitage      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
AUTHOR. (Photo: ) http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/contact http://JohnBatchelorShow.com/schedules Twitter: @BatchelorShow How do you know you are in a civil war? "Civil Wars"1 of 3:  by David Armitage [https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars](https://www.amazon.com/Civil-Wars-David-Armitage/dp/030745617X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1533779701&sr=1-1&keywords=david+armitage+civil+wars) A highly original history, tracing the least understood and most intractable form of organized human aggression from Ancient Rome through the centuries to the present day. We think we know civil war when we see it. Yet ideas of what it is, and what it isn't, have a long and contested history, from its fraught origins in republican Rome to debates in early modern Europe to our present day. Defining the term is acutely political, for ideas about what makes a war "civil" often depend on whether one is a ruler or a rebel, victor or vanquished, sufferer or outsider. Calling a conflict a civil war can shape its outcome by determining whether outside powers choose to get involved or stand aside: from the American Revolution to the war in Iraq, pivotal decisions have depended on such shifts of perspective.  The age of civil war in the West may be over, but elsewhere in the last two decades it has exploded--from the Balkans to Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, and Sri Lanka, and most recently Syria. And the language of civil war has burgeoned as democratic politics has become more violently fought. This book's unique perspective on the roots and dynamics of civil war, and on its shaping force in our conflict-ridden world, will be essential to the ongoing effort to grapple with this seemingly interminable problem.
          Durchbruch: Schulverbot für schwangere Mädchen in Burundi wieder aufgehoben      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
SOS-Kinderdörfer weltweit: Bujumbura (ots) - Die Nachricht hatte landesweit für Proteste gesorgt: Schwangeren Mädchen sollte in Burundi per Regierungserlass der Schulbesuch verweigert werden. Die SOS-Kinderdörfer weltweit sowie andere Organisationen hatten sich seither massiv ...
          Somalia: East Africa Key Message Update, August 2018      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: Famine Early Warning System Network
Country: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen

Key Messages

Protracted conflict drives food insecurity; and flooding in the north affects livelihoods

  • Continued conflict and subsequent displacement have disrupted livelihoods and access to key sources of food and income in South Sudan, Yemen, and parts of Somalia, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Large populations are experiencing Crisis (IPC Phase 3) or Emergency (IPC Phase 4) outcomes across these areas, which are likely to persist through January 2019. South Sudan and Yemen remain the areas of greatest concern. In a worst-case scenario, if there is a sustained absence of humanitarian assistance in South Sudan, and in Yemen, if commercial imports decline significantly for an extended period of time and conflict restricts trade and humanitarian assistance, Famine (IPC Phase 5) is possible.

  • From June to early August, there has been above-average rainfall across parts of central and western regions of Ethiopia into Sudan and South Sudan, which has led to flooding, with the greatest intensity in Sudan. While the heavy rainfall has been beneficial for some crop development and pasture regeneration, it has also caused displacement, infrastructure, crop, and livestock losses, and disrupted household livelihoods in affected areas. Given the forecast, there is the likelihood for additional flash floods in these countries.

  • Crisis (IPC Phase 3) outcomes persist over parts of southeastern Ethiopia and southern and central Somalia, but food security continues to improve as livestock production and prices have increased substantially. Somalia Gu production in southern agropastoral areas is expected to be above average, while total Meher production in Ethiopia and marginal production in Kenya is likely to be near average. By January 2019, food security outcomes are expected to further improve to Stressed (IPC Phase 2) or Minimal (IPC Phase 1) across many areas of the Eastern Horn; however, Somalia’s Guban Pastoral Livelihood Zone is likely to remain in Emergency (IPC Phase 4).

  • According to UNCHR as of mid-July, a total of nearly 11.3 million people are internally displaced in Burundi, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, and Yemen, while there are 4.6 million refugees from these countries living in Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda, and Tanzania. The majority of these populations have limited capacities to access food and income and are dependent on humanitarian assistance amidst substantial funding gaps. Current food ration cuts of up to 30 percent for refugees and asylum seekers could lead to a deterioration in food security outcomes if they persist.


          World: Humanitarian Funding Update July 2018 - United Nations Coordinated Appeals      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Colombia, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Haiti, Iraq, Jordan, Kenya, Lebanon, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Myanmar, Niger, Nigeria, occupied Palestinian territory, Pakistan, Philippines, Senegal, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Turkey, Ukraine, World, Yemen

Funding Required: $25.41B
Funding Received: $9.39B
Unmet Requirements: $16.02B
Coverage: 37.0%

People in need: 134.0M
People to receive aid: 95.8M
Countries affected: 41

As of the end of July 2018, 21 Humanitarian Response Plans (HRP) and the Syria Regional Response Plan (3RP) require US$25.41 billion to assist 95.8 billion people in urgent need of humanitarian support. The 21 HRPs and the Syria 3RP were funded at $9.52 billion: 37 per cent of financial requirements for 2018. Humanitarian organisations still require $16.02 billion to meet the needs covered by these plans.

Requirements are $2 billion higher than last year at the same time. Overall coverage is also slightly higher (three per cent), with $1.4 billion more received this year than last.

Pooled funds

Between 1 January and 31 July 2018, the Emergency Relief Coordinator approved $333 million through the Central Emergency Response Fund, including $233 million through the rapid response window and $100 million through the underfunded emergencies window. In July, $24 million was approved in rapid response grants to respond to displacement in Ethiopia, population movement from Venezuela into Colombia, worsening food insecurity in Niger, and a volcanic eruption in Guatemala. The largest allocation was $15 million to provide relief items, safe water, sanitation facilities, and health and nutrition treatment to 800,000 people displaced by inter-communal violence in Gedeo and West Guji in Ethiopia.

Between 1 January and 6 August 2018, 17 country-based pooled funds (CBPF) received $536 million in contributions from 30 donors (including $80 million in pledges). During this period, $369 million were allocated to a total of 663 humanitarian projects, implemented by 443 partners, with the funds in Yemen ($92 million), DRC ($36 million) and Iraq ($34 million) allocating the largest amounts. During July, the funds in Afghanistan, Jordan, Nigeria, South Sudan and Turkey were processing allocations. As for overall CBPF allocations, 58 per cent were disbursed to NGOs, including 19 per cent ($71 million) directly to national and local NGOs. Another 41 per cent ($150 million) was allocated to UN agencies and 1 per cent of funding was allocated to Red Cross/Red Crescent organizations.

Country updates

Yemen is the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. Some 22.2 million people – about 75 per cent of the population – require humanitarian assistance or protection. This includes 8.4 million people who do not know where their next meal is coming from. An unprecedented outbreak of cholera and acute watery diarrhoea has resulted in more than 1.1 million cases since April 2017. Escalating conflict in Hudaydah has displaced more than 350,000 people since 1 June. More than 90 per cent of these people have received emergency relief packages distributed by humanitarian partners. Sustained hostilities in Hudaydah city, interruptions to port operations or a siege would be catastrophic and must be avoided. Humanitarian programmes have expanded significantly across Yemen. In June, partners provided emergency food assistance to 7.5 million people – an increase of 200,000 people since January. Similar increases have occurred in other sectors. As of mid-year, about 60 per cent of people targeted with assistance had been reached. Generous and flexible funding has been key. Donors have provided more than 60 per cent of the HRP’s $3 billion requirements – including an early, unearmarked $930 million contribution from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Partners recently sequenced the HRP to show first-line, second-line and full response activities, and require full funding to deliver all programmes based on this plan.

Needs remain high in Ethiopia with 7.88 million people food insecure, as per the Humanitarian and Disaster Resilience Plan (HDRP) released in March. There has been a major surge in displacement since the beginning of June around Gedeo (SNNPR) and West Guji (Oromia) zones resulting in the release of a response plan which seeks $117.7m to assist the 818,250 recently displaced people. Some funding has already been mobilized by Government and partners, primarily through reallocating resources that were originally intended for important response elsewhere in the country under the HDRP.

Fighting in south-west Syria continued to impact hundreds of thousands of civilians, with 180,000 people remaining newly displaced as of the end of July. Aerial bombardment and artillery shelling resulted in civilian deaths and destruction of civilian infrastructure in many areas. Humanitarian workers and service providers were caught up in the violence, with many displaced alongside other civilians. Humanitarian response continued in Dar’a governorate, building on cross-border prepositioning and subsequently drawing on programming from inside Syria. However more than 100,000 newly displaced people remained largely cut off from sustained assistance in Quneitra governorate. Partners identified priority requirements of $85 million to cover the most urgent protection and assistance needs of 300,000 people across the south-west up until mid-October. Concerns also persist around the threat of further military escalation in the north-west of the country, where the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance in Aleppo and Idleb governorates had increased by close to 600,000 by mid-year, to a total of 4.2 million, of whom half were in acute need. Response across the north-west continues to depend on cross-border assistance delivered from Turkey.

At least 3.4 million people in Cameroon need humanitarian assistance and protection. Six out of ten regions are affected by humanitarian crises related to Boko Haram in the Far North, the conflict in the Central African Republic and the worsening situation in the Anglophone regions. Further, growing levels of food insecurity and malnutrition are affecting over 2.6 million people, including 1.5 million children, and there is an ongoing cholera outbreak in the Center and North regions. The 2018 HRP calls for $319.7 million but is only 23 per cent funded. Additional donor support is critical to ensure life-saving assistance to the most vulnerable populations, especially the newly displaced persons in the Far North and the South-West.

Although the number of IDPs in the Central African Republic (CAR) fell to 608,000 during June, a seven per cent decrease compared to May, this does not indicate an improvement of the situation. The tensions and armed violence that erupted in April continue, and are causing new displacements in areas with very limited access. More than half (354,017) of the IDPs are staying with host families, while some 249,522 are in IDP sites and settlements, and another 4,489 are scattered in the bush, in desperate need of assistance. Increasing insecurity is affecting the delivery of aid, as five humanitarian workers have been killed since the beginning of 2018, making CAR one of the most dangerous countries in the world for the delivery of humanitarian aid. Moreover, underfunding remains one of the biggest impediments to stepping up the humanitarian response. At mid-year, the 2018 HRP had only received 26 per cent of its $515.6 million requirement. Without additional funding, humanitarian actors will be unable to address the needs of 1.9 million people targeted in the Plan.

The Marawi Conflict Response and Resources Overview (Mindanao, Philippines) seeks $61 million to provide essential services, food security, protection, livelihood and early recovery support for 199,000 conflict-affected people in Mindanao, of whom 69,412 are still displaced, from July 2017 to December 2018. While an organized return is underway, the majority of those who were forced to flee during the conflict will continue to require humanitarian assistance until sustainable recovery activities are underway, especially for those from the most affected areas of the city. Some $11 million (18%) has been received to-date.

Afghanistan is in the midst of a drought, the scale of which has not been seen since 2011. It has already resulted in some 84,000 people being displaced to Hirat City in western Afghanistan, with up to 150,000 at risk of being displaced. In 2017, wheat production was at an all-time low (57 per cent under the five-year average) and the expected shortfall in production in 2018 is decreasing further -- from 4.2 million metric tonnes to 3.5 million metric tonnes. This decrease is impacting some two million already food insecure people across two thirds of Afghanistan. The ongoing drought led the Humanitarian Country Team to increase the Afghanistan 2018 Humanitarian Response Plan requirements by $117 million, for a total of $547 million. The HRP is currently only 29 per cent funded. Additional funding is required to provide food security, agriculture, water, sanitation, hygiene and nutritional support. The humanitarian community is currently conducting a multi-sectoral humanitarian-development assessment, led by OCHA and UNDP, to examine both humanitarian needs and the wider, long-term complexities underpinning the drought crisis, that would need structural support through development programming.

Four years of conflict have put a tremendous strain on the civilian population in eastern Ukraine. Disrupted access to critical facilities and diminished livelihoods mean that some 3.4 million people are without basic supplies and services and need assistance for protection and survival. Some 200,000 people live under constant fear of shelling every day. One and a half million Ukrainians have been displaced across the country and cannot return home due to hostilities or lost livelihoods. Over 1 million civilians cross the “contact line” every month through operational checkpoints, which lack required shade, cooling spaces and healthcare facilities. Under these conditions, coupled with prolonged waiting hours and summer heat, civilians—many of them elderly—suffer health-related complications. Funding for the Humanitarian Response Plan is urgently needed, as only 27 per cent of the required $187 million has been received so far to respond to the urgent needs of 2.3 million vulnerable Ukrainians with assistance and protection throughout 2018.

Haiti is well into the hurricane season and increased international support for emergency preparedness efforts is required. Haitians are still recovering from consecutive natural disasters, including a major earthquake, hurricanes, floods and drought, and need sustained support. This support is not only to obtain life’s basic necessities, but also to move beyond recurring disasters and build sustainable livelihoods and live in resilient communities that are prepared for future shocks. Humanitarian actors aim to provide humanitarian assistance and protection services to the 2.2 million most vulnerable Haitians, but they have received only 9 per cent of the required $252 million this year.


          ANALİZ- Afrika'da yeni bir Hutu-Tutsi krizine doğru      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Burundi'de zaman zaman nükseden Hutular ile Tutsiler arasındaki gerginliğin kökeni aynen Ruanda’da olduğu gibi, Belçika’nın Burundi’yi işgal edip burada bir sömürge yönetimi kurduğu döneme kadar uzanıyor - Belçika’nın sömürge yönetimi döneminde hiç hesapta yok iken çıkarılan bir etnik farklılık furyası, günümüzde dahi Burundi halkını ekonomik ve siyasi olarak derinden sarsabilme potansiyelini bünyesinde barındırıyor - Burundi'de iktidarın iç savaşı sona erdiren anlaşmayı pasifize etmesi, Avrupa'nın bu ülkeye yönelik çeşitli siyasi ve ekonomik baskılarını da beraberinde getiriyor - Anlaşmaya uyulmaması, Burundi'nin bilhassa Fransa ve Belçika ile olan ikili ilişkilerini olumsuz etkiliyor. Bu durum da Avrupa devletleri tarafından ülkenin içişlerine müdahale için araçsallaştırılıyor
          Uganda: East, Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region - Refugees and asylum-seekers by country of asylum | as of 30 June 2018      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Burundi, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania


          World: Humanitarian Access Overview (August 2018)      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: Assessment Capacities Project
Country: Afghanistan, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Libya, Mali, Myanmar, Nigeria, occupied Palestinian territory, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Turkey, Ukraine, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), World, Yemen

OVERVIEW

This report compares current humanitarian crises based on their level of humanitarian access. Affected populations in more than 40 countries are not getting proper humanitarian assistance due to access constraints. Out of 44 countries included in the report, nearly half of them are currently facing critical humanitarian access constraints, with four countries (Eritrea, Syria, Venezuela, and Yemen) being considered as inaccessible. Moderate humanitarian access constraints are an issue in eight countries, and 15 face low humanitarian access constraints.

METHODOLOGY

Our methodology groups 9 variables under 3 dimensions:

  1. Access of humanitarian actors to affected population comprised of 4 variables:

• Impediments to entry
• Restriction of movement
• Interference with activities
• Violence against personnel

  1. Access of people in need to humanitarian aid comprised of 2 variables:

• Denial of needs
• Restriction of population’s access to aid

  1. Security and physical constraints comprised of 3 variables:

• Active hostilities
• UXO and mines
• Physical constraints Each indicator is given a score from 0 to 3, and marked with an X when there is an information gap identified.

The overall access score by country is ranked according to the following scale: 0 - No constraints 1 - Accessible with low constraints 2 - Accessible with moderate constraints 3 - Accessible with high constraints 4 - Nearly inaccessible 5 - Inaccessible We are providing analytical narratives for countries scored between level 3 to 5.


          Rainbow, TechMet to consider feasibility of downstream rare earths separation       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Aim-listed Rainbow Rare Earths has entered into a cooperation agreement with TechMet to fund a definitive feasibility study (DFS) into downstream rare earths separation. Subject to the completion of an initial scoping exercise, Rainbow and TechMet will form a joint venture to commission and produce a DFS in respect of a downstream rare earths processing and separation business capable of treating concentrate from Rainbow's Gakara project, in Burundi.
          Durchbruch: Schulverbot für schwangere Mädchen in Burundi wieder aufgehoben      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Die Nachricht hatte landesweit für Proteste gesorgt: Schwangeren Mädchen sollte in Burundi per Regierungserlass der Schulbesuch verweigert werden. Die SOS-Kinderdörfer weltweit sowie andere Organisationen hatten sich seither massiv dafür eingesetzt, dass die Entscheidung zurückgenommen wird – mit Erfolg. In einem erneuten Schreiben hat die Regierung des ostafrikanischen Landes nun verkündet, dass werdenden Müttern und Vätern […]

The post Durchbruch: Schulverbot für schwangere Mädchen in Burundi wieder aufgehoben appeared first on PolitikExpress.


          Die Modeindustrie ist eine der Hauptverantwortlichen an moderner Sklaverei      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
#source%3Dgooglier%2Ecom#https%3A%2F%2Fgooglier%2Ecom%2Fpage%2F%2F10000

Etwa 40 Millionen Menschen auf der Welt leben in moderner Sklaverei, 71 Prozent davon sind Frauen - und die Modeindustrie leistet weltweit den zweitgrößten Beitrag zu dieser Situation. Zu diesen ernüchternden Ergebnissen gelangte die Studie ‘Global Slavery Index’ der Non-Profit-Organisation Walk Free Foundation von 2018. Die Studie basiert auf Daten aus 167 Ländern und persönlichen Interviews mit mehr als 71.000 Menschen in 52 Sprachen.

Der Bericht benannte die fünf wichtigsten Produkte, die in jedem der G20-Länder die Gefahr der modernen Sklaverei begünstigen. Kleider landeten an zweiter Stelle, nach Technologie (Laptops, Computer und Mobiltelefone). Ihnen folgen Agrarprodukte wie Fisch, Kakao und Zuckerrohr.

Dem Bericht zufolge ist moderne Sklaverei eher in repressiven Regimen oder Konfliktregionen zu beobachten. Nordkorea hat die höchste geschätzte Tendenz zur Sklaverei, wobei die meisten Opfer gezwungen sind, für den Staat zu arbeiten. Auf das Land folgen Eritrea, Burundi, die Zentralafrikanische Republik, Afghanistan, Mauretanien, Südsudan, Pakistan, Kambodscha und der Iran.

Obwohl Bürger aus entwickelten Ländern ein geringeres Risiko haben, Opfer von Zwangsarbeit zu werden, überschreiten die Produkte und Erträge aus der modernen Sklaverei in einer globalisierten Welt oft die Landesgrenzen. Zusammen importieren die G20-Staaten jedes Jahr 127,7 Milliarden US-Dollar (108 Milliarden Euro) Bekleidung. Kambodscha, das in der Liste der Länder mit der höchsten geschätzten Tendenz zu moderner Sklaverei auf Platz 9 steht, war laut dem Marktforschungsunternehmen Statista der viertgrößte Anbieter von Bekleidung in der Europäischen Union zwischen 2015 und 2017.

”Indem sie moderne Sklaverei als ein Problem, das "dort drüben" stattfindet ansehen, ignorieren Länder mit hohem BIP ihre Schuld für diese Menschenrechtskrise", sagte die Walk Free Foundation im Bericht und stellte fest, dass nur sieben der zwanzig reichsten Länder formell Gesetze oder Richtlinien erlassen, um Unternehmen davon abzuhalten, Waren und Dienstleistungen, die durch Zwangsarbeit hergestellt werden, zu beschaffen.

Was können Regierungen und die Modeindustrie tun, um moderne Sklaverei zu verhindern?

Also, was tun, um dieses Problem anzugehen? Die Walk Free Foundation erstellte eine Liste für Regierungen und Unternehmen mit einer Reihe von Empfehlungen. Sie betonte, wie wichtig es sei, das Thema aus einer globalen Perspektive zu betrachten. Regierungen mit hohem BIP sollten die Menschenrechte bei der Entscheidungsfindung priorisieren, wenn sie sich mit repressiven Regimen befassen. Sie sollten auch prüfen, wie ihre politischen Entscheidungen zur modernen Sklaverei im In- und Ausland beitragen können. Was Unternehmen anbelangt, drängt die Organisation darauf, das Risiko moderner Sklaverei in ihren Lieferketten zu berücksichtigen und Transparenz für Verbraucher und Investoren zu schaffen.

Foto: Walk Free Foundation via Facebook

Dieser Artikel wurde zuvor auf FashionUnited.uk veröffentlicht. Übersetzung und Bearbeitung: Barbara Russ


          Ayudar a los agricultores contribuye a la paz      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Los mayores daños los sufren las comunidades rurales dedicadas a la agricultura. La producción de trigo en Siria se ha reducido en un 40 por ciento y la de alimentos procesados en Irak ha sufrido un descenso de dos dígitos. En la guerra civil de Sierra Leona -en la década de 1990-, el 70 por ciento del ganado fue exterminado y la producción de aceite de palma y arroz cayó en más del 25 por ciento. En Burundi, algunos estudios demuestran que las personas expuestas a la violencia tienen casi un quinto menos de posibilidades de cultivar café

etiquetas: paz, agricultores, guerras, conflictos, colombia

» noticia original (eldiariosolidario.com)


          Congo-Brazzaville:Gestion des fonds FIFA - Huit fédérations d'Afrique échangent leurs expériences à Brazzaville      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
[Les Dépêches de Brazzaville] Le séminaire régional qui se déroule dans la capitale congolaise, du 7 au 8 août, réunit le Cameroun, la République démocratique du Congo, le Sénégal, le Togo, le Burundi, le Gabon, la Guinée Bissau et le Congo.
           Proyectos Burundi | QGM       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   



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