|Como a heroína se tornou o 2º produto mais exportado de um país graças ao WhatsApp Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|| |
Até 40 toneladas da droga originária do Afeganistão chegam à Europa por intermédio de Moçambique, em uma operação que se assemelha a uma típica transação comercial internacional. 'O contrabando de heroína em Moçambique se assemelha ao comércio de outra mercadoria qualquer - a droga é apenas mais um produto sendo movimentado pelo país sob a coordenação de organizações internacionais' Meditations/Creative Commons A cada ano, cerca de 40 toneladas do total de heroína que entra na Europa passam muito provavelmente por Moçambique, país não produtor e com baixíssimos níveis de consumo da droga. Acredita-se que heroína já ocupe o posto de segundo maior item em valor exportado pelo país africano. O pesquisador Joseph Hanion, professor visitante da London School of Economics, editor do "Mozambique Political Process Bulletin" e especialista no tema, explica no texto a seguir como a movimentação da heroína através do território moçambicano ganhou força com a ampliação da rede de telefones celulares no país africano e como traficantes usam o WhatsApp para burlar o controle da polícia: "Com a intensificação do policiamento em outras rotas tradicionais, os traficantes vêm constantemente buscando caminhos alternativos, mesmo que mais longos, para levar a droga desde a origem no Afeganistão até o lucrativo mercado europeu. Do Afeganistão, a heroína é transferida para o sul do Paquistão, onde é carregada em barcos motorizados típicos, conhecidos como dhow, que seguem pelo oceano Índico até o litoral norte de Moçambique. Assim que a carga alcança águas moçambicanas, donos de pequenas embarcações, motoristas de caminhões e centenas de outros trabalhadores são recrutados pela operação do tráfico internamente em Moçambique por meio de mensagens de WhatsApp. Um enorme contingente é acionado por telefones celulares para escoamento da droga desde o recebimento do exterior até o repasse para a Europa por via marítima ou rodoviária. Operação de transferência Os dohws ficam ancorados ao largo da costa e o transporte da droga até terra firme é feito por pequenas embarcações. Da praia, a heroína é transferida para galpões onde é carregada em caminhões que seguem por terra numa viagem de 3 mil km até Joanesburgo, na África do Sul. De lá, os traficantes escondem a droga em contêineres de exportação de diferentes produtos que seguem por navio para países europeus. Grande parte da heroína também é enviada diretamente de um porto moçambicano para a Europa escondida em meio a produtos legalmente exportados. 'Receita de exportação' Apesar de serem embarcações de médio porte, cada dohw tem capacidade de transportar uma carga de até uma tonelada de heroína. E pelo menos um dohw com heroína chega a Moçambique a cada semana, exceto durante os meses das tempestades de Monções, que tornam a navegação extremamente perigosa. Estima-se, portanto, que até 40 viagens sejam feitas a cada ano pelos dhows transportando a droga até Moçambique - o que significa que transitam pelo país, anualmente, cerca de 40 toneladas de heroína. Neste ponto da rota do tráfico para a Europa, o preço da heroína fica em torno de US$ 20 milhões por tonelada. Isso significa que a droga movimentada através do país africano rende entre US$ 600 milhões a US$ 800 milhões a cada ano, fazendo da heroína o segundo maior produto exportado em valor por Moçambique, atrás apenas do carvão, cuja venda ao exterior gera ao país US$ 687 milhões. Do valor total gerado pelas exportações de heroína, estimo que cerca de US$ 100 milhões permaneçam no país africano, tanto na forma de lucro retido por traficantes locais quanto em pagamento de propinas, incluindo a corrupção de membros do partido do governo Frelimo. Corrupção e tráfico Desde o ano 2000, o comércio de heroína vem sendo feito por meio de algumas empresas exportadoras estabelecidas em Moçambique. Elas usam seus galpões para armazenamento da droga que acabam por esconder no meio de produtos exportados legalmente. Na operação, essas empresas usam também seus próprios funcionários e veículos para a movimentação da heroína traficada pelo país. Nos portos moçambicanos de Beira e Nakala, fiscais alfandegários são instruídos a não vistoriar os contêineres de certas empresas para que a droga não seja descoberta antes do embarque. Um porta-voz da polícia de Moçambique disse que as autoridades estão investigando o possível envolvimento de membros do partido do governo. Ele acrescentou que a tarefa da polícia de impedir o tráfico de heroína através do país tem sido extremamente difícil. "Nosso país tem condições geográficas favoráveis ao contrabando, possui um longo litoral e uma imensa fronteira terrestre que facilitam a operação dos traficantes." Por seu lado, a comunidade internacional tem ignorado amplamente o tráfico de heroína que passa por Moçambique para que a repressão não acabe afetando de alguma forma a reforma que está sendo promovida no país em outros setores, como por exemplo, o estímulo para que o setor privado assuma maior papel na economia moçambicana. WhatsApp Iniciativas empresariais menos estruturadas podem ser encontradas nos desdobramentos do comércio de heroína, onde se nota a aplicação da criatividade típica da economia informal. O recrutamento de trabalhadores avulsos é normalmente feito via telefone celular utilizando apps específicos. Para isso, o tráfico tem se valido da crescente corrupção no país, como também da expansão da rede de telefonia celular em Moçambique e do crescimento no país da popularidade do WhatsApp, o aplicativo que permite a comunicação através de mensagens protegidas por códigos. Um motorista de caminhão ou o dono de uma pequena embarcação recebe uma mensagem por WhatsApp informando local e hora em que deve coletar a carga de heroína e o valor que irá receber pelo serviço. Ninguém conhece a identidade do remetente das mensagens ou ao menos o local de que foi enviada. Para os traficantes, emitir ordens para a movimentação de 20 quilos de heroína é tão fácil quanto contratar uma corrida de táxi pelo aplicativo de transporte Uber, e tudo é feito em total segredo. Aperfeiçoamento das comunicações Vinte anos atrás, os deslocamentos dos carregamentos de heroína pelas estradas de Moçambique eram sempre acompanhados de policiais corruptos para garantir que os caminhões não seriam incomodados em barreiras existentes ao longo do percurso. Com a melhoria gradativa da telefonia celular no país, os motoristas que eram parados em postos de controle na estrada passaram a esperar por uma mensagem em que lhes era passado um número para ligar e autorizar a liberação da carga. Atualmente, com a maior disseminação da corrupção em Moçambique, os motoristas recebem uma quantia em dinheiro que usam para subornar os policiais em barreiras rodoviárias. O que conseguirem economizar até o destino final, podem reter como forma de remuneração pelo transporte do contrabando. África do Sul Não tem havido apreensão significativa de heroína em território moçambicano, entretanto, as autoridades sul-africanas de fronteira têm conseguido impedir que parte da droga entre em seu país. A rota de exportação pelo continente africano tem causado um aumento no número de usuários na Cidade do Cabo e em outras grandes cidades da África do Sul. Estas apreensões têm revelado que os traficantes preferem embalar a heroína no Afeganistão em pacotes de 1 quilo, provavelmente para impedir que a carga seja adulterada ao longo do trajeto. Entre os nomes preferidos pelos traficantes na rotulação da droga estão Topaki, 555 e Africa Demand. Ordem de compra via aplicativos Neste mundo moderno de apps e de mensagens encriptadas, um traficante na Europa pode emitir uma ordem de compra de 100 quilos de heroína 555 que será enviada a um distribuidor em qualquer parte do planeta. Por sua vez, o distribuidor reúne várias ordens que vão compor a carga de uma tonelada que será transportada por um dohw. Usando WhatsApp, ele também se encarrega de acertar com contatos locais a coleta da droga em Moçambique e a transferência para os armazéns. Nesses galpões, a carga é então separada de acordo com cada ordem de compra individual que, por sua vez, vai seguir viagem até Joanesburgo, de onde será transportada para seu destino final em cidades europeias ou enviada de Moçambique diretamente ao comprador na Europa. A agilidade da operação faz com que o contrabando de heroína em Moçambique se assemelhe ao comércio de outra mercadoria qualquer - a droga é apenas mais um produto sendo movimentado pelo país sob a coordenação de organizações internacionais."
|2018 Petersen’s Hunting Episode 13: Forest Buffalo Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Craig Boddington returns to Mozambique’s fame Coutada 10 for a shot a forest buffalo that’s eluded him for 10 years.
The post 2018 Petersen’s Hunting Episode 13: Forest Buffalo appeared first on Petersen's Hunting.
|Mozambique Blue Duiker and Buffalo Hunt Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Craig Boddington is in coastal Mozambique where he’s primarily hunting forest buffalo, but also tries to tag a blue duiker.
|African Forest Buffalo Hunt Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Craig Boddington takes aim at a buffalo in the swamps of Mozambique.
|The Global Reach Of Gabonese Afro-Zouk Singer Oliver N'goma's Song "Adia" (sound file and selected comments) Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Edited by Azizi Powell|
This is Part II of a two part pancocojams series that showcases the song "Adia" performed by Gabonese (Central Africa) Afro-Zouk singer and composer Oliver N'goma (also given as Oliver Ngoma).
Part II showcases a sound file of Oliver N'goma performing "Adia" and presents selected comments from that sound file's discussion thread, with a particular focus on comments from a number of African nations as well as comments from some other nations worldwide.
Click http://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2018/07/gabonese-singer-oliver-ngoma-adia-part.html for Part I of this series . Part II presents information about Gabon and information about Oliver N'goma. Part I of this series also showcase a sound file of the song as well as three versions of this song's lyrics (in its original language from Gabon+ French; in English, and in French).
The content of this post is presented for cultural, entertainment, and aesthetic purposes.
All copyrights remain with their owners.
Thanks to Oliver N'goma for his musical legacy. Thanks also to all those who are quoted in this post. And thanks to the producer of this video and thanks to the publisher of this song file on YouTube.
SHOWCASE EXAMPLE: Oliver Ngoma...ADIA
jennithony, Published on Apr 19, 2008
4,065,894 total # of views [as of July 10, 20181; 12:51 AM EDT]
total # of likes 10K
total # of dislikes 608
total # of comments- 1,056
SELECTED COMMENTS FROM THIS SOUND FILE'S DISCUSSION THREAD
Most of these selected comments identify the nation that the commenter is in or is from.
These comments are given in relative chronological order, except for replies. English translations by Google Translates are given under comments. Numbers are added for referencing purposes only.
This compilation doesn't include all of the comments from that discussion thread which identified a geographical place. However, after reading that entire discussion thread to date, I attempted to include at least one comment from every nation that was cited. My apologies if I inadvertently omitted a nation that was cited in that discussion.
1. asadraza5367, 2009
"I remember this song, when i was living in the Caribbean from 1999-2001. It was played a lot at the dance clubs there, along with his other songs like Fely and Bane."
2. Linje Manyozo
"i remember one radio dj playing this song often on radio mbc in malawi. very popular..and ngoma sounds like a malawian name anyway.."
3. dorlika, 2010
"this is pure african musique you feel the heart of africa by listening to this , i remember i was very young when this came out but it still rock , every single country of africa knows this song"
4. Domsta333, 2010
"RIP RIP RIP Olivier Ngoma! King of African Zouk!"
5. Aminah K., 2010
"ça me rappelle mon pays, le Sénégal!!!! Okhooooooo!!!!"
"it reminds me of my country, Senegal !!!! Okhooooooo !!!!"
6. charleslester assoumou, 2010
"Que de bons souvenirs , quelle musique, un salut a partir de Montréal, Québec, Canada"
"What good memories, what music, a salute from Montreal, Quebec, Canada "
7. ibara gaston, 2010
"congolese people respect you , forever in our mind , one of the big left us rest in peace ibaragaston from paris"
8. TheDarinelo, 2010
"Angolan peaple cry for you oliver ngoma R.I.P"
9. monace Productions, 2010
"im from mz.. and im telling you it is still a hit here =)
i love this guy"
“mz”= probably Mozambique
10. cturiel, 2010
"Quel perte pour la musique africaine, puisses tu seulement reposer en paix l'ami ! Au paradis des musiciens ou tu te trouves maintenant tu nous as fait vibrer au son de ton afro zook tellement international. Cela fait plaisir de voir tous ces messages de condoléances affluer de partout dans le monde et cela prouve si il en était besoin que ton sound à su transcender les frontières...et les couleurs de peau !!! Pour sûr les enfants auront droit à Bane et Adia en boucle ce soir à la case :-) !!!"
"What a loss for African music, can you only rest in peace the friend! In the paradise of the musicians where you are now you made us vibrate to the sound of your afro zook so international. It is nice to see all these messages of condolence pouring in from all over the world and that proves if it was necessary that your sound knew to transcend the borders ... and the colors of skin !!! For sure the children will be entitled to Bane and Adia loop this evening to the box :-)!"
11. Daryl Richardson, 2010
"in the caribbean too, we love us some Oliver N' gouma"
12. TimF, 2011
"I was clueless of his passing away. His video accidently popped out of a query I was conducting. Being one of his countless endearing fans, I went on to play the video miles away from expecting the awful news that was about to leave me speechless. When one resides within the U.S., one's completely shut off from the outside world!
Thankfully he left us with a cluster of perennial masterpieces and a beautiful voice that will never cease to marvel us. May GOD welcome him with open arms!!"
13. Gaira Alhadi, 2011
"Noli, you went too soon, but God knows best and may light perpetual shine upon you...Your music will live on forever, Love from Sierra Leone."
"Noli" is Oliver N'goma's nickname.
14. eliott jonath, 2011
"olivier ngoma est le plus celebre artist d'afro zouk pour les mauriciens! repose en paix!!"
"olivier ngoma is the most famous Afro zouk artist for the Mauritians! rest in peace!!"
15. Al-Jean J. Sauray, 2012
"Nice, the beat reminds me of the Konpa from Haiti and Martinique -- Nice, Love it1"
16. Willy E. Victoria Ramírez, 2012
"I like this song, great music. I am listen from dominican republic. Me gusta esta cancion, gran musica. estoy escuchando desde republica dominicana."
Spanish to English translation : "Me gusta esta cancion, gran musica. estoy escuchando desde republica dominicana" = "I like this song, great music. I'm listening from the Dominican Republic."
17. JOHNWISLY OFFICIAL, 2012
"I like this song it makes me go crassy wisly am listening it in Belgium [ ik vind de lied heel heel super
Dutch to English translation = "ik vind de lied heel heel super" = "I find the song very whole"
18. Alix, 2012
"that afro music that some of us youngn's grew up hearing :) (SOUTH AFRICA)"
19. Patra Okelo, 2012
"im 2o years old from sudan grew up in nairobi kenya and i listened to tjis song every tuesday it never missed the countdow it feel like im hearing it for the first time.....i love love this one..."
20. gyler972, 2013
"Je suis antillaise et j'ai dansé et vibré sur les sons de ce grand Monsieur à la voix pleine de sensibilité.J'avoue apprécié d'avantage l'afro zouk (Monique Séka etc...)au zouk purement antillais.INOUBLIABLE! Oliver ngoma.Paix à son âme.Merci pour les émotions qu'il nous a donner."
21. gyler972, 2013
"I am West Indian and I danced and vibrated on the sounds of this great gentleman with a voice full of sensitivity. I have enjoyed more afro zouk (Monique Séka etc ...) zouk purely antillais.INOUBLIABLE! Oliver ngoma.Peace to his soul.Thanks for the emotions he gave us."
22. Anibal DaSilva, 2013
"Noli, we Cape Vedeans love you. Rest in Peace!
Paz a tua alma!"
Portuguese to English translation: "Paz a tua alma!" = "Peace to your soul!"
23. MrKoolvictor, 2013
"Manu Lima a Capeverdian producer helped with the tracks. Great music. viva Afrika"
24. sami guelawe Palm, 2013
"la musique africaine en general te donne la chaire de poule. comme un sage à tes cotés. très éducative en general la musique afrique; on se diverti mais éducative. Le journalisme africain est notre musique. Très sociale e éducative. chaque matin, nous écoutons nos journaux à travers ces chanteurs qui nous donnent beaucoup. Bref d'enchainer avec les media et journaux."
"African music in general gives you goose bumps. like a wise man by your side. very educational in general music africa; we are entertained but educative. African journalism is our music. Very social and educational. every morning we listen to our newspapers through these singers who give us a lot. In short to chain with the media and newspapers."
25. Richardson Mzaidume, 2013
"It's unfortunate that he passed away without having seen him perform live. I'd have paid whatever amount. African politics also revolve around colonial times. As result, us from Anglophone Africa know very little about musicians from Francophone Countries. It's sad but true. Gone too soon!!"
26. peace kazungu, 2013
"Rip Ngoma now i talk on behalf of Ugandans even though we don't understand the mean ,but the music so good it sounds ."
"Rip" = "Rest in peace"
27. kevin wamaya, 2013
"mad respect from KENYA!! my father loved this song so much. it reminds me of the good times we had together"
"Mad respect" = an African American Vernacular English phrase meaning "lots of respect"
28. joseph mcgill, 2014
"I'm Liberian and a huge zouk fan and noli is my all time zouk favorite. His voice and rhythm gives you an indescribable feeling. Rip noli you sure are missed"
29. SuperPeace1970, 2014
"i have no idea what he is saying, however this music is soothing to my soul!! Loving this....from the U.S. Virgin Islands"
30. James Gitonga, 2014
"Wish i could turn back the hands of time.Gone are the days.RIP Oliver.
Kenyan in Krefeld,Germany."
31. Tim Harvey, 2014
"I just feel exactly the same! I'm in Germany too"
32. elisabeth tenberge, 2014
"we from Surinam (South America) also knew his songs.
oh man what a rhythm"
33. Arturo, 2014
"wwwooooowww que riiiitmo. Supremo. Para bailar y bailar sin parar"
Spanish to English translation: "wwwooooowww what riiiitmo. Supreme." = "Wow. What rhythm Supreme. To dance and dance without stopping"
"Cette chanson me rappelle mon enfance au Togo. Je ne peux pas cesser de verser des larmes quand j écouté cette chanson et c est pour cette raison que j écouté rarement cette chanson aujourd'hui . Cette chanson me rappelle les amis d enfance et les rues de Lomé . Tout a changé . Les rues ne sont plus les même . Les amis sont tous mort ou à l étrange ou très pauvre."
"This song reminds me of my childhood in Togo. I can not stop shedding tears when I listened to this song and that is why I rarely listened to this song today. This song reminds me of childhood friends and the streets of Lome. Everything changed . The streets are not the same anymore. Friends are all dead or strange or very poor."
35. SuperCapuka, 2014
"Boy i was 5 when i used to stay up till 5 am when we had party's at home, and this song remembers me of those days, life in Europe wasnt great but everyone was happy! We didn't had much but we shared among us Africans look at how we are separated now due to litle money! R.I.P Oliver N'Gomma, great songs!"
36. Marcos Bile by nze. 2015
"Mi infancia en Gabón"
"My childhood in Gabon"
37. Nature Isle, 2015
"ahhh memories!!! Oliver's songs always brings me to tears.these good old days will never come back!!"
38. embe1, 2015
"Thanks so much! Listened to him as a small boy, didn't know he was from Gabon until right this minute. Always thought he was from Cameroon."
39. Léon-Paul BOUNOMBAR, 2015
"je saivas connu Oliver Ngoma dans les années 1977 en classe de 4éme au Lycée Technique National O. Bongo à Libreville. Des années plus tard, j'apprendrai qu'il serait devenu un célèbre musicien. Que son corps repose en paix dans les profondeurs du néant."
"I knew Oliver Ngoma in 1977 in 4th class at the O. Bongo National Technical High School in Libreville. Years later, I will learn that he would become a famous musician. May his body rest in peace in the depths of nothingness."
40. Lil Mal, 2015
"forget Redsun and the likes.. now this is what i call muuussiiiiiic!!! a kenyan in the UK"
41. MySt Justin, 2016
"Nice music make me remember 90s in librevile lovely city"
Libreville is the capitol of Gabon.
42. Appiah Eric, 2016
"I'm Ghanaian but I like Adia, a song by Oliver Ngoma"
43. yashouberry, 2016
"Mauritius? someone? ok im alone,,"
44. lapologang semong, 2016
"Am from Botswana and i love this song very much ,true african music.."
45. Bravia muyakane, 2016
"From Nairobi Kenya, Is all about Originality and not faking. I love this piece."
46. EL MIMOUNI Abla, 2016
"I am from Morocco and I love this music which make me feel extra happy, dancing like nobody watching ;)"
47. henrietta swen, 2016
"I 'm from Liberia, this song make me think on so many things during our civil war."
48. Ettie Manjo, 2017
"Hello, my family is from Liberia, but I was born in America. I know it was hard back then auntie, but thankfully Liberia is getting better now. My father used to play this song allllll the time, I basically grew up listening to Oliver Ngoma."
49. Tawanda Chakupeta, 2016
"I'm a zimbo this music is good"
My guess is that "Zimbo" means "Zimbabwe; "a person from Zimbabwe".
50. Ghuma Bama, 2016
"when i hear this Song i remenber my wonderfull childhood in Angola:) granda queta. ..😎"
51. loise mbaye, 2016
"am loise from kenya this song is awesome even if i dont understand the words it makes me feel so relaxed"
52. Gaelle M, 2016
"Mon enfance à Saint-Martin! jusqu'à mtn je l'entends. Une belle étoile qui nous a laissé de merveilleuses chansons qu'on n'oubliera jamais! R.I.P grand Monsieur"
"My childhood in Saint-Martin! until I hear it. A beautiful star who has left us wonderful songs we will never forget! R.I.P tall gentleman"
53. Katongole Paulinho II, 2016
"anyone from Uganda here??"
54. Roland Ainembabazi, 2016
"+Katongole Paulinho II Here iam.. i love the song so much, it just reminds me of how Wonderful African classics are, and above all of how African music is real music"
55. Prémices Lw, 2016
"who listen this in April 2016 like me ? vieux bons souvenirs!"
"vieux bons souvenirs" = "old good memories"
56. Priscah Wairimu, 2017
"Prémices Lwanzo am listening 2017 April😂love love Oliver ngoma songs though can't understand but i do enjoy. ...From Kenya👌"
57. Cathrine Ntore, 2018
"Priscah Wairimu still listening December 2017 I so love Oliver Ngoma thought I was the only one from Kenya"
58. Esperanza Dias, 2017
"tolle musik höre ich mir fast täglich an und die anderen Songs auch.Andenken an früher in einer Disco in Strasbourg.merci pour ca"
German to English translation = "I listen to great music almost every day and the other songs too. Remembering at a disco in Strasbourg.merci pour ca"
59. Marie Sambou, 2017
"love from Gambia :) :) :) :) :) : ) :) :) :)"
60. Essy Mirembe, 2017
"I really love and appreciate how a song can brew so much love and unity among us all...... God bless Africa...Rip Mr.Oliver Ngoma
61. N Jame, 2017
"One love to mother Africa!"
62. Masaba Masaba, 2017
"Am still loving Oliver Music ..Here in Uganda Kampala"
63. Owen Sampule, 2018
"Gabonese People please translate for us. It will make pipo enjoy the music even more."
Lyrics for this song can be found by clicking http://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2018/07/gabonese-singer-oliver-ngoma-adia-part.html (Part I of this pancocojams series).
64. 20x5 lao atr, 2017
"Merci, enfin la traduction d'une chanson très populaire en Nouvelle-Calédonie ! Thanks so much ;)"
"Thank you, finally the translation of a very popular song in New Caledonia! Thanks so much;)"
[Note: That comment was written to a commenter who posted the French translation of "Adia"'s lyrics]
65. Edith Hoff, 2017
"edith from atlanta love this song .rest in peace oliver"
Atlanta= Atlanta, Georgia [United States]
66. FATOU AWA THIAM, 2017
"Je suis Sénégalaise et j'adore cette chanson. Elle me rappelle mon premier jour d'école.
"I am Senegalese and I love this song. She reminds me of my first day of school."
67. Abudushakulu Damulira, 2017
"Namibia windhoek city live"
68. TheSushiraw, 2017
"thumbs up from, NORWAY..."
69. My Dental Wig, 2017
"OMG! I danced this song at AFRO-Antillaise parties in FRANCE! Damn!!!!! Cette Terre sait ouvrir sa bouche et engloutir des vies!!!! Suis speechless d'apprendre qu'Olover N'Goma est decede depuis Juillet 2010 et nous sommes le 28 decembre 2016! Repose en paix l'Artiste!"
..."This Earth knows how to open its mouth and swallow lives !!!! Am speechless to learn that Olover N'Goma has died since July 2010 and we are on December 28, 2016! Rest in peace the Artist!"
70. Chris4, 2017
"Composition et Interprétation: Oliver N'GOMA (Gabon)
Programmation et Arrangements: Manu LIMA (Cap Vert)
Deux génies de la musique africaine 😃"
"Composition and Interpretation: Oliver N'GOMA (Gabon)
Programming and Arrangements: Manu LIMA (Cape Verde)
Two geniuses of African music 😃"
71. SuperCapuka, 2017
"When your kid asks for good and beautiful African music, here is a place to start!"
72. mara louna, 2017
"Africa Africa Africa i love you"
73. Matheus Nkandanga
"I'm from Namibia, I may not understand the language used in this music but it carries some African rhythms and lyrics. RIP Ngoma"
74. fredy adam, 2017
"He was a King, Genius and most of all he was our own brother.... everytime i hear this song my heart gets peace."
75. Natasha Washaya, 2017
"very nice song to dance along to on a wedding, will still have it on mine, it will never get outdated"
76. Unicornfan 246, 2018
"love from togo✊❤💛💚😄"
77. simon creevo, 2018
"Je kiffe trop. Ici Comores"
"je kiffe"= French slang from Arabic; "Je Kiffe trop" = I really enjoy it.
78. OTHMANE MAJOR, 2018
"je suis de Maroc souvenir inoubliable merci infiniment"
"I am from Morocco unforgettable memory thank you very much"
79. Rony Paul, 2018
"Afro-zouk! We truly miss you Mr Oliver N'goma..."
80. Rodgers Gasper, 2018
"am from TANZANIA just by listening this song made my day well."
81. Sophia Youboty, 2018
"Rip my African brother Oliver n Goma..love from U.S.A. 😂😂😂😂😂😂😂"
82. mohamed hussien, 2018
"i am from Ethiopia and I love this song he is songs"
83. Marliq Kigozi, 2018
"This reminds of my early years when everything was real ,life was more simpler and music was real and even people were real can't get enough of this song"
This concludes this two part pancocojams series.
Thanks for visiting pancocojams.
Visitor comments are welcome.his is a nice african song,from Gabon, I love this song
|Nature Defends Itself Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
July 09, 2018
The Progress of This Storm: Nature and Society in a Warming World
In Rwanda’s Volcanoes National Park, two juvenile gorillas watch as a younger sibling is caught in a snare set by poachers. The infant, unable to free herself, dies of her wounds. The next time the gorillas come across a snare, they work together to destroy it. Soon their whole family joins in, destroying the traps wherever they pose a threat.
In Mozambique, an old elephant warns the younger members of her herd to avoid the hairless primates. She remembers the civil war that, decades ago, decimated the country’s elephant population. As her herd migrates through poacher-heavy areas, they’ve learned to travel by night.
And in Paris, climate activists push the assembled scientists and diplomats for stronger, more radical commitments. Some have set up a contest of sorts—the “Climate Games”—to see who can pull off the most innovative direct action. “We are not defending nature,” say the organizers. “We are nature defending itself.”
Is there a meaningful continuum among the gorillas, the elephants, and the activists? Are all three instances of “nature defending itself”? What, exactly, does it mean to be part of nature? Can we talk of a gorilla or elephant acting with intention at all—or a beaver, a bumblebee, a boreal forest?
To Malm, we aren’t part of nature. This is not only wrong; it is politically blinkered.
Parsing such questions is the task of The Progress of This Storm: Nature and Society in a Warming World, the latest book from environmental historian Andreas Malm. While Malm acknowledges that “Theory does not seem like the most exigent business in a rapidly warming world,” he argues that that how we think about nature, society, and climate change informs how we act for climate justice. “Some theories can make the situation clearer while others might muddy it,” he writes, and he is here to wipe off the mud so that climate organizers may see clearly.
It’s a good book. Malm has a deep understanding of climate change, writes clearly, and presents a useful overview of environmental thought. He also introduces some compelling concepts of his own, with provocative implications for political struggle.
But he leaves no room for the Climate Games. The cornerstone of his nature philosophy is that certain human capacities make our societies not only unique but fundamentally distinct from the rest of existence. We can’t be “nature defending itself” because we aren’t part of nature. In this, Malm not only stands on shaky intellectual ground, but actually constrains the possibilities of a truly liberated ecosocialist future.
• • •
What Nature Isn’t
Given the magnitude of the climate threat, Malm writes, it is important that we avoid “blurry charts and foggy thinking.” And he sees a lot of fog.
Malm’s many intellectual foes fall into several camps. He begins with those who see nature as a social construction, a common view in academia. For British geographer Noel Castree, “Nature doesn’t exist ‘out there’ . . . waiting to be understood.” It is instead “a particularly powerful fiction,” one that “exists only so long as we collectively believe it to exist.” Most offensive to Malm is the claim that “global climate change is an idea,” not “a set of ‘real biophysical processes’ occurring regardless of our representations of it.” To Malm, this is postmodern babble, ludicrous on its face. The existence of a mountain, let alone climate change, is not contingent upon human representations.
Next in Malm’s lights are those thinkers, such as Bill McKibben and Jedediah Purdy, who define nature as that which is pristine, wholly separate from humans. On this view, as human settlements, pollution, and climate change affect ever more of the planet, nature is going if not gone. “In every respect,” Purdy writes in his book After Nature (2015) and echoes in these pages, “the world we inhabit will henceforth be the world we have made.” Malm has little patience for this approach, either. Just because society influences nature, he argues, does not mean nature is no more: “If I mix my coffee with sugar, I do not thereby come to believe that the coffee has ended.” Similarly, he writes that plastic waste, overfishing, and acidification do not mean the oceans have ended, nor that we have somehow “made” the ocean.
Malm moves rather quickly, and there is a chance he is being slightly unfair. For example, Castree has elsewhere written that his philosophy “is not at all a denial of the material reality of those things we routinely call natural—be they trees, rivers, animals, or anything else.” His argument rests instead on the (true) observations that social factors affect how we think about and define “nature,” and that many “natural” features in fact have a long history of human intervention.
But even then, much of Malm’s critique still goes through. Castree’s emphasis on the social means he loses sight of the ultimate independence of nonhuman nature. “Castree charges that talk of independent nature is pure ideology,” Malm writes, “but it would be more correct to say that independent nature is the only thing that cannot come to an end. The paradox of climate change is that it makes it appear more strangely alive than ever.” (Of course, history’s hunter-gatherers, horticulturists, and sailors—not to mention the myriad societies that have embraced animism or invented nature gods—have always adapted their lives to the rhythms and flows of nonhuman nature. Malm should not be quite so surprised to find it “strangely alive.”)
Castree’s neglect of this living world even leads him to exaggerate the scientific uncertainty of climate change. Despite paying lip service to an underlying “biophysical world,” he is more interested in how climate is perceived by humans than in what is actually happening.
One gets the feeling Malm is more concerned with the potential political effects of others’ ideas than their intellectual merit—less with whether they are true, or represent an internally consistent philosophy of nature, than whether they are useful to guide climate activism. To an extent, this approach is admirable: theory divorced from practice is often just navel-gazing, and as temperatures rise, action is the priority. But his quick pace gave him little space to engage counterarguments, and I often found myself nodding along but not entirely convinced.
More interesting than Castree, to Malm and to me, is an array of “hybridist” views. Hybridist thinkers see the human and nonhuman as wholly intertwined, and find it impossible to extricate Society from Nature. Malm’s poster child for this way of thinking—in fact, his primary nemesis throughout the book—is French sociologist and philosopher Bruno Latour. As of 2007, we are told, Latour was the tenth most cited writer in the humanities (“a full 26 [notches] above Karl Marx,” Malm laments). “I am aiming at blurring the distinction between nature and society durably,” Latour writes in Politics of Nature (1999), “so that we shall never have to go back to two distinct sets.”
What does this mean for climate change? Latour runs through a list of ecological issues—the ozone hole, warming, deforestation—and asks, “Are they human? Human because they are our work. Are they natural? Natural because they are not our doing.” They are hybrids—messy interactions of the human and the not human—just like everything else.
“Less of Latour, more of Lenin,” Malm says. “That is what the warming condition calls for.”
Malm doesn’t like this very much. He starts by observing that Latour’s “hybrid” framework implicitly concedes there are two separate things to be hybridized. I suppose this is right, but it misses what makes the hybridist view compelling. Aren’t the boundaries blurred, after all? Malm’s more provocative disagreement is political. Just because two things interact—perhaps even are intertwined—does not mean they are indistinguishable. If we are to confront climate change, he argues, we are going to need to pick out and confront its cause in the human component. To say the social and the natural are one, he claims, obscures this necessary task.
Malm is right that Latour himself can get muddled in questions of causation, and is likely not the best inspiration for climate politics: Latour has been described as a “benevolent French centrist,” and gives such advice as, “Don’t focus on capitalism.” But Malm’s outright rejection of hybridism goes further than is necessary. We could say that society is part of nature without losing sight of society. We do say that beavers are part of nature, and still we recognize that beavers build dams. We can say that asteroids are part of nature, and still hypothesize that an asteroid caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. So why can’t we concede that human society is part of nature, and still recognize that these societies produce climate change?
Malm is right that we need to pick out the human cause of warming, but this in itself is not a reason to keep nature and society separate. To bolster his claim, he sets out to define the key differences between humans, asteroids, and beavers.
• • •
What Nature Is
If the constructionists and hybridists are all wrong, who is right? Malm’s answer is the British philosopher Kate Soper, who defines nature as follows:
Malm says this passage “deserves to be read again and memorized,” and he refers to it repeatedly as a more sensible alternative to the McKibbens and Latours of the world, one that offers a coherent way of thinking about anthropogenic climate change.
What does this definition mean for the relation between nature and society? Malm sketches out what he calls a “substance monist, property dualist” view. Substance monism: Nature and human society are made of the same physical stuff, and the latter depends upon and emerges out of the former. Property dualism: Nature and society have fundamentally different properties.
For the most part, Malm makes this argument carefully. He clarifies that these differences do not make humans “better” than nonhumans, nor justify the abuse of the latter. (A mutual acquaintance tells me Malm is vegetarian.) He is also clear that the distinctions between society and nature mark just one divide in a greater “property pluralism,” a wider universe of sames and differences. But he still thinks this particular distinction is crucial to climate politics, in particular when it comes to the question of agency. Who or what is causing climate change, and who or what can stop it?
On agency, philosophers take a wide range of views. Latour and the “new materialists” define agency as “making some difference to a state of affairs,” and thus pretty much anything is an agent. Malm, a materialist of the old variety, isn’t having it. To divorce agency from intentionality, he argues, is to make the word meaningless. If humans (who act with intention) and carbon dioxide atoms (which presumably do not) are lumped together as agents, it is harder to assign responsibility.
Next are those thinkers, such as ecofeminist Val Plumwood, who put forth a theory of “weak pansychism”—again, pretty much anything is an agent, but this time because pretty much anything possesses something akin to a mind. So maybe the carbon dioxide atoms do act intentionally. For Malm, this is unserious, as “a river or a mountain . . . evidently do not have brains, which means that they cannot have minds, which ought to imply that they lack the ability to form intentions, as the term is commonly used.” This may well miss Plumwood’s point, which is that animal brains might not be needed to produce mindlike qualities. But, even conceding that trees and rocks lack conscious intentionality, what about nonhuman animals?
Say we do scrap fossil fuels, shrimp trawlers, gold mines, slaughterhouses, monocultures, and the government. What are the alternatives? Malm offers little guidance.
Malm allows that a baboon or a beaver might perhaps be an agent, but he argues that humans and our communities exercise greater degrees of agency. He’s correct, of course, that our species has certain unique aspects (as do chimpanzees, for that matter, or giant sequoias). But he exaggerates this uniqueness, often underestimating nonhumans and overestimating—or at least misunderstanding—humans. The expansive gulf he perceives between humans and nature structures not just his theory but his vision of the future—so it is worth taking the time to deflate it.
For example, Malm explores a number of ways in which our capacity for abstract thought sets us apart and contributes to greater agency. In some examples he is simply wrong. For instance, he cites our “special ability to think about . . . the thoughts of others,” but there is evidence of this phenomenon in nonhuman animals, including ravens and our fellow primates. In one experiment, rhesus macaque monkeys chose to steal a grape from a human who couldn’t see them rather than from one who could. They appear to understand what humans “can perceive based on where they are looking,” wrote the study’s authors, “an essential component of [theory of mind].” In other examples Malm is on firmer ground—that humans alone conceive of and carve tools out of stone, or have a particularly complex language. But what is it these abilities supposedly signify?
He differentiates humans using three levels of agency, the framework of Marxist historian Perry Anderson. The first level is personal, private agency, which Malm admits is ubiquitous in the animal kingdom. Second, Malm writes, is “the pursuit not of private but of ‘public’ goals. . . . Staple examples include political campaigns, military confrontations, religious crusades, the signing of treaties, the erection of monuments, the exploration of distant lands. . . . Here the individual no longer acts to further her own goal, but acts together with others to achieve something they have jointly set their minds on.” While Malm writes that this level is only rarely achieved by nonhuman animals, the evidence suggests otherwise. To the list of staple examples—individuals acting with others in pursuit of a shared goal—I might add a chimpanzee raid on a neighboring troop, a wolf pack’s hunt, a team of gorillas dismantling a trap, an elephant herd’s migration. (In all of these animals, intelligence is relatively uncontroversial. More speculatively, an ant colony’s war for territory or a beehive’s search for food might belong as well.)
It is the third and final level of agency, however, that Malm sees as truly unique. This is the agency, to quote Anderson, in which humans embark “in a conscious programme aimed at creating or remodeling whole social structures . . . to produce a premeditated future.” This “unprecedented form of agency,” Anderson writes, was inaugurated in the Russian Revolution. As Malm puts it, “Less of Latour, more of Lenin: that is what the warming condition calls for.” I confess I do not know of any nonhuman animal that could successfully pull off the conception and implementation of an entirely new social system. But neither did the Bolsheviks. As anthropologist David Graeber has written, “Every attempt to apply such a scientific approach to human society—whether by right or left, whether it takes the form of neoclassical economics or historical materialism—has proved . . . disastrous.” We should note that these disasters have been both social and ecological—neither humans nor ecosystems respond well to sweeping, top-down impositions. This third level of agency, then, may be unique to humans, but it is something of an illusion. A wiser climate politics might rein in the hubris, as it helped get us into this mess.
We are not, it turns out, quite the agents we would like to be. Malm seems to take as a given that we possess a strong form of individual free will and self-determination, with our minds having ultimate control over what “we” (our human bodies) do. But evidence for this claim is debatable, at best. Even our more banal acts of intentionality are influenced by uncountable factors beyond our control: our gut bacteria, what color tie someone is wearing, subtle scents, billions of years of evolution. At some level, Malm acknowledges this. He accepts that, in the words of environmental historian Linda Nash, “so-called human agency cannot be separated from the environments in which that agency emerges.” But he balks at any suggestion that this means those environments share agency, and undersells the degree of this influence.
In the end, Malm relies on a gut instinct that human societies represent something of a rupture in the path of evolution. It seems to him obviously indefensible to define nature as all that is; to use his example, he defies anyone to suggest that the “gentrification of a neighbourhood is exactly as natural as the rotation of a planet.”
I get this instinct. Habitats change dramatically for a variety of reasons, but it can be hard to see a continuum between glaciation and urbanization, planetary rotation and gentrification. But then again: Displacement, competing populations, the rise and fall of thriving communities—is this not the stuff of ecology? In A Scientist in the City (1994), physicist James Trefil wrote that cities
(Of course, this does not mean that whatever humans do, naturally, is ethical. If human societies engage in destructive behavior, toward humans or other life, the problem is not that this is ‘unnatural’ but that it creates avoidable harm.) Recent research has even suggested that wildlife ecology can be influenced by individual nonhuman personalities, as well as the collective action of groups. To maintain that this is natural while human societies are unnatural is to robotize the nonhuman world, robbing agency and intentionality from our fellow creatures and denying Darwin’s claim that the difference between ourselves and other animals “is one of degree and not of kind.”
So either other sentient animals are social (and thus unnatural), human society is natural, or we redefine society to represent only that narrow range of the human experience that is truly unique. Malm would probably opt for the third option, and nothing I have said has quite refuted it. I concede that humans are political and moral actors to a degree that other animals, so far as we know, are not (though to treat this as a defining trait privileges certain ages and abilities). And even if we are embedded in and influenced by a complex ecological network, human collective action will be key to fighting climate change and all of our other woes.
In the end, though, I ask the same question Malm does: Which theory is the better guide for climate organizing?
• • •
What Nature Can Be
Malm is genuinely stirring in his militant calls to action: “We should conclude, first of all, that building a new coal-fired power plant, or continuing to operate an old one, or drilling for oil, or expanding an airport, or planning for a highway is now irrational violence.” He praises McKibben as an activist (if not as a theorist), and cites 350.org as a group acting according to sound philosophy, laser-focused on the primary social cause of climate change: the fossil-fuel industry. He endorses the urge to “physically cut off fossil fuel combustion, deflate the tyres, block the runways, lay siege to the platforms, invade the mines.” We must “commit to the most militant and unwavering opposition to this system, or sit watching as it all goes down the drain.”
All of this is powerful, but it leaves two main questions. First, what is “this system” we are supposed to oppose and dismantle? For Malm it is what he calls “fossil capitalism,” but this is too narrow. The broader ecological crisis—not just warming but deforestation, pollution, overfishing—stems from patterns of food production and land use (not to mention social inequities) as old as states themselves; it is not reducible to coal, oil, and natural gas. Capitalism made it worse, of course, but the troubles run deeper.
If we follow Malm’s logic and scrap not only fossil fuels but shrimp trawlers, gold mines, slaughterhouses, monocultures and the government, the second question becomes even more obvious: What alternatives must we build? Unfortunately, Malm’s framework offers little (though not no) guidance.
He does reject “a policy of non-engagement,” as “humans must combine with nature,” and rightly opposes any attempt at mastery over the nonhuman, which he sees as fundamentally uncontrollable. He quotes Naomi Klein’s prediction that, because “The sun, wind and waves . . . can never be fully possessed,” embracing renewables will cause “a fundamental shift in power relations between humanity and the natural world on which we depend.” He proposes this politics of humility alongside a goal of retreat. “What victory would look like,” he writes, is leaving land for indigenous groups “all to themselves, with no one there to drive them into mines and cut the trees down.” All this marks “the death of affirmative politics. Negativity is our only chance now.”
I am all for humility and decolonization, leaving vast swathes of the planet for indigenous peoples and wildlife restoration. But like it or not, there are 7.6 billion humans swarming around, and a strategy that amounts to “destroy and retreat” leaves little room for a positive future. This failure, it seems to me, stems from a theoretical basis emphasizing disjuncture.
In Malm’s final, most interesting chapter, “On Unruly Nature,” he offers the germ of an alternative. He tentatively puts forward a theory of “ecological autonomism,” analogous to autonomist Marxism. Capitalism pursues ever more control over nonhuman nature, as it pursues the same over workers. But this attempt at control, over labor or soil, is doomed to backfire: it breeds the conditions of its own demise. Through the strike or the storm, the backlash of uncontrollable workers and nature spells capitalism’s undoing.
It is not a perfect analogy, Malm admits. For one, a storm is less desirable than a strike, as it will take out the global poor first. But there’s a recognition of something shared between human and nonhuman, an unbreakable independent spirit that makes a villain out of top-down control itself. Henry David Thoreau called it “wildness”; we might call it the democratic instinct. It is from this recognition that any vision for an ecological future must begin. It looks away from our supposedly unique “third level of agency” toward more universal features of the natural world: adaptation, spontaneity, experimentation, freedom. It centers empathy and cooperation—think of gorillas dismantling traps—and uplifts the sort of care and subsistence labor that has traditionally been devalued by nature/society binaries, justifying the exploitation of women, indigenous groups and nonhumans. It draws on an evolutionary history of mutual aid, a lineage from beetles to humans famously drawn by Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Less Lenin, more lemur.
It may not be enough to rewild the forests, the prairies, the oceans, and the deserts—though of course we must do those things. We must also rewild ourselves.
To develop these qualities, I submit, it helps to conceive of human society as a subset of the natural. It may not be enough to rewild the forests, the prairies, the oceans and the deserts (although of course we must do those things). Perhaps we must rewild ourselves. The goal should be what left-green theorist Murray Bookchin called “Third Nature,” a harmonious, fecund synthesis of the nonhuman world (“First Nature”) and human communities (“Second Nature”). There are shortcomings to Bookchin’s approach—the First/Second distinction is sometimes exaggerated, much like Malm’s Nature/Society distinction—but by grouping everything together as “nature,” he was able to emphasize the shared aspects among all life.
What we need, in a word, is integration. In food production, where permaculture and agro-ecological techniques are finding that the same land can feed humans and sustain wildlife, if we orient ourselves toward cooperation rather than control. In energy, where, as Klein suggests, we may have to adapt our lives to the ebb and flow of wind and sun. In land use, where we must create space and introduce vanished animals to allow ecosystems to restore themselves (“let the rodent do the work,” says one beaver proponent, responding to the animal’s ability to almost single-handedly restore wetlands). In leisure, where low-work, low-carbon lives will bring more of us outdoors for the pure joy of it. And in our minds, where many cultures must unlearn millennia of dualist, supremacist thinking toward the nonhuman world. All strategies in which humans and nonhumans work together as co-agents to build a diverse and vibrant world.
Malm might agree with at least some of this prescription, but I don’t think he finds it exciting. “It . . . seems a rather dispiriting and demobilising move,” he writes, “to tell [humans] that they are nothing special, that nothing separates them from an animal or a machine, that they have no centrally placed agency on which everything else depends.” But properly conceived, this move can be liberating. For myself, the recognition that the world is not mine to command, that many of its inhabitants have inner lives comparable to yet different from my own, has been a source of wonder, curiosity, awe, and inspiration. It has made this planet a fuller, less lonely place to be—and made the living world something I would fight for.
Feature Image Photo Credit Robust:
Image: Vertumnus—Giuseppe Arcimboldo
Disable General Promo:
|mozambique peace talks to resume Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
mozambique peace talks to resume
|58 data sets were uploaded on 10 Jul 2018 Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Lithuania (2017-BE-6063 records), (2017-H0-212396 records), (2017-H1-214854 records), (2017-H2-216654 records), (2017-H3-218620 records), (2017-H4-220246 records), (2017-H5-221892 records), (2017-S1-85450 records), (2017-S2-108441 records), (2017-S3-181972 records), (2017-S4-186320 records)|
Mozambique (2017-BE-3944 records), (2017-H0-61546 records), (2017-H1-62017 records), (2017-H2-62321 records), (2017-H3-62756 records), (2017-S1-36275 records), (2017-S2-45993 records), (2017-S3-60215 records), (2017-S4-60866 records)
Oman (2017-BE-5652 records), (2017-H0-115824 records), (2017-H1-116950 records), (2017-H2-117612 records), (2017-H3-118548 records), (2017-H4-119295 records), (2017-H5-119806 records), (2017-S1-57335 records), (2017-S2-70226 records), (2017-S3-108890 records), (2017-S4-111054 records)
Paraguay (2011-BE-2792 records), (2011-H0-56217 records), (2011-H1-56663 records), (2011-H2-57084 records), (2011-H3-57498 records), (2011-S1-29168 records), (2011-S2-38740 records), (2011-S3-52284 records), (2011-S4-52783 records)
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (2017-BE-2571 records), (2017-H0-35710 records), (2017-H1-35921 records), (2017-H2-36043 records), (2017-H3-36321 records), (2017-S1-22670 records), (2017-S2-27879 records), (2017-S3-35660 records), (2017-S4-35976 records)
South Africa (2010-BE-8740 records), (2010-H0-346974 records), (2010-H1-350358 records), (2010-H2-353318 records), (2010-H3-356773 records), (2010-S1-162624 records), (2010-S2-217942 records), (2010-S3-303155 records), (2010-S4-306786 records)
|"Tan fácil como pedir un Uber": cómo el uso de WhatsApp ayudó a que la heroína se convirtiera en "el segundo producto de exportación" de Mozambique Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Al menos 40 toneladas de heroína atraviesan cada año las fronteras de Mozambique, suficiente para convertirla en la segunda exportación más valiosa del país después del carbón. En buena parte gracias al incremento del uso de teléfonos móviles y aplicaciones, escribe para la BBC el analista Joseph Hanlon.|
|Offer - +27734842145 Money spell, Love/marriage spell, Business spell, Binding love spell, Lost love spell, Stop Cheating Spells - UK Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
+27734842145 MOST VISITED HERBALIST AND SPIRITUAL TRADITIONAL HEALER IN ACROSS ALL THE CONTINENTS AFRICA, UNITED STATES’ CANADA, EUROPE, ASIA, PACIFFIC, MIDDLE EAST, AUSTRALIA ,OCEANIA, LATIN AMERICA CARIBBEAN, IN SOUTH AFRICA, BOTSWANA, NAMIBIA, ZAMBIA, ZIMBABWE, ANGOLA, LESOTHO, SWAZILAND, MOZAMBIQUE, UNITEDKINGDOM, MAURITIUS, ITALY, TRINANDA AND TOBAGO, AND USA (ALL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES MAMA AISHA +27734842145 ,Who has an Ancestral Mystic Know-How and strange and great Powers that can influence Destiny. I am gifted with very spiritual abilities that can change your life today and to make your love life a success. Since I was young, I have been creating solutions for many people I perform Traditional Healing and african remedies for these kinds of problems. Link . Love related problems or Mending broken Relationships. . Divorce related problems . i have love powder for lovers . Business and Money problems . Contracts and winning of Tenders . All kinds of body pains . short boys for riches return them back after with 500$ . Protection from your enemies . Spiritual enlightenment . Connect to your ancestors direct contact +27734842145 My abilities or power are based on the belief that I am directly connected or an incarnation of an ancestral spirit or guide and being a manifestation of an inherited spirit allows me to thus have a direct line with the universe and open to all channels of communication to our ancestors. Once I have been linked with their particular ancestor I may then able to communicate with the deceased, angels, guides and spirits, receiving messages from the ancestors and universe directly. The spiritual exchange is often directly related to past life experiences, soul connected incidences and psychic phenomenon We are completely caring and understanding to your situation. 100% privacy. We do not sell or rent any of your private information and communicate only with you. 110% effort on our part for every spell we cast NB:FINISH ALL UNFINISHED JOBS FROM OTHER DOCTORS .FOR MORE INFORMATION VISIT www.healingmamaaisha.com email:firstname.lastname@example.org or call/ whatsapp:+27734842145 *free delivery nation wide *
|Heineken suprime a sus azafatas de promoción en Mozambique por abusos sexuales Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||La firma holandesa dicta normas de conducta para evitar la intimidación de sus 'chicas de la cerveza' en África|
|Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
SADC Develops Regional Strategy on Women, Peace and Security
Nyarai Kampilipili Correspondent
Southern Africa has developed a regional framework that will serve as a guide on mainstreaming gender into the regional peace and security systems and processes.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat a recent meeting of senior officials responsible for gender and women affairs in the region that the strategy will be launched at the SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government scheduled for August 17-18 in Windhoek, Namibia.
The SADC Regional Strategy on Women, Peace and Security (2018-2022) aims to address challenges experienced by women and children by ensuring that they fully participate in peace and security activities, programmes and projects in the region.
The strategy was first presented to senior officials at their meeting in Ezulwini, the Kingdom of Eswatini, in 2017 and was further presented to the Ministerial Council of the Organ for approval.
The development of the strategy involved various stakeholders who included gender and security experts from all the SADC member states.
The strategy and its accompanying action plan are to be implemented from 2018-2022 and member states have been urged to develop national action plans and mobilise resources to implement proposed activities at national level.
Southern Africa is making significant progress towards promoting gender equality and equity in the region. However, there is need to maintain the momentum and push forward the regional gender agenda, particularly in issues to do with peace and security.
This requires intensification of regional efforts to mainstream gender into peacebuilding and conflict resolution processes if sustainable peace is to be achieved.
Although progress is being made in the development of strategies that mainstream gender in peace and security matters, the number of women and children being affected by conflict remains high.
High-ranking women in the security sector in SADC member states remains low.
For example, only three SADC member states have had women ministers of defence in the period 2009-2018. These are Botswana, Madagascar and South Africa.
South Africa remains the only country in SADC with a woman Minister of Defence who has held the position since 2012.
According to a 2015 UN Women report, women constitute fewer than 10 percent of peace negotiators globally, and only three percent of signatories to peace agreements.
In this regard, there is need to include more women in peace processes so that their issues are mainstreamed into the negotiations.
Other key issues being discussed by the SADC senior officials responsible for gender and women affairs during the annual meeting include the need to expedite processes towards combating trafficking in persons; accelerating efforts towards achieving 50:50 representation in politics and decision-making and the need for member states that have not signed the Agreement Amending the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development to do so.
To date only Angola, Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mozambique, eSwatini, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe have signed the agreement amending the protocol while Namibia and South Africa have indicated that they will sign during the SADC Summit in Namibia.
The senior officials responsible for gender and women affairs meet prior to the annual meeting of SADC ministers responsible for gender and women affairs.
The ministers meeting will discuss the SADC regional gender programme and share progress towards the implementation of gender commitments made by the countries.
A total of 11 SADC member states – Angola, Botswana, DRC, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, Tanzania, South Africa, Seychelles, Zambia and Zimbabwe – are attended the meeting, which ran from July 3-5 in Johannesburg.
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
MOUNT GORONGOSA, Mozambique – At Mozambique’s Mount Gorongosa — where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest — there is a point beyond which visitors are told not to go. The problem: Base camps of Mozambique’s main opposition […]
The post Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain appeared first on 680 NEWS.
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||MOUNT GORONGOSA, Mozambique (AP) — At Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa — where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest — there is a point beyond...|
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Conservationists on Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa are encouraging farmers to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees as a way to improve their lot and reverse deforestation at the same time|
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Conservationists on Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa are encouraging farmers to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees as a way to improve their lot and reverse deforestation at the same time
Reported by Newsday 1 hour ago.
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||MOUNT GORONGOSA, Mozambique (AP) — At Mozambique’s Mount Gorongosa — where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest — there is a point beyond which visitors are told not to go. The prob...|
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||At Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa — where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest — there is a point beyond which visitors are told not to go.|
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||At Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa — where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest — there is a point beyond which visitors are told not to go.|
|Koox Islaamiyiin looga shakisanyahay oo Mozambique dad ku laaysay Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Koox looga shakinsan yahay inay yihiin maleeshiyaad islaamiyiiin ah ayaa 8 qof ku dilay gobol ku yaalla dalka Mozambique.|
|Remittance rip-offs Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|| |
All over the world migrant workers are sending money home to their families. The money pays hospital bills and school fees, buys land, builds houses and sets up small businesses. The cash goes from the US back to Mexico, from the Gulf back to India, from the UK back to Somalia, and from South Africa back to Malawi, Zimbabwe and the rest of southern Africa.
But what these workers probably do not realize, since they usually only ever send to one country, is that the cost of sending money varies greatly. Now a study of the cost of remittances, carried out by London's Overseas Development Institute with support from the fund-raising charity Comic Relief, has revealed that transfers to African countries cost around half as much again as the global average, and twice as much as transfers to Latin America.
The ODI estimates that if remittance charges were brought down to the world average, the money saved could educate an extra 14 million primary school children, half of all those currently out of school on the continent.
The bulk of this money goes through money transfer companies rather than banks, since the recipients are unlikely to have bank accounts, and transfer companies are quick, efficient and have a wide network of agents. But just two big international players dominate the business in Africa, Moneygram and Western Union, and participants in a meeting to launch the research were highly critical of the way they seemed to be abusing their market dominance.
Rwanda's High Commissioner in London, Williams Nkurunziza, said he was shocked at what the report revealed. “If you look at the remittances, 30 or 40 percent of the money that goes to Africa goes to rural areas,” he said. “This money goes to the people who are most needy, and you are allowing a multinational corporation to take bread out of the mouth of hungry children. This is not what I would call responsible capitalism!”
Glenys Kinnock, opposition spokesman on International Development in the upper house of the UK parliament, who chaired the meeting, called on the country's financial regulatory authority to intervene over the issue of excessive charges. “It is not a technocratic issue,” she said, “although it may sound like one. It is also about people's lives and the future of their children... These things have to change. We can't put up any longer with the prospect of its making things so difficult, very often impossible, for people who have such needs.”
At the end of last year, when the ODI did its research, the fees and charges to send money to most of Africa were around 12 percent - a bit less to Zambia or Tanzania, a bit more to Uganda, Malawi and the Gambia - against a world average of just over 8 percent. Even that is quite expensive; the governments of the G8 and G20 countries have pledged themselves to working towards reducing this to 5 percent.
It found that in more than 30 countries the two big players had more than 50 percent of the market; and in 10 countries they had more than 90 percent. Sometimes either Moneygram or Western Union had an effective monopoly, but even where both companies were present it did not necessarily mean that customers had much choice; one company could still have a monopoly of outlets in a particular area, and the companies habitually make their paying-out agents sign contracts promising not to also act as agents for their rivals.
Competition has been limited by the fallout from the US “war on terror”, with the banks who do bulk international transfers citing money-laundering and anti-terrorism regulations as the reason they are reluctant to extend facilities to smaller companies. Now only the biggest of the Somali companies, Dahabshiil, still has an account with a major British bank (Barclays) and even that concession was forced by a court case and is only until other arrangements can be put in place.
Inter-Africa transfers cost most
Dilip Ratha, who works on these issues for the World Bank says exchange controls are one of the reasons the rates are so high; in some places sending money out of the country is illegal. “So if you are sending money,” he says, “let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created.”
"So if you are sending money, let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created"
The report found 10 routes with bank transfer charges over 20 percent. Charges from Nigeria to Ghana were 22 percent. To send from Tanzania to the rest of East Africa, or from South Africa to its near neighbours is particularly expensive, peaking at 25 percent for bank transfers between South African and Malawi. Some of the fees charged by money transfer companies are even higher; if you send money that way from Ghana to Nigeria you may have to pay a staggering 39 percent.
In some places mobile phone based systems like M-Pesa have made in-country transfers much easier and cheaper, but they haven't really taken off internationally, largely because conservative, inflexible regulatory systems insist that all international transfers must go through conventional banks. And African banks tend to have very high charges, often because they are forced by governments to finance government projects or make uncommercial loans.
Chukwuemeka Chikezie of the Up Africa consultancy told IRIN a lot of the responsibility lay with African governments. “One of the reasons M-Pesa took off in Kenya was because the authorities nurtured and enabled innovation. If you look at other countries the regulators have tended to stifle innovation. They are very risk-averse and they don't enable even limited experiments to prove that the markets can absorb technical innovation.”
In addition, money-laundering regulations are putting impossible demands on systems designed to serve the poor, requiring, for instance, “know your customer” procedures like taking copies of ID documents for anyone receiving an international payout. Selma Ribica of M-Pesa points out this is an impossibility for agents in rural areas with no power supply. She told IRIN she would like to see a more realistic, tiered approach with much lighter regulation for small international transfers (under, say, US$200-300) which are most unlikely to have anything to do with money laundering.
Beware Facebook, Walmart
Facebook has just proposed allowing transfers between customers who have accounts with the company which they normally use to make payments for online games. So far this is only proposed for payments within the European Union, but Facebook has a huge geographical spread and has said it is keen to extend its reach in Africa.
And the big profits made by the transfer companies are tempting other players into the market. The latest to announce it is starting money transfers is the US supermarket chain Walmart, with recipients being able to pick up their cash from any shop in the chain. To start with this will only work within the United States and Puerto Rico, but Walmart is an international group with nearly 350 stores in South Africa, and it also has a presence in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi and Mozambique, opening up the tempting prospect of a new, and cheaper way for workers to send money home.
All these new ways of sending money aim to undercut Moneygram and Western Union. Now Western Union has responded by offering so-called “zero-fee” transfers to Africa if the money is sent from a bank account rather by credit card or cash. This would mean a saving of just under £5 ($8.40) for someone sending $100 from the UK to Liberia. The company would still make money (nearly $4) by using a favourable exchange rate, but it would bring the cost down to just below the G8/G20 target.
For African's hard-pressed and hard-working migrants and their families back home, change may - finally - be on the way.
eb/cb99977 201404221522570983.jpg Feature Politics and Economics Remittance rip-offs IRIN LONDON Angola Burkina Faso Burundi Benin Botswana DRC Congo, Republic of Côte d’Ivoire Cameroon Colombia Cape Verde Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Gabon Ghana Gambia Guinea Equatorial Guinea Guinea-Bissau Kenya Liberia Lesotho Morocco Madagascar Mali Mauritania Mauritius Malawi Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Seychelles Sudan Sierra Leone Senegal Somalia Sao Tome and Principe eSwatini Chad Togo Tanzania Uganda Samoa South Africa Zambia Zimbabwe
|Anadarko adds $1 billion to share buyback programme Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
|The southern African climate under 1.5° and 2°C of global warming as simulated by CORDEX models Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||The southern African climate under 1.5° and 2°C of global warming as simulated by CORDEX models
Maúre, GA; Pinto, I; Ndebele-Murisa, MR; Muthige, Mavhungu S; Lennard, C; Nikulin, G; Dosio, A; Meque, AO
Results from an 25 regional climate model simulations from the Coordinated Regional Downscaling Experiment (CORDEX) Africa initiative are used to assess the projected changes in temperature and precipitation over southern Africa at two Global Warming Levels (GWL), namely 1.5°C and 2.0°C, relative to preindustrial values, under the Representative Concentration Pathway 8.5. The results show a robust increase in temperature compared to the control period (1971-2000) ranging from 0.5 to 1.5°C for the 1.5°C GWL and from 1.5 to 2.5°C, for the 2.0°C GWL. Areas in the southwestern region of the subcontinent, covering South Africa and parts of Namibia and Botswana are projected to experience the largest increase in temperature, which are greater than the lobal mean warming, particularly during the September-October-November season. On the other hand, under 1.5°C GWL, models exhibit a robust reduction in precipitation of up to 0.4 mm/day (roughly 20% of the climatological values) over the Limpopo Basin and smaller areas of the Zambezi Basin in Zambia, and also parts of Western Cape, South Africa. Models project precipitation increase of up to 0.1 mm/day over central and western South Africa and in southern Namibia. Under 2.0°C GWL, a larger fraction of land is projected to face robust decreases between 0.2 and 0.4 mm/day (around 1020% of the climatological values) over most of the central subcontinent and parts of western South Africa and northern Mozambique. Decreases in precipitation are accompanied by increases in the number of consecutive dry days and decreases in consecutive wet days over the region. The importance of achieving the Paris Agreement is imperative for southern Africa as the projected changes under both the 1.5°C, and more so, 2.0°C GWL imply significant potential risks to agricultural and economic productivity, human and ecological systems health and water resources with implied increase in regional water stresses.
© 2018 The Author(s). Original content from this work may be used under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence.
|Nace en España un Duiker rojo en Bioparc Valencia Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Sus progenitores son dos ejemplares que llegaron de Alemania, del Zoologischer Garten und Aquarium Berlín el macho y la hembra del Tiergarten Nürnberg. El Duiker rojo de Natal (Cephalophus natalensis) pertenece al género Cephalophus del que hay 15 especies, únicamente dos de ellas pueden verse en instituciones zoológicas europeas y sólo una, el C. natalensis tiene un programa europeo de conservación (ESB). En Europa hay un total de 35 ejemplares de esta subespecie y en España sólo es posible ver estos animales en BIOPARC Valencia.
El Duiker rojo de Natal es relativamente más pequeño que otros duikers. Su pelaje es de color castaño brillante, excepto en las partes inferiores que es más claro. Presentan un característico mechón de pelo en su cabeza que generalmente es de color castaño oscuro, la cola es rojiza con un penacho blanco y negro. Es territorial y normalmente vive en parejas, en parejas con una cría o de manera solitaria.
Este pequeño antílope es nativo de Malawi, Mozambique, Sudáfrica, Swazilandia, Tanzania y Zambia está en la Lista Roja de la UICN (Unión Internacional para la Conservación de la Naturaleza) por el momento con menor riesgo de extinción, si bien, si las tendencias actuales persisten, el Duiker Rojo puede desaparecer de partes sustanciales de su área actual de ocupación.
|Di Dapur hingga Kamar Tidur, Ini 3 'Ciuman' Maut Ular Kobra yang Merenggut Nyawa Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Liputan6.com, Jakarta - Ular Kobra dikenal masyarakat luas sebagai reptil yang berbahaya dan mematikan. Sejumlah sumber menyebutkan bahwa racunnya merupakan salah satu yang terkuat dari sejenisnya.
Bisa ular kobra ini konon mampu menyerang saraf, melumpuhkan saraf dan otot korban dalam waktu beberapa menit saja. Sejumlah insiden yang merenggut nyawa pun dilaporkan dari beberapa lokasi di dunia.
Mulai dari peristiwa yang sama sekali tak diduga ketika tengah memasak, hingga ketika berinteraksi dekat dengan ular kobra tersebut. Berikut ulasannya yang Liputan6.com rangkum dari beragam sumber, Selasa (11/7/2018):
1. Dikira Tidur Nyenyak, Gadis Ini Ternyata Tewas Digigit Ular Kobra
Prapawee Prawat tak merespons semua panggilan neneknya. Saat itu pukul 07.40 waktu Thailand, dan gadis tersebut belum juga bangun dari tidurnya.
Sang nenek pun menaruh curiga. Lantas ia menuju ranjang cucunya. Alangkah kagetnya perempuan sepuh itu saat menemukan Prawat dalam kondisi tak bernyawa.
Dikutip dari laman AsiaOne, Kamis 4 Januari 2018, anggota kepolisian dan tim medis yang telah tiba di lokasi kejadian langsung memeriksa kondisi wanita muda tersebut.
Setelah dilakukan pemeriksaan, petugas kesehatan menemukan ada bekas gigitan ular kobra di jari telunjuk gadis itu.
Polisi pun langsung menggeledah kamar Prawat. Tak disangka-sangka, mereka menemukan seekor ular kobra besar sedang melingkar di bawah selimut yang terlipat di samping tempat tidur.
Agar tak memakan korban lebih banyak, polisi memutuskan untuk mengamankan hewan berbisa itu. Lewat bukti-bukti yang ditemukan di lokasi kejadian, polisi Thailand menarik kesimpulan bahwa gadis itu tewas digigit ular kobra.
Sementara itu, tim medis menyebut bahwa Prawat telah meninggal delapan jam sebelum jasadnya ditemukan.
Untuk pemeriksaan lebih lanjut, jenazah korban dibawa ke rumah sakit untuk menjalani autopsi demi memastikan penyebab kematiannya.
Korban yang kini tinggal dengan seorang nenek berusia 70 tahun itu tak punya orangtua. Keduanya pergi meninggalkan bocah itu semasa kecil di Thailand.
Saksikan juga video berikut ini:
2. Ular Kobra yang Sudah Dipenggal Gigit Koki
Nasib nahas lain juga sempat dialami oleh seorang juru masak asal China. Kejadian mengejutkan tersebut terjadi di sebuah restoran di Kota Foshan, Provinsi Guangdong, China.
Suasana diner atau makan malam pengunjung langsung heboh lantaran ada seorang koki yang tewas digigit ular. Anehnya, ia digigit kepala ular yang sudah dipenggal sekitar 20 menit sebelumnya.
Ketika itu, juru masak bernama Peng Fan itu sedang memasak sup spesial yang berisi daging ular kobra. Pertama-tama, ia memulai mengolah menu khas restoran itu dengan memenggal kepala ular Indochina.
Bagian tubuh dan kepala sudah Peng pisahkan. Namun saat sang koki membuang kepala ular yang sudah berpisah dengan badan 20 menit sebelumnya, ia sempat digigit.
Ular Indochina dikenal memiliki bisa yang mematikan. Nyawa Peng tak terselamatkan, karena racun sudah merasuk ke dalam sel tubuhnya. Tim medis sudah terlambat untuk memberikan vaksin.
Seorang pengunjung, Lin Sun mengaku kaget saat mendengar teriakan seseorang dari dalam dapur. Kemudian ia mendapat kabar ada koki yang digigit ular.
"Kami penasaran apa yang sedang terjadi di sana. Ternyata ada koki digigit ular. Dokter sudah dipanggil, tapi ia tak tertolong. Kami semua waktu itu langsung tak nafsu makan," ujar Lin, seperti dikutip dari New York Daily News.
Juru bicara kepolisian setempat mengatakan kasus ini sebagai hal yang luar biasa, tapi dinilainya murni kecelakaan.
"Dia sedang memasak dan tak terduga ia mendapat malapetaka. Tak ada lagi yang bisa dilakukan untuk menyelamatkannya," ujar jubir.
Ahli ular kobra Yang Hong-Chang mengungkap alasan kenapa ular tersebut masih bisa menggigit sang koki. Dia mengatakan semua jenis kepala reptil masih bisa hidup selama 1 jam meski sebagian atau seluruhnya tubuhnya sudah dipotong.
Ular kobra jenis Indochina kerap dijadikan salah satu bahan makanan lezat di Asia, termasuk China. Reptil yang ukuran rata-ratanya sekitar lima kaki ini kerap ditemui di negara Asia Tenggara. Selain mematikan, bisa ular ini juga dapat dijadikan obat setelah diolah.
3. Ciuman Maut Ular Kobra Renggut Nyawa Turis India
Maut menjemput seorang turis pria yang berpose bersama ular kobra mematikan di India. Hal itu terjadi karena ia tak menyadari ketika reptil itu menggigit wajahnya.
Satu jam kemudian, korban mengembuskan napas terakhirnya.
Seperti dikutip dari Daily Mail, Selasa 11 April 2017, dalam video terekam adegan saat turis tersebut menonton atraksi ular kobra.
Kemudian, sang pawang menempatkan ular di lehernya, sementara wisatawan lain menonton dan merekamnya.
Tapi terlihat si reptil gelisah, kemudian menggigit turis itu di pipi dan mengalirkan bisa dengan dosis mematikan. Pria tersebut tak sadar dirinya telah terpapar racun dan terus berpose.
Barulah beberapa saat kemudian korban merasakan ada sesuatu yang aneh dalam tubuhnya, meminta pawang untuk memeriksa apakah ia telah digigit.
Tapi permintaan itu justru diabaikan. Pawang justru kembali melanjutkan atraksinya bersama ular kobra.
Beberapa menit kemudian pria itu mulai kehilangan kesadaran. Bukannya dibawa ke rumah sakit, para penonton justru membawanya ke seorang dukun.
"Dalam waktu satu jam ia meninggal karena racun," demikian menurut keterangan saksi.
Insiden itu terjadi di Jodhpur, barat laut Provinsi Rajasthan, India.
Sejauh ini belum diketahui spesies ular kobra milik si pawang, karena ada lima jenis yang asli dari India, termasuk King Kobra.
Semua jenis ular itu memiliki racun yang berpotensi mematikan bagi manusia, meskipun tidak muncul di daftar sepuluh ular paling mematikan di dunia.
Kobra yang paling umum di India memiliki racun yang menyerang sinapsis saraf, menyebabkan kelumpuhan dan serangan jantung.
Berikut ini rekaman detik-detik saat ular kobra itu menggigit si turis:
|Estos son los acuerdos entre Venezuela y países africanos para impulsar cooperación Sur-Sur Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Como parte de las acciones estratégicas del Gobierno Nacional para fortalecer la relación Sur-Sur, el canciller de la República, Jorge Arreaza, emprendió una gira por países de África con el fin de establecer alianzas entre naciones de este continente con América Latina y el Caribe.
En el marco de la cooperación, Venezuela impulsa el intercambio productivo y comercial para propiciar la independencia del sistema capitalista, como mecanismo de desarrollo de las naciones.
|Compact Housing in the Informal Settlements of Maputo / Casas Melhoradas Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||
Casas Melhoradas is an applied research project on housing for low-income groups in the informal settlements of Maputo, Mozambique with a three-fold focus:
|Eastern African Seaboard: The Heroin Coast Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||ENACT published in June 2018 a detailed report titled "The Heroin Coast: A Political Economy along the Eastern African Seaboard" by Simone Haysom, Peter Gastrow, and Mark Shaw.|
Africa is experiencing the sharpest increase in heroin use worldwide and a spectrum of criminal networks and political elites in East and southern Africa are substantially enmeshed in the trade. The report focuses on the characteristics of the heroin trade in the region and how it has become embedded in the societies along this route. It also highlights the features of the criminal governance systems that facilitate drug trafficking along this coastal route, particularly in Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, and South Africa.
|RELEASE: New Research Exposes Uneven Playing Field Between Communities and Companies Vying for Land Rights Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
RELEASE: New Research Exposes Uneven Playing Field Between Communities and Companies Vying for Land Rights
Communities sacrifice decades navigating complex, expensive government processes that can force them to give up territory and rights, while companies quickly secure concessions on the same land
LIMA (July 11, 2018) —A new scramble for land is heating up across the developing world. Indigenous Peoples and communities are losing their land at alarming rates as companies rapidly expand operations across resource-rich Africa, Asia and Latin America. Although more than 50 percent of the world’s land is collectively held, indigenous groups and communities legally own just 10 percent of land globally. A new report from World Resources Institute finds that in many countries, the process to formalize land rights is extremely complex, costly and slow, taking up to 30 years or more — in the Philippines, the process requires 56 legally mandated steps, and in Indonesia, 21 different government entities are involved — but companies can typically secure long-term rights to land in just 30 days to five years. The report sheds light on the uneven playing field between companies and communities, and recommends a more transparent path forward.
One of the most comprehensive global reviews of how communities and companies formalize land rights, The Scramble for Land Rights: Reducing Inequity between Communities and Companies, looks at the discrepancies in time, money, land size and rights granted in 15 countries. Without formal legal recognition, communities struggle to protect their land from being developed or exploited.
WRI finds that, in addition to a much more complicated and opaque process to formalize land tenure, Indigenous Peoples and communities are often forced to give up significant areas of their customary land or lose rights to valuable natural resources like clean water or medicinal plants, crippling their livelihoods. And it isn’t only communities that are hurt by these practices — well-intentioned companies that follow government policies to acquire land are at a competitive disadvantage compared to businesses that take shortcuts, exploit loopholes and begin commercial operations before obtaining final approvals.
“Governments must take a hard look at how their land rights policies favor companies, especially those that clear forests, burn carbon-rich peatland or otherwise exhaust natural resources, over indigenous communities who have long protected the world’s forests,” said Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. “This unfair playing field not only poses grave environmental risks, but it also threatens the livelihoods of more than 2.5 billion people who depend on collectively held land.”
In Indonesia, Indigenous Peoples have spent upwards of 15 years trying to formalize their rights. Around 20 communities have secured title to about 20,000 hectares of land, while palm oil companies, which can secure commercial land rights in just three years, own plantations that cover close to 14 million hectares of Indonesia.
Communities across rural Uganda wade through a 17-step process requiring approval from institutions that the government has yet to establish in some districts, whereas companies glide through the process in as few as five steps.
The report finds that, in most countries, companies are allowed to secure land rights without screening for existing community claims to the same land, and that even when governments require community consultations, businesses only make token gestures instead of sincerely trying to obtain the community’s free, prior and informed consent.
“When companies acquire land, those acting in bad faith can often find legal, extralegal or illegal shortcuts. This not only increases the risk of land conflicts, but also puts more ethical companies at a competitive disadvantage,” said Laura Notess, lead author of the report and a lawyer with WRI’s Land and Resource Rights Initiative. “For instance, one company in Mozambique spent two years consulting communities, while others skipped this step altogether, obtaining land in as a little as three months.”
This unfair playing field pushes out some of the best stewards of the world’s forests. Too often, investors who obtain rights to community lands deforest vast areas and exhaust natural resources in one community, then move on to the next, whereas Indigenous Peoples and rural communities have sustainably managed their land for generations. According to Global Forest Watch, the world lost 15.8 million hectares of tropical forest in 2017, but the rate of tree cover loss was less than half in community and indigenous lands compared to elsewhere.
WRI launched the report in Lima, Peru, in partnership with AsM Law Office, the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Rainforest Foundation United States (RFUS), Rights and Resources Initiative (RRI) and Ujamaa Community Resource Team who led field research in Indonesia, Peru and Tanzania. Experts spoke alongside government officials and indigenous leaders fighting to secure formal land rights in the Peruvian Amazon.
In Peru, companies can easily find shortcuts around burdensome requirements, such as purchasing small plots of land and converting them into large agroindustrial concessions to avoid environmental regulations and clear swaths of the Amazon. Indigenous communities do not have this option, and so when land disputes or other obstacles arise, efforts to title their land grind to a halt.
For example, in 2014, large sections of the Santa Clara de Uchunya community’s ancestral forests started disappearing. Without the community’s knowledge or consent, the regional government had given away rights to many small plots of their land, which Plantaciones de Pucallpa, a palm oil company with known environmental and legal troubles, bought up.
“For communities like mine, our land is our livelihood. In Ucayali, a palm oil company has shut us out from land that is our home, cutting down the forest and leaving us with no choice but to fight back in court,” said Carlos Hoyos Soria, leader of the Santa Clara de Uchunya community in Peru “At the same time, our application for land title has stalled for several years, during which time we’ve been met with death threats and violent attacks against our community. We fear for our lives, but without our land, we lose everything.”
Tensions like these are escalating across many of the 15 countries studied in The Scramble for Land Rights. The disparities between communities and companies breed hostility that can quickly devolve into conflict, particularly in Latin America where hundreds of environmental defenders have been murdered in the last decade amid escalating violence. Conflicts range from boundary disputes with neighbors to overlapping concessions, and they can tie communities up in bureaucratic red tape for years.
"What is at stake is the fate of the Amazon and its indigenous populations. To do nothing and turn our backs on these communities is too dangerous,” said Hildebrando Antonio Collantes Zegarra, Head of the Indigenous Communities Office, Subnational Government of Ucayali for the Ministry of Agriculture in Lima. “Governments, including Peru, must do more to protect Indigenous Peoples’ and communities’ land rights. They must simplify processes to document community land, strengthen Indigenous Peoples’ access to titling and provide more resources to mediate intensifying conflicts fueled by the rise of drug trafficking, illegal logging and illicit land trafficking.
To level the playing field between communities and companies, the report calls on countries to make overly complex procedures clearer and more accessible, amend steps that impose difficult, undue burdens on communities and uniformly enforce corporate land acquisition policies. And around the world, better conflict resolution mechanisms are needed to address competing third-party claims and increase community consultations that ensure free, prior and informed consent (FPIC).
International decision-makers also have a role to play in supporting communities’ efforts to secure land tenure, from building local capacity to map community land to providing legal and financial assistance throughout land titling processes. Time and time again, research has shown that recognizing indigenous and community land rights is a proven solution to conserving forests, mitigating climate change, reducing poverty and catalyzing sustainable development.
The full report is available at http://www.wri.org/publication/scramble-for-land-rights.
SELECT QUOTES FROM PARTNERS:
Quote from Anne-Sophie Gindroz, Southeast Asia Regional Facilitator, Rights and Resources Initiative (RRI):
Quote from Anne Larson, Principle Scientist, Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR):
Quote from Christine Halvorson, Program Director, Rainforest Foundation US (RFUS):
Quote from Dean Affandi, Research Analyst, World Resources Institute Indonesia (WRI):
Exclude From News Feed?:
|COMUNICADO DE PRENSA: Una nueva investigación revela un campo de juego desigual entre las comunidades y las empresas que compiten por los derechos sobre las tierras Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
COMUNICADO DE PRENSA: Una nueva investigación revela un campo de juego desigual entre las comunidades y las empresas que compiten por los derechos sobre las tierras
Las comunidades sacrifican décadas lidiando con los complejos y caros procesos gubernamentales que pueden forzarlas a abandonar territorio y derechos, mientras que las compañías pueden asegurarse rápidamente la concesión de la misma tierra
LIMA (11 de julio de 2018)—Un nuevo conflicto por la tierra está creciendo en el mundo en desarrollo. Los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades están perdiendo su tierra a ritmos alarmantes mientras que las compañías expanden rápidamente sus operaciones a lo largo de África, Asia y América Latina, continentes ricos en recursos. Aunque más del 50 por ciento de la tierra del mundo está en manos colectivas, los grupos indígenas y las comunidades solo son dueños legalmente del 10 por ciento de la tierra a nivel global. Un nuevo informe del World Resources Institute muestra que en muchos países, el proceso para formalizar los derechos de la tierra es extremadamente complejo, costoso y lento, y tarda hasta 30 años o más. En las Filipinas, el proceso requiere 56 pasos obligatorios por ley; en Indonesia, hay involucrados 21 entes gubernamentales diferentes. Pero las compañías normalmente pueden asegurarse derechos a largo plazo sobre la tierra desde un plazo de tan solo 30 días a cinco años. El estudio echa luz sobre la desigualdad de condiciones entre las empresas y las comunidades, y recomienda un camino más transparente.
Uno de los estudios globales más exhaustivos sobre cómo las comunidades y las empresas formalizan derechos sobre la tierra, The Scramble for Land Rights: Reducing Inequity between Communities and Companies analiza las discrepancias en tiempo, dinero, tamaño de la tierra y derechos otorgados en 15 países. Sin reconocimiento legal formal, a las comunidades se les dificulta proteger su tierra y evitar que se desarrolle o explote. El WRI descubre que, además de un proceso mucho más complicado y opaco para formalizar la tenencia de la tierra, los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades suelen ser forzados a abandonar áreas significativas de su tierra consuetudinaria o pierden derechos sobre valiosos recursos naturales como agua limpia o plantas medicinales, lo que coarta su sustento. Y no son solo las comunidades las dañadas por estas prácticas: empresas bien intencionadas que siguen las políticas gubernamentales para adquirir tierra tienen una desventaja competitiva con respecto a las compañías que toman atajos, aprovechan vacíos legales y empiezan operaciones comerciales antes de obtener las autorizaciones finales.
“Los gobiernos deben examinar con rigurosidad cómo sus políticas sobre los derechos de la tierra favorecen especialmente a aquellos que talan bosques, queman turberas ricas en carbono o agotan de otros modos los recursos naturales, frente a las comunidades que desde hace largo tiempo protegen los bosques del mundo," dijo Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, Relatora Especial de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. "Estas condiciones injustas no solo plantean graves riesgos ambientales, sino que también amenazan el medio de vida de más de 2.500 millones de personas que dependen de la tierra colectiva."
En Indonesia, los pueblos indígenas han pasado más de 15 años tratando de formalizar sus derechos. Aproximadamente 20 comunidades han logrado el título de menos de 20.000 hectáreas de tierra, mientras que las productoras de aceite de palma, que pueden asegurarse los derechos comerciales a la tierra en solo tres años, poseen plantaciones que cubren casi 14 millones de hectáreas en Indonesia.
Las comunidades de la Uganda rural atraviesan procesos de 17 pasos que requieren aprobación de instituciones que el Gobierno aún tiene que establecer en algunos distritos, mientras que las compañías completan el proceso en tan solo cinco pasos.
El informe revela que, en muchos países, a las empresas se les permite obtener derechos sobre la tierra sin verificar si existen reclamos de comunidades sobre la misma tierra, y que, incluso cuando los gobiernos requieren consultas con las comunidades, las compañías solo hacen gestos simbólicos en lugar de tratar sinceramente de obtener el consentimiento previo, libre e informado de la comunidad.
“Cuando las compañías adquieren tierra, aquellas que actúan de mala fe pueden con frecuencia encontrar atajos legales, extralegales o ilegales. Esto no solo aumenta el riesgo de conflictos por la tierra, sino que también pone a las empresas más éticas en desventaja competitiva," dijo Laura Notess, autora del informe y abogada integrante de la Iniciativa para los Derechos a la Tierra y los Recursos del WRI. "Por ejemplo, una compañía de Mozambique pasó dos años consultando con las comunidades, mientras que otras se saltaron por completo este paso y obtuvieron la tierra en tan solo tres meses.”
Estas condiciones injustas desalojan a los mejores guardianes de los bosques del mundo. Demasiado a menudo, los inversores que obtienen derechos a tierras comunitarias desforestan vastas áreas y agotan los recursos naturales en una comunidad y luego pasan a otra, mientras que por generaciones los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades rurales administraron sustentablemente su tierra. Según Global Forest Watch, el mundo perdió 15,8 millones de hectáreas de bosques tropicales en 2017, pero la tasa de pérdida de cobertura arbórea fue menos de la mitad en tierras en manos de comunidades y pueblos indígenas en comparación con cualquier otro lado.
El WRI lanzó el informe en Lima, Perú, en sociedad con AsM Law Office, el Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Rainforest Foundation United States (RFUS), Iniciativa por los Derechos y los Recursos (RRI) y Ujamaa Community Resource Team, que lideró el trabajo de campo en Indonesia, Perú y Tanzania. Especialistas hablaron junto con funcionarios gubernamentales y líderes indígenas que luchan por asegurarse los derechos formales de la tierra en la Amazonia peruana.
En Perú, las empresas pueden encontrar fácilmente atajos para sortear los engorrosos requerimientos, como comprar pequeños lotes y convertirlos en grandes concesiones agroindustriales para evitar regulaciones ambientales y despejar franjas de la Amazonia. Las comunidades indígenas no tienen esta opción, y cuando surgen disputas por la tierra u otros obstáculos, los esfuerzos por lograr el título de su tierra quedan en un punto muerto.
Por ejemplo, en 2014, grandes secciones de los bosques ancestrales de la comunidad de Santa Clara de Uchunya empezaron a desaparecer. Sin el conocimiento o el consentimiento de la comunidad, el gobierno regional había otorgado derechos sobre pequeños lotes de su tierra, que compró Plantaciones de Pucallpa, una productora de aceite de palma con conocidos problemas ambientales y legales.
“Para comunidades como la mía, nuestra tierra es nuestro sustento. En Ucayali, una compañía productora de aceite de palma nos desalojó de nuestra tierra que es nuestro hogar, redujo los bosques y no nos dejó otra opción que contraatacar en los tribunales," dijo Carlos Hoyos Soria, líder de la comunidad de Santa Clara de Uchunya en Perú. "Al mismo tiempo nuestros trámites de titulación de la tierra vienen siendo frenados desde hace años, y en ese periodo hemos recibido amenazas de muerte y sufrimos ataques violentos contra nuestra comunidad. Tenemos miedo por nuestra vida, pero sin nuestra tierra perdemos todo.”
Tensiones como estas están intensificándose en muchos de los 15 países estudiados en The Scramble for Land Rights. Las disparidades entre comunidades y compañías alimentan una hostilidad que puede rápidamente convertirse en conflicto, particularmente en América Latina, donde cientos de defensores ambientales fueron asesinados en la última década en medio de una violencia creciente. Los conflictos abarcan desde disputas limítrofes con vecinos a concesiones solapadas, y pueden atar a las comunidades en trámites burocráticos durante años.
"Lo que está en juego es el destino de la Amazonia y sus poblaciones indígenas. No hacer nada y dar la espalda a estas comunidades es demasiado peligroso," dijo Hildebrando Antonio Collantes Zegarra, encargado de la Oficina de Comunidades Indígenas, del gobierno subnacional de Ucayali para el Ministerio de Agricultura en Lima. "Los gobiernos, incluido el de Perú, deben hacer más para proteger los derechos sobre la tierra de los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades. Deben simplificar los procesos para documentar la tierra, fortalecer el acceso de los pueblos indígenas a los títulos y brindar más recursos para mediar en los crecientes conflictos alimentados por el aumento del tráfico de drogas, la tala ilegal y el tráfico ilícito de tierras.”
Para nivelar las condiciones entre comunidades y compañías, el informe llama a los países a hacer que los extremadamente complejos procedimientos sean más claros y más accesibles, a corregir los pasos que imponen cargas difíciles e indebidas a las comunidades y a implementar uniformemente las políticas de adquisición de tierra corporativa. Y en todo el mundo se necesitan mejores mecanismos de resolución de conflictos para abordar los reclamos de terceros en competencia y aumentar las consultas con las comunidades para asegurar un consentimiento libre, previo e informado (CLPI).
Quienes están en posiciones de toma de decisiones a nivel internacional también tienen un rol que cumplir en el apoyo de los esfuerzos de las comunidades para asegurar la tenencia de la tierra, que va desde construir capacidad local para mapear la tierra comunitaria hasta proporcionar asistencia legal y financiera para los procesos de titulación. Una y otra vez, la investigación muestra que reconocer el derecho de los indígenas y las comunidades a la tierra es una solución comprobada para conservar los bosques, mitigar el cambio climático, reducir la pobreza y catalizar el desarrollo sostenible.
El informe completo está disponible en http://www.wri.org/publication/scramble-for-land-rights.
CITAS DESTACADAS DE LOS SOCIOS:
Anne-Sophie Gindroz, Facilitadora Regional para el Sudeste Asiático, Iniciativa para los Derechos y los Recursos: “Las comunidades no pueden competir con el ritmo y la escala en que sus tierras y sus bosques están siendo otorgados al sector corporativo por los gobiernos. Sin medidas urgentes para asegurar los territorios reclamados, habrá más conflictos, violencia e injusticia, lo que implica un obstáculo para el desarrollo sostenible.”
Anne Larson, Jefa de Científicos, Center for International Forestry Research: “Nuestra investigación muestra que en Perú el proceso de titulación de tierras indígenas es largo, complicado y costoso. A pesar de importantes avances, el procedimiento sigue estando sobrerregulado y presenta inconsistencias. Aun en casos en las que las comunidades han logrado el título de sus tierras, muchas todavía enfrentan problemas que obstaculizan su capacidad de beneficiarse de su título y que las hacen vulnerables a invasiones, a cambios en la ley y, en general, a actores más poderosos. Debería ser básico contar con mecanismos para manejar los conflictos en el proceso de titulación, ya que la incapacidad de lidiar con situaciones de conflicto impide el éxito tanto para las comunidades como para los bosques.”
Christine Halvorson, Directora de Programa, Rainforest Foundation US: “Asegurar los derechos sobre la tierra de los indígenas es una de las formas más efectivas de proteger el bosque. En Guyana esto contribuiría a los compromisos internacionales que el país ha suscrito en materia de derechos ambientales y humanos.”
Exclude From News Feed?:
|Dec 4, 2018: Nonfiction Forum: Emily Witt at Klein Conference Room, Room A510, Alvin Johnson/J.M. Kaplan Hall Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache|
Emily Witt is a writer in New York City. She is the author of Future Sex and Nollywood: The Making of a Film Empire. Currently a staff writer at The New Yorker, she has also written for n+1, The New York Times, GQ, the London Review of Books, and many other places. She has degrees from Brown, Columbia, and Cambridge, and was a Fulbright scholar in Mozambique.
Moderated by Honor Moore, Faculty, Creative Writing Program.
Sponsored by the Creative Writing Program.
|Mozambique:Maputo Offers Sonko Vital Lessons On How to Deal With Beggars Menace Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||[Nairobi News] Maputo? Not very familiar with many Kenyan travellers who mostly prefer going to neighbouring South Africa for business or tourism.|
|Natural resources surrounded by terror: What is behind the attacks in northern Mozambique? Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||Since October 2017, Cabo Delgado Province -- a region rich with rubies, gas, oil, and wood -- has suffered violent attacks, the motives of which are unclear to local authorities.|
|Un safari por Mozambique y una luna de miel para Felipe y Letizia: la entrañable amistad del rey Juan Carlos con Corinna Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||En cuestión de horas su nombre, la empresaria alemana Corinna Zu Sain Witgenstein, residente en Mónaco, pasó del anonimato más absoluto a dar la vuelta al mundo. De las portadas de la prensa rosa a convertirse en una cuestión de Estado. Fueron los diarios europeos los primeros en dar rienda suelta a las especulaciones sobre sus méritos económicos y su "entrañable#source%3Dgooglier%2Ecom#https%3A%2F%2Fgooglier%2Ecom%2Fpage%2F%2F10000" relación con Juan Carlos, el ahora rey emérito.|
|Coffee and conservation: Mozambique tries both on a mountain Cache Translate Page Web Page Cache||MOUNT GORONGOSA, Mozambique - At Mozambique's Mount Gorongosa - where farmers are being encouraged to grow coffee in the shade of hardwood trees, both to improve their own lot and to restore the forest - there is a point beyond which visitors are told not to go.|