|Episode # 158 - Rwanda Genocide Survivor, Consolee Nishimwe Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Hi all, On this episode of Divine Intervention we are joined by Consolee Nishimwe, a survivor of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Consolee shares her amazing testimony of how she suffered physical torture during her three months in hiding, and miraculously survived with her mother and younger sister. Her story, although heartbreaking and tragic, also resounds with the love and forgiveness of God in light of unspeakable horrror. Today, Consolee lives in New York and is a committed speaker on the genocide, a defender of global women’s rights, and an advocate for other genocide survivors. Her gripping story is recounted in...|
|Nyuma y'imyaka 12, Ubufaransa busubiye ku mukino wa nyuma #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Ikipe y'igihugu y'Ubufaransa itsinze Ububiligi, igera ku mukino wa nyuma w'igikombe cy'isi kiri kubera mu Burusiya- Football
|RGB irasabira abaturage ijambo mu itegurwa ry'imihigo #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Umuryango Never Again-Rwanda n'Urwego rushinzwe imiyoborere (RGB), barasabira abaturage guhabwa igihe gihagije cyo gutanga ibitekerezo mu gutegura imihigo.- Amakuru mu Rwanda
|Mu Rwanda gutora hifashishijwe ikoranabuhanga biracyari kure #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Komisiyo y'amatora (NEC) itangaza ko gukoresha ikoranabuhanga mu gutora mu Rwanda bikiri kure kuko bitaranozwa, bikaba ari ukwirinda ko byateza ibindi bibazo byabangamira amatora.- Amakuru mu Rwanda / Jean Claude Munyantore
|Ibinyabiziga bihumanya ikirere byarahagurukiwe #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Iyo ugeze ku kigo gishinzwe kugenzura ubuziranenge bw'ibinyabiziga ahitwa kuri "Controle technique", uhasanga imodoka nyinshi zaje kugenzurwa kugira ngo harebwe niba zujuje ibisabwa kugira ngo zibashe kugenda mu Rwanda.- Inkuru zicukumbuye / homepage_script, KT Editorial, Gasabo
|CNLG yamaganye ubutabera bw'Abafaransa bwanze gukurikirana abakoze Jenoside mu Rwanda #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Komisiyo y'Igihugu ishinzwe kurwanya Jenoside (CNLG), itangaza ko n'ubwo hari intambwe ubutabera mpuzamahanga bumaze gutera mu gukurikirana abasize bakoze Jenoside mu Rwanda, hakiri byinshi byo kunenga ubwo butabera.- Amakuru mu Rwanda / KT Editorial, MobileBigStory
|Intara ya Rhenanie-Palatinat yatangiye gukorana n'uturere tw'u Rwanda #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Abayobozi mu Ntara ya Rhenanie-Palatinat yo mu Budage biyemeje gufasha ab'uturere tw'u Rwanda kunoza imikorere no gusangira ubunararibonye n'abaturage.- Iterambere / Simon Kamuzinzi
|Ibirori byo gutaha ku mugaragaro Urugo Mbonezamikurire y'abana bato b'i Karambi ya Rutsiro #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
|VIDEO: No muri Afurika hava uburezi bufite ireme mpuzamahanga - Paul Kagame #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
|VIDEO: Umusanzu wa WDA na UFACO & VLISCO Ltd mu guteza imbere Made in Rwanda #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
|'Ntabwo nkeneye porotokore': Perezida Kagame #Rwanda via @kigalitoday Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
|NEPAD’s transformation into the African Union Development Agency Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
At the recent 31st Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Union Heads of State and Government in Nouakchott, Mauritania, African Heads of State and Government received several reports, including the status of the implementation of the AU Institutional Reforms presented by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda. President Kagame is the current chair of the African Union and the champion for the AU Institutional Reforms process.
|Assessment of the Impacts of the Conservation of Protected Areas to the Improvement of Livelihoods of Adjacent Communities of the Nyungwe National Park, Rwanda Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||none|
|Re: What She Said: Amanda Marcotte On the Fight Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
Are you serious? Half the left is Assadists, unfortunately. You think they wanted Obama to intervene? I don't know what you are calling "the left" here but Syria could be a great example of how leftist foreign policy can be flawed, but certainly not in the way you think.
I did not write a tome about noninterventionism. If you can only pull that thread out of it and try to look at it in isolation, then I don't know what to tell you. About Rwanda in particular, there is a difference between US intervention and interference and a genuine global force- the UN could in theory be a body that could intervene in preventing genocides when needed. Worth noting that it is usually the US that prevents it from being that body (both in Rwanda where the US refused to acknowledge it was a genocide and in the slaughter in Yemen right now that the UN has been condemning, and in Libya where the US pushed for regime change despite their charter). But this is all nit picking- the larger economic view went straight over your head and you focused on trees and not forests- the point is an understanding of the military industrial complex as the backbone of dollar capitalism. This is not a conspiracy theory, it's literally how our system works and it's why we don't have an opposition party. You asked about this and I explained it best I could.
Posted by EmmaLiz
|Re: What She Said: Amanda Marcotte On the Fight Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
@76 Whew! Indeed just about everything about this society is unsustainable. In truth, the sustainability of deficits and debts has more to do with the size of the economy which is incurring the deficit and debt however, not the size of the deficit or debt compared to that of other countries.
So you've written a tome there and then boiled it down to a simple solution (from what I can glean anyway): we just need to 'not intervene'. Hey why didn't anyone think of that? I don't know, maybe see previous comment about armchair critics being too lazy to acknowledge the complexity of international politics. Rwanda: don't intervene? You are aware that many many of your compatriots on the far left were screeching about Obama's reluctance to intervene in Syria weren't you? I am all for avoiding conflicts at pretty much all cost but I'll repeat what I said above: any demagogue who is going to feed people fairy-tales in order to get elected is not going to govern competently or effectively. That it all comes down to something as simple as 'don't intervene', always, is a fairy-tale.
Posted by Rhizome
|Rwanda v Kenya Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Rwanda v Kenya|
|La Fondation Merck annonce les gagnants de Prix de Reconnaissance des Médias « Merck Plus Qu’une Mère » 20 17 Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||La Fondation Merck (www.Merck-Foundation.com), lance les hashtags #MenToo et #NoForInfertilityStigma pour briser la stigmatisation de l’infertilité. La Fondation Merck lance trois chansons pour sensibiliser sur l’infertilité masculine par Octopizzo, Susan Owiyo, Rozzy et Tom Close, des chanteurs africains du Kenya, de la Sierra Leone et du Rwanda. La Fondation Merck lance un appel à candidatures… […]|
|Merck Foundation announces the winners of “Merck More Than a Mother” Media Recognition Awards 2017 Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Merck Foundation (www.Merck-Foundation.com), starts hashtags #MenToo and #NoForInfertilityStigma to break the stigma of Infertility. Merck Foundation to Launch three songs to raise awareness about Male Infertility by Octopizzo , Susan Owiyo, Rozzy and Tom Close, African Singers from Kenya, Sierra Leone and Rwanda. Merck Foundation to call for application for “Merck more than a Mother” […]|
|Rwanda: Remarks by Ambassador Peter H. Vrooman on fourth of July celebration Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Good evening – Mwiriwe! On behalf of President Trump and the people of the United States, I want to thank you for joining us to celebrate the 242nd anniversary of our Independence – just a day late. July 4th marked the 24th Liberation Day for Rwanda, so that is why we are celebrating today. July […]|
|Rwandan movies nominated for ZIFF 2018 awards – The New Times Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||The New TimesRwandan filmmakers will be looking to past national glory for inspiration as they compete for honours at the on-going Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF). The 21st edition of the prestigious annual festival kicked off on Saturday, July 7, and … …read more Source:: Movie Awards News By Google News|
|Rwandan movies nominated for ZIFF 2018 awards – The New Times Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||The New TimesRwandan filmmakers will be looking to past national glory for inspiration as they compete for honours at the on-going Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF). The 21st edition of the prestigious annual festival kicked off on Saturday, July 7, and … …read more Source:: Movie Awards News By Google News|
|South Sudan troops, allies killed hundreds in recent attacks: UN Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Over 230 civilians killed and 120 women and girls raped by South Sudan government troops and aligned forces, UN says.
|Nature Defends Itself Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
July 09, 2018
The Progress of This Storm: Nature and Society in a Warming World
In Rwanda’s Volcanoes National Park, two juvenile gorillas watch as a younger sibling is caught in a snare set by poachers. The infant, unable to free herself, dies of her wounds. The next time the gorillas come across a snare, they work together to destroy it. Soon their whole family joins in, destroying the traps wherever they pose a threat.
In Mozambique, an old elephant warns the younger members of her herd to avoid the hairless primates. She remembers the civil war that, decades ago, decimated the country’s elephant population. As her herd migrates through poacher-heavy areas, they’ve learned to travel by night.
And in Paris, climate activists push the assembled scientists and diplomats for stronger, more radical commitments. Some have set up a contest of sorts—the “Climate Games”—to see who can pull off the most innovative direct action. “We are not defending nature,” say the organizers. “We are nature defending itself.”
Is there a meaningful continuum among the gorillas, the elephants, and the activists? Are all three instances of “nature defending itself”? What, exactly, does it mean to be part of nature? Can we talk of a gorilla or elephant acting with intention at all—or a beaver, a bumblebee, a boreal forest?
To Malm, we aren’t part of nature. This is not only wrong; it is politically blinkered.
Parsing such questions is the task of The Progress of This Storm: Nature and Society in a Warming World, the latest book from environmental historian Andreas Malm. While Malm acknowledges that “Theory does not seem like the most exigent business in a rapidly warming world,” he argues that that how we think about nature, society, and climate change informs how we act for climate justice. “Some theories can make the situation clearer while others might muddy it,” he writes, and he is here to wipe off the mud so that climate organizers may see clearly.
It’s a good book. Malm has a deep understanding of climate change, writes clearly, and presents a useful overview of environmental thought. He also introduces some compelling concepts of his own, with provocative implications for political struggle.
But he leaves no room for the Climate Games. The cornerstone of his nature philosophy is that certain human capacities make our societies not only unique but fundamentally distinct from the rest of existence. We can’t be “nature defending itself” because we aren’t part of nature. In this, Malm not only stands on shaky intellectual ground, but actually constrains the possibilities of a truly liberated ecosocialist future.
• • •
What Nature Isn’t
Given the magnitude of the climate threat, Malm writes, it is important that we avoid “blurry charts and foggy thinking.” And he sees a lot of fog.
Malm’s many intellectual foes fall into several camps. He begins with those who see nature as a social construction, a common view in academia. For British geographer Noel Castree, “Nature doesn’t exist ‘out there’ . . . waiting to be understood.” It is instead “a particularly powerful fiction,” one that “exists only so long as we collectively believe it to exist.” Most offensive to Malm is the claim that “global climate change is an idea,” not “a set of ‘real biophysical processes’ occurring regardless of our representations of it.” To Malm, this is postmodern babble, ludicrous on its face. The existence of a mountain, let alone climate change, is not contingent upon human representations.
Next in Malm’s lights are those thinkers, such as Bill McKibben and Jedediah Purdy, who define nature as that which is pristine, wholly separate from humans. On this view, as human settlements, pollution, and climate change affect ever more of the planet, nature is going if not gone. “In every respect,” Purdy writes in his book After Nature (2015) and echoes in these pages, “the world we inhabit will henceforth be the world we have made.” Malm has little patience for this approach, either. Just because society influences nature, he argues, does not mean nature is no more: “If I mix my coffee with sugar, I do not thereby come to believe that the coffee has ended.” Similarly, he writes that plastic waste, overfishing, and acidification do not mean the oceans have ended, nor that we have somehow “made” the ocean.
Malm moves rather quickly, and there is a chance he is being slightly unfair. For example, Castree has elsewhere written that his philosophy “is not at all a denial of the material reality of those things we routinely call natural—be they trees, rivers, animals, or anything else.” His argument rests instead on the (true) observations that social factors affect how we think about and define “nature,” and that many “natural” features in fact have a long history of human intervention.
But even then, much of Malm’s critique still goes through. Castree’s emphasis on the social means he loses sight of the ultimate independence of nonhuman nature. “Castree charges that talk of independent nature is pure ideology,” Malm writes, “but it would be more correct to say that independent nature is the only thing that cannot come to an end. The paradox of climate change is that it makes it appear more strangely alive than ever.” (Of course, history’s hunter-gatherers, horticulturists, and sailors—not to mention the myriad societies that have embraced animism or invented nature gods—have always adapted their lives to the rhythms and flows of nonhuman nature. Malm should not be quite so surprised to find it “strangely alive.”)
Castree’s neglect of this living world even leads him to exaggerate the scientific uncertainty of climate change. Despite paying lip service to an underlying “biophysical world,” he is more interested in how climate is perceived by humans than in what is actually happening.
One gets the feeling Malm is more concerned with the potential political effects of others’ ideas than their intellectual merit—less with whether they are true, or represent an internally consistent philosophy of nature, than whether they are useful to guide climate activism. To an extent, this approach is admirable: theory divorced from practice is often just navel-gazing, and as temperatures rise, action is the priority. But his quick pace gave him little space to engage counterarguments, and I often found myself nodding along but not entirely convinced.
More interesting than Castree, to Malm and to me, is an array of “hybridist” views. Hybridist thinkers see the human and nonhuman as wholly intertwined, and find it impossible to extricate Society from Nature. Malm’s poster child for this way of thinking—in fact, his primary nemesis throughout the book—is French sociologist and philosopher Bruno Latour. As of 2007, we are told, Latour was the tenth most cited writer in the humanities (“a full 26 [notches] above Karl Marx,” Malm laments). “I am aiming at blurring the distinction between nature and society durably,” Latour writes in Politics of Nature (1999), “so that we shall never have to go back to two distinct sets.”
What does this mean for climate change? Latour runs through a list of ecological issues—the ozone hole, warming, deforestation—and asks, “Are they human? Human because they are our work. Are they natural? Natural because they are not our doing.” They are hybrids—messy interactions of the human and the not human—just like everything else.
“Less of Latour, more of Lenin,” Malm says. “That is what the warming condition calls for.”
Malm doesn’t like this very much. He starts by observing that Latour’s “hybrid” framework implicitly concedes there are two separate things to be hybridized. I suppose this is right, but it misses what makes the hybridist view compelling. Aren’t the boundaries blurred, after all? Malm’s more provocative disagreement is political. Just because two things interact—perhaps even are intertwined—does not mean they are indistinguishable. If we are to confront climate change, he argues, we are going to need to pick out and confront its cause in the human component. To say the social and the natural are one, he claims, obscures this necessary task.
Malm is right that Latour himself can get muddled in questions of causation, and is likely not the best inspiration for climate politics: Latour has been described as a “benevolent French centrist,” and gives such advice as, “Don’t focus on capitalism.” But Malm’s outright rejection of hybridism goes further than is necessary. We could say that society is part of nature without losing sight of society. We do say that beavers are part of nature, and still we recognize that beavers build dams. We can say that asteroids are part of nature, and still hypothesize that an asteroid caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. So why can’t we concede that human society is part of nature, and still recognize that these societies produce climate change?
Malm is right that we need to pick out the human cause of warming, but this in itself is not a reason to keep nature and society separate. To bolster his claim, he sets out to define the key differences between humans, asteroids, and beavers.
• • •
What Nature Is
If the constructionists and hybridists are all wrong, who is right? Malm’s answer is the British philosopher Kate Soper, who defines nature as follows:
Malm says this passage “deserves to be read again and memorized,” and he refers to it repeatedly as a more sensible alternative to the McKibbens and Latours of the world, one that offers a coherent way of thinking about anthropogenic climate change.
What does this definition mean for the relation between nature and society? Malm sketches out what he calls a “substance monist, property dualist” view. Substance monism: Nature and human society are made of the same physical stuff, and the latter depends upon and emerges out of the former. Property dualism: Nature and society have fundamentally different properties.
For the most part, Malm makes this argument carefully. He clarifies that these differences do not make humans “better” than nonhumans, nor justify the abuse of the latter. (A mutual acquaintance tells me Malm is vegetarian.) He is also clear that the distinctions between society and nature mark just one divide in a greater “property pluralism,” a wider universe of sames and differences. But he still thinks this particular distinction is crucial to climate politics, in particular when it comes to the question of agency. Who or what is causing climate change, and who or what can stop it?
On agency, philosophers take a wide range of views. Latour and the “new materialists” define agency as “making some difference to a state of affairs,” and thus pretty much anything is an agent. Malm, a materialist of the old variety, isn’t having it. To divorce agency from intentionality, he argues, is to make the word meaningless. If humans (who act with intention) and carbon dioxide atoms (which presumably do not) are lumped together as agents, it is harder to assign responsibility.
Next are those thinkers, such as ecofeminist Val Plumwood, who put forth a theory of “weak pansychism”—again, pretty much anything is an agent, but this time because pretty much anything possesses something akin to a mind. So maybe the carbon dioxide atoms do act intentionally. For Malm, this is unserious, as “a river or a mountain . . . evidently do not have brains, which means that they cannot have minds, which ought to imply that they lack the ability to form intentions, as the term is commonly used.” This may well miss Plumwood’s point, which is that animal brains might not be needed to produce mindlike qualities. But, even conceding that trees and rocks lack conscious intentionality, what about nonhuman animals?
Say we do scrap fossil fuels, shrimp trawlers, gold mines, slaughterhouses, monocultures, and the government. What are the alternatives? Malm offers little guidance.
Malm allows that a baboon or a beaver might perhaps be an agent, but he argues that humans and our communities exercise greater degrees of agency. He’s correct, of course, that our species has certain unique aspects (as do chimpanzees, for that matter, or giant sequoias). But he exaggerates this uniqueness, often underestimating nonhumans and overestimating—or at least misunderstanding—humans. The expansive gulf he perceives between humans and nature structures not just his theory but his vision of the future—so it is worth taking the time to deflate it.
For example, Malm explores a number of ways in which our capacity for abstract thought sets us apart and contributes to greater agency. In some examples he is simply wrong. For instance, he cites our “special ability to think about . . . the thoughts of others,” but there is evidence of this phenomenon in nonhuman animals, including ravens and our fellow primates. In one experiment, rhesus macaque monkeys chose to steal a grape from a human who couldn’t see them rather than from one who could. They appear to understand what humans “can perceive based on where they are looking,” wrote the study’s authors, “an essential component of [theory of mind].” In other examples Malm is on firmer ground—that humans alone conceive of and carve tools out of stone, or have a particularly complex language. But what is it these abilities supposedly signify?
He differentiates humans using three levels of agency, the framework of Marxist historian Perry Anderson. The first level is personal, private agency, which Malm admits is ubiquitous in the animal kingdom. Second, Malm writes, is “the pursuit not of private but of ‘public’ goals. . . . Staple examples include political campaigns, military confrontations, religious crusades, the signing of treaties, the erection of monuments, the exploration of distant lands. . . . Here the individual no longer acts to further her own goal, but acts together with others to achieve something they have jointly set their minds on.” While Malm writes that this level is only rarely achieved by nonhuman animals, the evidence suggests otherwise. To the list of staple examples—individuals acting with others in pursuit of a shared goal—I might add a chimpanzee raid on a neighboring troop, a wolf pack’s hunt, a team of gorillas dismantling a trap, an elephant herd’s migration. (In all of these animals, intelligence is relatively uncontroversial. More speculatively, an ant colony’s war for territory or a beehive’s search for food might belong as well.)
It is the third and final level of agency, however, that Malm sees as truly unique. This is the agency, to quote Anderson, in which humans embark “in a conscious programme aimed at creating or remodeling whole social structures . . . to produce a premeditated future.” This “unprecedented form of agency,” Anderson writes, was inaugurated in the Russian Revolution. As Malm puts it, “Less of Latour, more of Lenin: that is what the warming condition calls for.” I confess I do not know of any nonhuman animal that could successfully pull off the conception and implementation of an entirely new social system. But neither did the Bolsheviks. As anthropologist David Graeber has written, “Every attempt to apply such a scientific approach to human society—whether by right or left, whether it takes the form of neoclassical economics or historical materialism—has proved . . . disastrous.” We should note that these disasters have been both social and ecological—neither humans nor ecosystems respond well to sweeping, top-down impositions. This third level of agency, then, may be unique to humans, but it is something of an illusion. A wiser climate politics might rein in the hubris, as it helped get us into this mess.
We are not, it turns out, quite the agents we would like to be. Malm seems to take as a given that we possess a strong form of individual free will and self-determination, with our minds having ultimate control over what “we” (our human bodies) do. But evidence for this claim is debatable, at best. Even our more banal acts of intentionality are influenced by uncountable factors beyond our control: our gut bacteria, what color tie someone is wearing, subtle scents, billions of years of evolution. At some level, Malm acknowledges this. He accepts that, in the words of environmental historian Linda Nash, “so-called human agency cannot be separated from the environments in which that agency emerges.” But he balks at any suggestion that this means those environments share agency, and undersells the degree of this influence.
In the end, Malm relies on a gut instinct that human societies represent something of a rupture in the path of evolution. It seems to him obviously indefensible to define nature as all that is; to use his example, he defies anyone to suggest that the “gentrification of a neighbourhood is exactly as natural as the rotation of a planet.”
I get this instinct. Habitats change dramatically for a variety of reasons, but it can be hard to see a continuum between glaciation and urbanization, planetary rotation and gentrification. But then again: Displacement, competing populations, the rise and fall of thriving communities—is this not the stuff of ecology? In A Scientist in the City (1994), physicist James Trefil wrote that cities
(Of course, this does not mean that whatever humans do, naturally, is ethical. If human societies engage in destructive behavior, toward humans or other life, the problem is not that this is ‘unnatural’ but that it creates avoidable harm.) Recent research has even suggested that wildlife ecology can be influenced by individual nonhuman personalities, as well as the collective action of groups. To maintain that this is natural while human societies are unnatural is to robotize the nonhuman world, robbing agency and intentionality from our fellow creatures and denying Darwin’s claim that the difference between ourselves and other animals “is one of degree and not of kind.”
So either other sentient animals are social (and thus unnatural), human society is natural, or we redefine society to represent only that narrow range of the human experience that is truly unique. Malm would probably opt for the third option, and nothing I have said has quite refuted it. I concede that humans are political and moral actors to a degree that other animals, so far as we know, are not (though to treat this as a defining trait privileges certain ages and abilities). And even if we are embedded in and influenced by a complex ecological network, human collective action will be key to fighting climate change and all of our other woes.
In the end, though, I ask the same question Malm does: Which theory is the better guide for climate organizing?
• • •
What Nature Can Be
Malm is genuinely stirring in his militant calls to action: “We should conclude, first of all, that building a new coal-fired power plant, or continuing to operate an old one, or drilling for oil, or expanding an airport, or planning for a highway is now irrational violence.” He praises McKibben as an activist (if not as a theorist), and cites 350.org as a group acting according to sound philosophy, laser-focused on the primary social cause of climate change: the fossil-fuel industry. He endorses the urge to “physically cut off fossil fuel combustion, deflate the tyres, block the runways, lay siege to the platforms, invade the mines.” We must “commit to the most militant and unwavering opposition to this system, or sit watching as it all goes down the drain.”
All of this is powerful, but it leaves two main questions. First, what is “this system” we are supposed to oppose and dismantle? For Malm it is what he calls “fossil capitalism,” but this is too narrow. The broader ecological crisis—not just warming but deforestation, pollution, overfishing—stems from patterns of food production and land use (not to mention social inequities) as old as states themselves; it is not reducible to coal, oil, and natural gas. Capitalism made it worse, of course, but the troubles run deeper.
If we follow Malm’s logic and scrap not only fossil fuels but shrimp trawlers, gold mines, slaughterhouses, monocultures and the government, the second question becomes even more obvious: What alternatives must we build? Unfortunately, Malm’s framework offers little (though not no) guidance.
He does reject “a policy of non-engagement,” as “humans must combine with nature,” and rightly opposes any attempt at mastery over the nonhuman, which he sees as fundamentally uncontrollable. He quotes Naomi Klein’s prediction that, because “The sun, wind and waves . . . can never be fully possessed,” embracing renewables will cause “a fundamental shift in power relations between humanity and the natural world on which we depend.” He proposes this politics of humility alongside a goal of retreat. “What victory would look like,” he writes, is leaving land for indigenous groups “all to themselves, with no one there to drive them into mines and cut the trees down.” All this marks “the death of affirmative politics. Negativity is our only chance now.”
I am all for humility and decolonization, leaving vast swathes of the planet for indigenous peoples and wildlife restoration. But like it or not, there are 7.6 billion humans swarming around, and a strategy that amounts to “destroy and retreat” leaves little room for a positive future. This failure, it seems to me, stems from a theoretical basis emphasizing disjuncture.
In Malm’s final, most interesting chapter, “On Unruly Nature,” he offers the germ of an alternative. He tentatively puts forward a theory of “ecological autonomism,” analogous to autonomist Marxism. Capitalism pursues ever more control over nonhuman nature, as it pursues the same over workers. But this attempt at control, over labor or soil, is doomed to backfire: it breeds the conditions of its own demise. Through the strike or the storm, the backlash of uncontrollable workers and nature spells capitalism’s undoing.
It is not a perfect analogy, Malm admits. For one, a storm is less desirable than a strike, as it will take out the global poor first. But there’s a recognition of something shared between human and nonhuman, an unbreakable independent spirit that makes a villain out of top-down control itself. Henry David Thoreau called it “wildness”; we might call it the democratic instinct. It is from this recognition that any vision for an ecological future must begin. It looks away from our supposedly unique “third level of agency” toward more universal features of the natural world: adaptation, spontaneity, experimentation, freedom. It centers empathy and cooperation—think of gorillas dismantling traps—and uplifts the sort of care and subsistence labor that has traditionally been devalued by nature/society binaries, justifying the exploitation of women, indigenous groups and nonhumans. It draws on an evolutionary history of mutual aid, a lineage from beetles to humans famously drawn by Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Less Lenin, more lemur.
It may not be enough to rewild the forests, the prairies, the oceans, and the deserts—though of course we must do those things. We must also rewild ourselves.
To develop these qualities, I submit, it helps to conceive of human society as a subset of the natural. It may not be enough to rewild the forests, the prairies, the oceans and the deserts (although of course we must do those things). Perhaps we must rewild ourselves. The goal should be what left-green theorist Murray Bookchin called “Third Nature,” a harmonious, fecund synthesis of the nonhuman world (“First Nature”) and human communities (“Second Nature”). There are shortcomings to Bookchin’s approach—the First/Second distinction is sometimes exaggerated, much like Malm’s Nature/Society distinction—but by grouping everything together as “nature,” he was able to emphasize the shared aspects among all life.
What we need, in a word, is integration. In food production, where permaculture and agro-ecological techniques are finding that the same land can feed humans and sustain wildlife, if we orient ourselves toward cooperation rather than control. In energy, where, as Klein suggests, we may have to adapt our lives to the ebb and flow of wind and sun. In land use, where we must create space and introduce vanished animals to allow ecosystems to restore themselves (“let the rodent do the work,” says one beaver proponent, responding to the animal’s ability to almost single-handedly restore wetlands). In leisure, where low-work, low-carbon lives will bring more of us outdoors for the pure joy of it. And in our minds, where many cultures must unlearn millennia of dualist, supremacist thinking toward the nonhuman world. All strategies in which humans and nonhumans work together as co-agents to build a diverse and vibrant world.
Malm might agree with at least some of this prescription, but I don’t think he finds it exciting. “It . . . seems a rather dispiriting and demobilising move,” he writes, “to tell [humans] that they are nothing special, that nothing separates them from an animal or a machine, that they have no centrally placed agency on which everything else depends.” But properly conceived, this move can be liberating. For myself, the recognition that the world is not mine to command, that many of its inhabitants have inner lives comparable to yet different from my own, has been a source of wonder, curiosity, awe, and inspiration. It has made this planet a fuller, less lonely place to be—and made the living world something I would fight for.
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Image: Vertumnus—Giuseppe Arcimboldo
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|From the hassle of haggling to cash-free taxi rides in Rwanda – podcast Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Entrepreneur Karanvir Singh has come up with a cashless system for motorbike taxis to help passengers get a fair deal – and improve road safety
Karanvir Singh was born in Delhi and struggled through school before discovering technology and later setting up Yego Moto thousands of miles away in Kigali. ‘It was fate,’ he says of his move to Rwanda, where he has found it easy to do business. In a city of 20,000 motorbikes, his cashless payment system not only frees people from arguing over fares but tracks speeding so there are fewer traffic accidents.Continue reading...
|Rwanda:She-Amavubi Enter Residential Camp Ahead of Cecafa Cup Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||[New Times] The national women's football team head coach Jean Baptiste Kayiranga has summoned 24 players to begin intensive preparations ahead of this year's CECAFA Women Championship.|
|SC Johnson Inoza uburyo bwo guhabwa ubuvuzi biciye mu Bafatanyabikorwa bakorana na Minisiteri y’Ubuzima mu Rwanda Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Kuri miliyoni z’abantu batuye muri Afurika y’Uburasirazuba bwo hagati, ibyago byo kwandura malariya ni ikintu gihangayikishije abantu buri munsi. Nk’uko Ishami ry’Umuryango w’Abibumbye Ryita ku Buzima (WHO) ribivug...
|SC Johnson Improves Access to Health Care Through Partnership with Rwanda Ministry of Health Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
For millions of people in east central Africa, the risk of malaria infection is an everyday concern. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), up to 90 percent of Rwandans are at risk for malaria. To help address this...
|JKU yatinga Nusu Fainali Cecafa baada ya kuifunga Singida United kukutana na SImba Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
SAFARI ya Singida United katika michuano ya Klabu Bingwa Afrika Mashariki na Kati, Kombe la Kagame imefikia tamati katika hatua ya Robo Fainali baada ya kutolewa na JKU Zanzibar kwa penalti 4-3 kufuatia sare ya 0-0 usiku wa leo Uwanja wa Taifa mjini Dar es Salaam.
Kwa matokeo hayo, JKU itakutana na Simba SC katika Nusu Fainali Jumatano, siku ambayo Azam FC itamenyana na Gor Mahia, mechi zote zikipigwa Uwanja wa Taifa.
Mapema katika Nusu Fainali ya kwanza, mabingwa watetezi, Azam FC waliichapa mabao 4-2 Rayon Sport ya Rwanda Uwanja wa Azam Complex, Chamazi, Dar es Salaam.
Ikumbukwe Chilunda anacheza kwa mara ya mwisho Azam FC kabla ya kwenda Hispania kuanza kuutumikia mkataba wa mkopo wa miaka miwili Tenerife ya Daraja la Pili Hispania.
Mabao ya Rayon Sports inayoshiriki michuano ya Kombe la Shirikisho Afrika ikiwa Kundi D pamoja na vigogo wa Tanzania, Yanga SC yamefungwa na Rwatubyaye Abdul dakika ya 42 na Manishimwe Djabel dakika ya 81.
Simba na Gor Mahia zilitangulia Nusu Fainali ya michuano hiyo inayofanyika kwa mara ya kwanza baada ya miaka mitatu jana, kufuatia kuzitoa Vipers ya Uganda na AS Ports ya Djibouti.
Ilianza Gor Mahia kutoka nyuma na kushinda 2-1, baada ya kutanguliwa na Vipers kwa bao la Thadeo Lwanga dakika ya 17, kabla ya kuzinduka na kusawazisha kwa mabao ya Francis Mustafa dakika ya 48 na 75.
Mchezo wa pili, Mohamed Rashid akatokea benchi dakika ya 59 kwenda kuchukua nafasi ya Adam Salamba na kuifungia Simba bao pekee dakika ya 65 dhidi ya AS Ports.
|Betraying Justice for Rwanda’s Genocide Survivors Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Jina Moore writes on the potential early release from prison of Aloys Simba, Dominique Ntawukulilyayo, and Hassan Ngeze, three of the Rwandan genocide’s central perpetrators.|
|The best places for biking and hiking in Rwanda Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Plan on travelling to Rwanda soon? If you are an active person, know that there are plenty of options available to you if you are an avid cyclist or hiker. With plenty of mountainous terrain, lovely lakes, and country roads which take you from one authentic village to the next, there are plenty of excellent […]
|Rwanda:Karate Team Gear Up for African Youth Games Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||[New Times] The trio of U18 karate players who are set to represent the country at the upcoming 3rd African Youth Games in Algeria, have intensified preparations and are in high gear for the showpiece.|
|Uganda: Uganda: UNHCR Operational Update, June 2018 Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Uganda
During the month of June 2018, 8,729 persons from South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundi and other countries, arrived in Uganda—the majority from DRC. The humanitarian situation remains unpredictable in South Sudan, DRC and Burundi.
Refugees from South Sudan report fleeing primarily out of fear of being killed by fighters from either side of the conflict inside the country, while those from DRC report inter-ethnic clashes and fears related to the upcoming elections.
Burundians indicate several reasons for leaving their country, related to security concerns and fears around the referendum in Burundi.
A peace agreement was signed in Khartoum, on 27 June, between the government of South Sudan and the opposition leader Riek Machar, which includes a permanent ceasefire, building a national army, improvement of infrastructure and security of the oil fields. The ceasefire is however being threatened by reports of renewed armed hostilities between the two groups, with each reportedly accusing the other of violating the agreement.
UNHCR and partners commemorated World Refugee Day (WRD) in all refugee hosting locations in Uganda. The national celebrations were held in Nakivale, on 20 June, as the settlement was also celebrating 60 years of hosting refugees in Uganda.
On 17 June a quarrel between refugees in Tika Zone, Rhino camp escalated into an ethnic fight between refugees of Dinka and Nuer communities, claiming the lives of four refugees. The incident caused displacement of families from the village to nearby location. Following the incident and after the fruitless reconciliatory effort by police,
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East African Bloc Lauds China-built Free Trade Zone in Djibouti
The Horn of Africa nation last Thursday inaugurated the DIFTZ at an august ceremony in Djibouti.
“This is a clear demonstration of regional economic integration that the member states have been working towards,” IGAD said in a statement yesterday.
The $370 million project consists of three functional blocks located close to all of Djibouti’s major ports, and the pilot zone will have four industrial clusters, focusing on trade and logistics, export processing and business support.
Estimated to handle over $7 billion worth of trade in the next two years, the Free Trade Zone will house manufacturing, warehouse facilities, an export processing area and service centers that will create over 15,000 job opportunities, IGAD has noted in the statement.
President Ismael Omar Guelleh of Djibouti stated during the launch that the Free Trade Zone is a place of hope for thousands of young job seekers.
The importance of this Free Trade Zone extends beyond the IGAD region to the rest of the African continent, as was well articulated by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who noted that it will not only serve Djibouti but wider regions of the continent.
This was also echoed by the Prime Minister of Ethiopia and chair of IGAD, Abiy Ahmed; the President of Somalia, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed; the President of Sudan, Omar Al Bashir, and the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who have graced the launching ceremony.
Speaking during the inaugural ceremony, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia expressed his country’s support to Djibouti in efforts to speed up regional economic integration.
“The IGAD Secretariat is proud of this important milestone in regional integration and associates with it as it contributes towards the realization of the aspirations of the ongoing discussions on the IGAD free movement protocol and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA),” said the East African bloc.
|Alliances are Partnerships, not Quasi-Imperial Legions with Auxiliaries Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Over on twitter, my timeline yesterday was filled with people collectively hugging each other over Claire Berlinski's Ode to Empire over at DailyBeast.|
I encourage everyone to read it then come back.
OK, if your hot-take is, "yes, oh, yes, she is so right," take a deep breath. Walk around a bit. Take another deep breath, then come back. If you raised an eyebrow a few times or rolled your eyes, you're OK.
Now that everyone is back, let's jump in to it.
At first read, I found myself sympathizing with the emotion that Claire brought to her article, but then I started to see a few things that caused my head to tilt a bit and made a note to read it a second time. I'm a NATO guy - I have a great affection for what it has done and hopefully will do. But like anything else you love, you have to love it enough to point out and help it fix its shortcomings.
The second time through the soft-light filter drifted away and the gaps in many of her points broke out in sharp contrast. Here are the ones that had me saying under my breath, "Oh, come on Claire, aren't you being a little overwrought?"
I'm tempted to give the article a full-Fisking, but the paying gig calls and I like Claire too much to do that.
Modern Europe—liberal, democratic Europe—is a creation of the United States.Wait ... Pax Americana outside Europe may not be as humane as the European empires in the New World, Africa, and Asia? Come on, that is a moral-relativistic cheap shot if I've ever seen one, and Eurocentric to a selfish degree at that.
Power is the only coin that matters.Of course, but let's go back to POLMIL101. The levers of national power are Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic. We are talking about a military alliance, so it is good to focus on the "M" - but American global power and influence is a lot more than military. Having those on our side, our allies, increase their contribution to "M" does not diminish our power at all. If they do that, then we have more leverage in "D," "I," and "E." If they refuse to pull their fair share of "M" - then the support of the American people will further erode when it comes to us filling in the gap they created. When we shrug that burden off, then all D.I.M.E. will collapse for everyone.
The solution isn't for America to shut up and take it like a soyboi, but for people to do their fair share, as good friends and neighbors do.
The mindset is not all that different than the 25-yr old man still living at home because it is cheaper, easier, and lets him spend his money on wine, women, and song as opposed to being a responsible adult and fully contributing member of society.
The collapse of liberal democracy in Europe would represent the failure of our own ideals. The collapse of European security would mean the end of liberal democracy.If the only thing holding together liberal democracy in Europe are an occupying American Army forever, then frankly the Europeans don't deserve it. If they lack agency of their own to the point they are content to be vassal states of the USA, then fine - they can send their gold reserves and 10% of all their tax revenue to:
COL Patrick N. Kaune, USA
c/o U.S. Army Garrison Fort Knox
125 Sixth Avenue
Bldg. 1110B room 226
Fort Knox, Kentucky 40121
Pat will make sure it is stored appropriately.
If not, then act like a full partner.
Today, neither Europe nor the United States are wealthy or powerful enough, alone, to sustain and expand liberal democracy in a world increasingly dominated by China, Russia, and anarchy. No European country alone, nor any of the American states alone, can maintain the liberal global order. A United Europe, however, and the United States, are together strong enough to sustain and expand the liberal tradition and democratic values. This is precisely why the enemies of liberal democracy are determined to drive a stake through our alliance.This is correct and good. We are an alliance, kind of a Defenders of The Enlightenment Superfriends. As friends, who are super, one thing we should understand as a baseline requirement; everyone will carry their fair share of the burden. We will all, inside our national ways and means, contribute as individuals and collectively, to support the advancement of civilization though Diplomatic, Informational, Military and Economic means. As good friends do, if someone is not doing their fair share, then others should point that out and motivate that friend to lean in. If that friend refuses, then the rest of the Superfriends are well within their rights to ask if that friend is a friend after all.
The next bit was just sad to read. In addition to being wildly Eurocentric in its understanding of the human record of conflict (Mongolians, Persians, Chinese, Arabs, assorted Inca and Aztec descendants, not to mention modern era Rwandans, Japanese and Cambodians are looking at each other in amazement), it is just dripping with European self-loathing that helps no one.
The wars that broke out in 1939 and 1914 were iterations of the wars fought by Bismarck, Napoleon and Louis XIV—Sedan, 1870; Leipzig, 1813; Jena, 1806; Austerlitz, 1805; Valmy, 1792; Turckheim, 1675. The 20th centuries’ wars were bloodier for only one reason: a massive improvement in killing capability. What would the next iteration of this war look like considering the technology we’ve got now?Yes, all true ... but the world cannot and should not be set in aspic and stuck in the 'fridge.
This next bit is a bit over the top;
The benefits of this—to the U.S., Europe, and the world—are not just economic, although those benefits are immense. The benefits are in wars not fought, lives not squandered.Just no. At the height of the Cold War, Belgium spent ~3.25% GDP on defense, but was last over the 2% mark in 1992. She is now under 1%. In the same time period, the USA went from 6.3% to 3.1%.
Even today, EST, GRC, and by some measures GBR are all over 2%. Many other nations will be soon. Again, this is not too much to expect for an alliance that shares not just security guarantees, but also responsibilities. To have one, you must shoulder your fair share of the other. No one is asking anyone to spend 3.1%. Just 2/3 of that at a minimum.
The United States underwrites European security through forward engagement and guarantees based on deterrence. In return, its allies accept the United States’ dominant role in the international system. They contribute—significantly, in both money and blood—toward meeting common challenges. Until now, our statesmen have had the good sense to allow all concerned to save face and to describe our relationship as a partnership, with each contributing according to ability. Unfortunately, it seems everyone who understood what this actually meant—European subordination to U.S. hegemony—is dead.This is an insult to the Europeans. Just by size, we're the big kid in the alliance, but no one is forcing anyone in to this alliance. A demand for fairness is not killing the alliance, it is only asking for a respectful relationship to strengthen the alliance.
Also, I know Trump derangement syndrome is blinding people, but Trump did not invent this concern. I've been on this for two decades, but I'm just a gnat on the natsec rump, listen to General Craddock in 2009, and SECDEF Gates in 2011.
This is not new - we just have a President who is willing to lead with it in the open.
If our slacking NATO partners will simply do the minimum - which isn't too much - then our alliance will be better, stronger, and better able to promote liberal democracy.
Claire is 180 degrees out from what is going on.
They were wrong. We’re now cheerfully pissing away the greatest achievement of American history, the work of generations, achieved at incalculable cost in life and treasure: a free, united, secure, and prosperous Western world. The 20th century has been forgotten. No one learned a thing from it.The present state of events is not good for NATO, The West, or any of its alliance partners.
Regular readers here know I get a kick out of the Norwegian series Occupied because it took the warning I gave to my NATO colleagues the first decade of this century, "We are one election away from the USA seriously looking at leaving NATO if you guys don't start spending more on your own defense." and made a series out of it. They refused to understand that there is a strong tradition in the American culture that started with the first English speaking colonies in North America, "He who does not work, does not eat." We will only take slackers for so long - especially entitled slackers.
The nation that needs to get itself in order first is Germany. Regardless of some people's view of Germany, this is 2018. She is a critical and important leader in the family of liberal democracies. Her economy is a powerhouse and her under-investment in her defense undermines deterrence and the ability of NATO to decisively act.
If you care for Germany and NATO, then you need to be as clear and direct as a Dutchman about it. Case in point, Rich Lowry over at NR;
Germany’s defense spending, or lack thereof, is a disgrace. One would think the country would have been embarrassed into following a different trajectory after German troops — Panzergrenadierbataillon 371, to be exact — had to use broomsticks instead of guns in a NATO exercise in 2014. But Germany evidently doesn’t embarrass easily.Germany needs to get its act together. It is long overdue.
All is not lost. There is good news about NATO when you want to find it. If you push Germany to the side, you can see that many in the alliance get it.
Today NATO issued its latest report of defense spending. Read it all, but these two graphs tell much of the story about who wants to be an adult, and who is content to live in mom's basement.
Note the nations who are just as the cusp of reaching the 2% mark. BZ to them all. Also note the cluster of shame in the bottom left-hand corner. Those are your free-riders - with Germany right in the center of them. Such lost potential.
As you can see, Latvia, Poland, Lithuania, Romania all are making the stretch. They get it. Other nations showing merit, Bulgaria, Canada, Slovakia, and The Netherlands. More work to do, but they are heading in the right direction.
UK, France, Croatia, Albania, and Belgium. My dudes. Are you reading any of your intel reports?
Name 'em and shame 'em. A few decades of begging isn't helping - and liberal democracy isn't quite flourishing to the East.
|Remittance rip-offs Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|| |
All over the world migrant workers are sending money home to their families. The money pays hospital bills and school fees, buys land, builds houses and sets up small businesses. The cash goes from the US back to Mexico, from the Gulf back to India, from the UK back to Somalia, and from South Africa back to Malawi, Zimbabwe and the rest of southern Africa.
But what these workers probably do not realize, since they usually only ever send to one country, is that the cost of sending money varies greatly. Now a study of the cost of remittances, carried out by London's Overseas Development Institute with support from the fund-raising charity Comic Relief, has revealed that transfers to African countries cost around half as much again as the global average, and twice as much as transfers to Latin America.
The ODI estimates that if remittance charges were brought down to the world average, the money saved could educate an extra 14 million primary school children, half of all those currently out of school on the continent.
The bulk of this money goes through money transfer companies rather than banks, since the recipients are unlikely to have bank accounts, and transfer companies are quick, efficient and have a wide network of agents. But just two big international players dominate the business in Africa, Moneygram and Western Union, and participants in a meeting to launch the research were highly critical of the way they seemed to be abusing their market dominance.
Rwanda's High Commissioner in London, Williams Nkurunziza, said he was shocked at what the report revealed. “If you look at the remittances, 30 or 40 percent of the money that goes to Africa goes to rural areas,” he said. “This money goes to the people who are most needy, and you are allowing a multinational corporation to take bread out of the mouth of hungry children. This is not what I would call responsible capitalism!”
Glenys Kinnock, opposition spokesman on International Development in the upper house of the UK parliament, who chaired the meeting, called on the country's financial regulatory authority to intervene over the issue of excessive charges. “It is not a technocratic issue,” she said, “although it may sound like one. It is also about people's lives and the future of their children... These things have to change. We can't put up any longer with the prospect of its making things so difficult, very often impossible, for people who have such needs.”
At the end of last year, when the ODI did its research, the fees and charges to send money to most of Africa were around 12 percent - a bit less to Zambia or Tanzania, a bit more to Uganda, Malawi and the Gambia - against a world average of just over 8 percent. Even that is quite expensive; the governments of the G8 and G20 countries have pledged themselves to working towards reducing this to 5 percent.
It found that in more than 30 countries the two big players had more than 50 percent of the market; and in 10 countries they had more than 90 percent. Sometimes either Moneygram or Western Union had an effective monopoly, but even where both companies were present it did not necessarily mean that customers had much choice; one company could still have a monopoly of outlets in a particular area, and the companies habitually make their paying-out agents sign contracts promising not to also act as agents for their rivals.
Competition has been limited by the fallout from the US “war on terror”, with the banks who do bulk international transfers citing money-laundering and anti-terrorism regulations as the reason they are reluctant to extend facilities to smaller companies. Now only the biggest of the Somali companies, Dahabshiil, still has an account with a major British bank (Barclays) and even that concession was forced by a court case and is only until other arrangements can be put in place.
Inter-Africa transfers cost most
Dilip Ratha, who works on these issues for the World Bank says exchange controls are one of the reasons the rates are so high; in some places sending money out of the country is illegal. “So if you are sending money,” he says, “let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created.”
"So if you are sending money, let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created"
The report found 10 routes with bank transfer charges over 20 percent. Charges from Nigeria to Ghana were 22 percent. To send from Tanzania to the rest of East Africa, or from South Africa to its near neighbours is particularly expensive, peaking at 25 percent for bank transfers between South African and Malawi. Some of the fees charged by money transfer companies are even higher; if you send money that way from Ghana to Nigeria you may have to pay a staggering 39 percent.
In some places mobile phone based systems like M-Pesa have made in-country transfers much easier and cheaper, but they haven't really taken off internationally, largely because conservative, inflexible regulatory systems insist that all international transfers must go through conventional banks. And African banks tend to have very high charges, often because they are forced by governments to finance government projects or make uncommercial loans.
Chukwuemeka Chikezie of the Up Africa consultancy told IRIN a lot of the responsibility lay with African governments. “One of the reasons M-Pesa took off in Kenya was because the authorities nurtured and enabled innovation. If you look at other countries the regulators have tended to stifle innovation. They are very risk-averse and they don't enable even limited experiments to prove that the markets can absorb technical innovation.”
In addition, money-laundering regulations are putting impossible demands on systems designed to serve the poor, requiring, for instance, “know your customer” procedures like taking copies of ID documents for anyone receiving an international payout. Selma Ribica of M-Pesa points out this is an impossibility for agents in rural areas with no power supply. She told IRIN she would like to see a more realistic, tiered approach with much lighter regulation for small international transfers (under, say, US$200-300) which are most unlikely to have anything to do with money laundering.
Beware Facebook, Walmart
Facebook has just proposed allowing transfers between customers who have accounts with the company which they normally use to make payments for online games. So far this is only proposed for payments within the European Union, but Facebook has a huge geographical spread and has said it is keen to extend its reach in Africa.
And the big profits made by the transfer companies are tempting other players into the market. The latest to announce it is starting money transfers is the US supermarket chain Walmart, with recipients being able to pick up their cash from any shop in the chain. To start with this will only work within the United States and Puerto Rico, but Walmart is an international group with nearly 350 stores in South Africa, and it also has a presence in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi and Mozambique, opening up the tempting prospect of a new, and cheaper way for workers to send money home.
All these new ways of sending money aim to undercut Moneygram and Western Union. Now Western Union has responded by offering so-called “zero-fee” transfers to Africa if the money is sent from a bank account rather by credit card or cash. This would mean a saving of just under £5 ($8.40) for someone sending $100 from the UK to Liberia. The company would still make money (nearly $4) by using a favourable exchange rate, but it would bring the cost down to just below the G8/G20 target.
For African's hard-pressed and hard-working migrants and their families back home, change may - finally - be on the way.
eb/cb99977 201404221522570983.jpg Feature Politics and Economics Remittance rip-offs IRIN LONDON Angola Burkina Faso Burundi Benin Botswana DRC Congo, Republic of Côte d’Ivoire Cameroon Colombia Cape Verde Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Gabon Ghana Gambia Guinea Equatorial Guinea Guinea-Bissau Kenya Liberia Lesotho Morocco Madagascar Mali Mauritania Mauritius Malawi Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Seychelles Sudan Sierra Leone Senegal Somalia Sao Tome and Principe eSwatini Chad Togo Tanzania Uganda Samoa South Africa Zambia Zimbabwe
|Comment on Reporting Scotland under fire after ‘Dark Money’ avoider Ruth Davidson handed platform to attack the SNP by Jockanese Wind Talker Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Brian Taylor complying with the Royal Charter of the BritNat Broadcasting Corporation:
6. The Public Purpose
(4) “….help contribute to the social cohesion and wellbeing of the United Kingdom.”
He is just following orders folks.
Don’t pay the propaganda tax.
British Nationalist Broadcasting (Scotland Division) is our equivalent of the Rwandan radio station of the 1990s called Radio-Television Libre des Milles Collines.
It exists to undermine the Scots Government, foster division and sectarianism and is backed by powerful people in business and Government of the UK and Opposition on Scotland.|
|Rwanda: The National Disaster Management Policy. Revision of the 2009 National Disaster Management Policy (2012) Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Publisher: National Legislative Bodies / National Authorities - Document type: National Decrees, Circulars, Regulation, Policy Documents|
|Protocol of Agreement between the government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front on the Repatriation of Rwandese Refugees and the Resettlement of Displaced Persons (Annex V) Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Publisher: National Legislative Bodies / National Authorities - Document type: Bilateral Treaties/Agreements|
|Francophonie: RSF "inquiet" de la candidature rwandaise, pays qui "réprime les journalistes" Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Paris - Reporters sans Frontières (RSF) s'est "inquieté" mercredi de la candidature à la tête de la Francophonie de la Rwandaise Louise Mushikiwabo, ministre d'un pays qui "dispose de l'un des pires systèmes de répression à l'égard des médias et des journalistes", selon l'ONG.|
|Tanzania:National Cricket Team Tumbles to Kenya Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||[Daily News] NATIONAL cricket team suffered a seven wicket defeat at the hands of Kenya in the ongoing ICC World Twenty20 Africa Region Qualifier B in Rwandan capital, Kigali yesterday.|
|Francophonie: RSF "inquiet" de la candidature rwandaise, pays qui "réprime les journalistes" Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
Reporters sans Frontières (RSF) s'est "inquieté" mercredi de la candidature à la tête de la F
|La transformation du NEPAD en Agence de développement de l’Union africaine Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Lors de la 31e session ordinaire de la Conférence des chefs d’État et de gouvernement de l’Union africaine à Nouakchott, en Mauritanie, les chefs d’État et de gouvernement africains ont reçu plusieurs rapports, y compris l’état de la mise en œuvre des réformes institutionnelles de l’UA, présentées par le président rwandais Paul Kagame. Le Président Kagame est l’actuel président de l’Union africaine et le champion du processus de réformes institutionnelles de l’UA. Lors du Sommet de Nouakchott, une décision officielle a été prise sur la transformation de l’Agence de planification et de coordination du NEPAD en Agence de développement de l’Union africaine. La Conférence a approuvé la création de l’Agence de développement de l’Union africaine en tant qu’organe technique de l’Union africaine doté de sa propre identité juridique et de ses propres statuts. Ces statuts seront développés et présentés pour adoption au prochain Sommet de l’UA en janvier 2019. L’Assemblée a félicité le Président sénégalais, Macky Sall, Président en exercice du Comité d’orientation des chefs d’État et de gouvernement du NEPAD, pour avoir renforcé la crédibilité du NEPAD, une institution reconnue par la communauté internationale, y compris par le G20 et par le G7. Les réformes en cours à l’UA sont une affirmation par les États membres de leur engagement envers l’Agence du NEPAD en tant qu’instrument de l’UA établi pour appuyer les pays et les organismes régionaux dans la mise en œuvre de la vision du développement du continent – telle qu’articulée dans les sept aspirations et les 20 objectifs de l’Agenda 2063. Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, Secrétaire exécutif de l’Agence du NEPAD, a déclaré : « Un aspect essentiel des réformes en cours consiste à rationaliser et à améliorer l’efficacité et l’efficience dans la mise en œuvre des décisions, politiques et programmes de l’UA à travers tous ses organes et institutions. En ce sens, comme l’Agence du NEPAD est l’agence de mise en œuvre technique de l’UA, une recommandation spécifique du rapport Kagame consiste à la transformer en Agence de développement de l’UA. Nous sommes enthousiasmés par cette transformation, qui permettra de déployer encore plus efficacement nos programmes au service du développement de notre continent. » (JMNK)|
|Addis Ababa, Roughly Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||When Peter and I got on the plane to Addis Ababa, we were giddy about every little thing. They were playing Ethiopian music! And the safety cards were in Ethiopian letters! We truly had no idea what to expect when we arrived. We certainly didn’t expect to arrive in what was, to my eyes, Cairo …
|The Sugar King of Rwanda Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Before we leave Rwanda, and while we’re still on the subject of material culture, let me just mention how nice it is that you can get intensely gingery tea with milk pretty much anywhere there. For instance, at the edge of a national park: Please note Heineken umbrella, and waiter in Heineken shirt. On the …
|Nyamirambo Women’s Centre Tour Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||There’s a great little organization in Kigali, the Nyamirambo Women’s Centre. It’s a work co-op and educational group, teaching women job skills. They run a fun walking tour around their neighborhood, which ends with lunch–which happened to be some of the best food we had in Rwanda. I highly recommend this! To tantalize you, here …
|rwanda genocide essay conclusion Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
rwanda genocide essay conclusion
|xx(18SZ5) RWANDA 2 FRANCS 1970 ( HULLÁMOS SZÉLE - Jelenlegi ára: 41 Ft Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||(2018. 07. )|
A KÉPEN LÁTHATÓ ÉRME, KÉP SZERINTI TARTÁSBAN.
Jelenlegi ára: 41 Ft
Az aukció vége: 2018-07-31 20:33
|AZAM FC NA SIMBA SC WATAVUKA VIKWAZO?? Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Wachezaji wa Azam FC (kushoto) na Simba (kulia) katika matukio tofauti kwenye moja ya mechi zao kwenye Kombe la Kagame.
Klabu za soka za Azam FC na Simba SC zina nafasi ya kuweka rekodi endapo tu zitafanikiwa kushinda mechi zake za nusu fainali ya michuano ya Kombe la Kagame ambazo zinachezwa leo jioni kwenye uwanja wa taifa jijini Dar es salaam.
Mchezo wa nusu fainali ya kwanza kati ya Gor Mahia dhidi ya Azam FC ni kumbukumbu ya fainali ya mwaka 2015 ambayo iliwapatia Azam FC ubingwa wao wa kwanza wa Kombe hilo kwa kushinda mabao 2-0. Baada ya hapo Gor Mahia imekuwa ni timu imara na yenye changamoto kwa timu za Tanzania.
Endapo Azam FC watafanikiwa kushinda leo dhidi ya Gor Mahia, watakuwa wamejiweka kwenye mazingira mazuri ya kutetea ubingwa wao ambao wanaushikilia tangu mwaka 2015. Ikumbukwe kuwa michuano hii haikufanyika katika miaka ya 2016 na 2017.
Kwa upande wa Simba ambao ndio mabingwa wa historia wa kombe hilo, wakiwa wamelitwaa mara sita, wanashuka dimbani kucheza na mabingwa wa Zanzibar JKU. Endapo Simba watafanikiwa kutinga hatua ya fainali watakuwa wanakaribia kuendelea kupanua rekodi yao kwa kutwaa taji la 7.
Katika mechi zao za robo fainali Azam FC ilishinda mabao 4-2 dhidi ya Rayon Sports ya Rwanda huku Simba ikishinda bao 1-0 dhidi ya AS Ports ya Djibouti. JKU wao waliitoa Singida United kwa penati 4-3 huku Gor Mahia wakiifunga 2-1 timu ya Vipers ya Uganda.
Je, Azam na Simba watavuka vikwazo ili mmoja wao akaweke rekodi au Gor Mahia na JKU wataweka maajabu na kutengeneza historia mpya ? Mechi ya kwanza Azam FC na Gor Mahia inaanza saa 8:00 Mchana huku Simba na JKU ikianza saa 11:00 Jioni.
|Afrique:Chine-Afrique - Xi Jinping entame une tournée le 20 juillet Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||[Les Dépêches de Brazzaville] Le président chinois effectuera, du 20 au 27 juillet, une nouvelle visite africaine qui le conduira au Sénégal, au Rwanda et en Afrique du Sud avant d'accueillir, en septembre, plusieurs dirigeants du continent à l'occasion du sommet Chine-Afrique.|
|Environnement : l'Afrique en guerre contre les sacs plastique Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Onze pays africains ont interdit la fabrication de sacs plastique, emboîtant le pas au Rwanda. Une décision qui engendre de nombreux défis, mais aussi des opportunités. |
|2018 CECAFA: Crested Cranes for build up match ahead of Rwanda Trip Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
The Uganda National women team- Crested Cranes will play KJT U17 at StarTimes Stadium on Thursday morning ahead of this year’s CECAFA Women Championship in Rwanda. Crested Cranes’ opening match is against Kenya on 19th July for the Championship to be played on a round robin format before the knock out stages. ‘We are having a...
The post 2018 CECAFA: Crested Cranes for build up match ahead of Rwanda Trip appeared first on FUFA: Federation of Uganda Football Associations.
|JUMLA YA WAHAMIAJI HARAMU 1470 KUTOKA MATAIFA MBALIMBALI WAKAMATWA MKOANI KAGERA Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Na Editha Karlo wa blog ya jamii,Kagera.
JUMLA ya wahamiaji haramu 1470 kutoka mataifa mbalimbali wamekamatwa Mkoani Kagera kwa kuingia nchini kinyume cha sheria.
Akiongea na waandishi wa habari ofisini kwake Ofisa uhamiaji Mkoa wa Kagera Abdallah Towo alisema kuwa kwa kipindi cha January hadi June 30 mwaka jumla ya wahamiaji haramu walikamatwa katika maeneo mbalimbali ya mipaka iliyopo Mkoani humo.
Towo alisema kuwa kati yao Warundi 994,Waganda 223,Warwanda 193,Wathiopia 19,wacongo 39 na wakenya 2 jumla yao ni 1470.
Alisema jumla ya raia 5,787 wa Burundi kutoka kambi za mtendeli,Nduta na Nyarugusu zilizopo Mkoani Kigoma pia kambi ya rumasi Ngara wamerejea nchini kwao kwa hiyari.Alisema jumla ya raia 90 kutoka Mataifa mbalimbali wamemaliza vifungo vyao katika Magereza yaliyopo mkoani Kagera na wote wamerejeshwa makwao.
"Kwa mwaka huu toka january hadi June hakuna mkimbizi yoyote aliyeingia nchini kwasababu kule kwao kwasasa kumetulia"alisema.
Ofisa Uhamiaji u huyo alisema kuwa zoezi la uandikishaji wa vitambulisho vya utaifa linaenda vizuri Mkoani Kagera na mpaka sasa jumla wananchi 491513 ili kupata vitambulisho vya utaifa lengo ni kuandikisha wananchi 1,200,000.
Alisema pia zoezi la uzinduzi wa hati za kusafiria za kielectronic kwa mkoa wa Kagera ulifanyika tarehe 8 mwezi wa 6 mwaka huu linaenda vizuri kwani mpaka sasa wameshapokea jumla ya maombi 72 na hati 64 zimeshatolewa na kukabidhiwa kwa wahusika.
Ofisa wa Uhamiaji Mkoa wa Kagera Abdallah Towo akiongea na waandishi wa habari(hawapo pichani)juu y utendaji kazi wa uhamiaji Mkoa wa Kagera
Baadhi ya waandishi wa habari wa Mkoa wa Kagera wakimsikiliza Ofisa wa uhamiaji Mkoa wa Kagera Abdallah Towo ofisini kwake
|RSF "inquiet" de la candidature rwandaise pour diriger la francophonie Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Reporters sans Frontières (RSF) s'est "inquieté" mercredi de la candidature à la tête de la
Francophonie de la Rwandaise Louise Mushikiwabo, ministre d'un pays qui "dispose de l'un des pires systèmes de répression à l'égard des médias et des journalistes", selon l'ONG.
Au classement mondial de la liberté de la presse établi par RSF en 2018, le Rwanda est 156e (sur 180 pays classés). Parmi les 58 Etats membres de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), "seuls cinq pays ont un bilan pire que le Rwanda en matière de liberté d'information", estime l'organisation de défense des journalistes dans un communiqué.
La cheffe de la diplomatie rwandaise Louise Mushikiwabo fait figure de favorite pour prendre la direction de l'OIF lors du prochain sommet de cette organisation, en octobre, après avoir notamment reçu le soutien de l'Union africaine (UA) au début du mois.
Comment l'OIF "va-t-elle pouvoir favoriser le pluralisme des médias et la liberté de la presse conformément à ses objectifs en matière de droits de l'homme, si elle est dirigée par l'une des principales dirigeantes d'un Etat qui piétine le droit à l'information et réprime les journalistes depuis 18 ans", s'interroge dans ce communiqué Christophe Deloire, secrétaire général de RSF.
Pour M. Deloire, "c'est la capacité de l'OIF à défendre les médias et les journalistes libres comme acteurs incontournables du développement dans l'espace francophone qui est en jeu".
"Censure, menaces, arrestations, violences, assassinats... Le régime dirigé d'une main de fer par (le président rwandais) Paul Kagame depuis 2000, et dont Louise Mushikiwabo est ministre depuis près de 10 ans, dispose de l'un des pires systèmes de répression à l'égard des médias et des journalistes. Son président occupe une place de choix dans la galerie des prédateurs de la presse constituée par RSF", dénonce le communiqué.
Selon RSF, depuis 1996, huit journalistes ont été tués ou sont portés disparus au Rwanda et 35 ont été contraints à l'exil.
"Ces dernières années, le nombre d'exactions enregistrées par notre organisation a baissé mais la censure reste omniprésente et l'autocensure la règle pour éviter de faire partie du tableau de chasse du régime" rwandais, relève le communiqué.
Le prochain sommet de l'OIF doit se tenir les 11 et 12 octobre en Arménie. Après quatre ans de mandat à la tête de l'organisation, la Canadienne Michaëlle Jean est candidate à sa propre succession.
Le président français Emmanuel Macron appuie de son côté la démarche de la candidature rwandaise, qui selon Paris permettrait de ramener la direction de l'OIF en Afrique.
VOA Avec AFP