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          Montenegro U-20 - United Kingdom U-20      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Basketball. European U-20 Championship / Men. Group Stage.
          Φωτογραφικό ταξίδι στο γραφικό Μαυροβούνιο      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Φωτογραφικό ταξίδι στο γραφικό Μαυροβούνιο
Για πολλούς λόγους το Μαυροβούνιο αποτελεί έναν προορισμό απαράμιλλης γοητείας στα Βαλκάνια. Οι ντόπιοι καλωσορίζουν τους επισκέπτες ένθερμα, η κουζίνα αφήνει σχεδόν τους πάντες εντυπωσιασμένους και η φύση προσθέτει τις δικές της πινελιές.
Παλιές πόλεις, παραλίες με κρυστάλλινα νερά και εντυπωσιακά νησιώτικα μοναστήρια είναι όσα μπορεί να δει κανείς από τις πρώτες κιόλας στιγμές στο Μαυροβούνιο. Κατά μήκος της ακανόνιστης ακτογραμμής πλάι στην Αδριατική, που φτάνει περίπου τα 300 χλμ., κυριαρχούν το πράσινο που οφείλεται στην πλούσια βλάστηση και το κόκκινο που οφείλεται στις παραδοσιακές στέγες των σπιτιών. 
Στα ορεινά σημεία του, κυριαρχούν αρχέγονα δάση και λίμνες, με διόλου ευκαταφρόνητη ομορφιά.
Γνωρίστε το Μαυροβούνιο μέσα από 24 φωτογραφίες:
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Perierga.gr - Μαυροβούνιο: Φωτογραφίες από τον γραφικό προορισμό των Βαλκανίων
Φωτογραφίες: Ingram Image

          Destination: Kotor & Budva, Montenegro      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
While in Dubrovnik in May, I also did a day trip to the country of Montenegro. A small Balkan countr
          Apartamento, 75m². Bairro do Coqueiro - Belém.      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
211706
Apartamento 102 do Condomínio Campo Bello Residence-, situado na Rodovia Augusto Montenegro, nº 9000, no sentido Belém-Icoarací, Bairro do Coqueiro. Possui sala de estar/jantar, sacada, 03 quartos, sendo um suíte, banheiro social, reversível para...
3 dormitórios 75 m2 2.822 BRL/m² sacada
Wed, 11 Jul 2018 05:58:48 +0200
          APARTAMENTOS PARA LA VENTA EN MONTENEGRO, Armenia 4 baños 312 m2      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
360000000
Edificio de 3 niveles con planos para cuarto nivel el cual se distribuye así: Primer Piso con: 4 Habitaciones, Baño, Sala, Comedor, Cocina Semi-Integral,Patio de Ropas, Pisos en Cerámica.Segundo Piso: 3 Habitaciones, Baño, Sala, Comedor, Cocina...
10 habitaciones 4 baños 312 m² 1.153.846 COP/m²
Tue, 10 Jul 2018 07:39:51 -0400
          Austria impulsará consultas de ingreso a la UE de Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia y Albania      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
VIENA (Sputnik) — Durante su presidencia en el Consejo de la Unión Europea, Austria va a impulsar las negociaciones sobre el ingreso a la Unión Europea de Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia y Albania, declaró la ministra austriaca de Exteriores, Karin Kneissl.
          Windows administrator/DevOps (Montenegro), Екатеринбург      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Forex Club (International broker with 20-year history on financial and cryptocurrency markets) is looking for Windows Administrator/DevOps for office in Montenegro. Responsibilities - Leading the administration of Forex Club’s...

Зарплата: не указано

Компания: Группа компаний FOREX CLUB




          venta hotel montenegro      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
420000000
gran hotel en montenegro quindio totalmente dotado con capacida para 30 personas,el montaje esta nuevo y la construccion es moderna con clientela propia en uno de los municipios mas turisticos del departamento,muy central, cerca a los parques...
12 habitaciones 8 baños 320 m² 1.312.500 COP/m²
Sun, 08 Jul 2018 15:13:13 +0200
          La cumbre de la OTAN, una cita clave que depende del temperamento de Trump      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
El presidente de EEUU, Donald Trump, en una imagen de archivo.

Si has abierto esta noticia, es que el tema te interesa. Al menos algo. Si no es así, si la has abierto por casualidad, antes de dejar de leerla porque crees que una cumbre de la OTAN no da para mucho, que es una pereza y que no es más que palabrería, te instamos a que mires detenidamente este gif:

Sí, estás viendo bien. Es el presidente de EEUU, Donald Trump, empujando al primer ministro de Montenegro, Dusko Markovic, para situarse en la primera fila de un encuentro de líderes de la OTAN en mayo del año pasado. Y no, no es un montaje: sucedió de verdad. Más allá de lo, llamémosle, gracioso, de semejante momento, dice mucho del tipo de política que impone el presidente de EEUU: impulsiva y basada en su archiconocido lema de "América Primero".

Así que la gran duda que se plantea ante la cumbre de la OTAN que comienza este miércoles es evidente... ¿Entrará Trump empujando otra vez?

De momento lo que ha hecho es tirar de algo más romántico: las cartas. Mediante este canal ha ido recordando a los distintos líderes de los países aliados que quiere dinero, mucho más dinero en defensa. Así, ha vuelto a hacer hincapié en que se acabó esa etapa en la que Estados Unidos asumía la mayor parte de los gastos de defensa internacionales. En España, el nuevo presidente del Gobierno, Pedro Sánchez, también ha recibido una misiva de parte del líder estadounidense en la que le recuerda que su predecesor, Mariano Rajoy, se comprometió a pagar más.

Esta demanda económica no es lo único que temen de Trump los socios de la OTAN. El presidente de EEUU, que llega a la cumbre en medio de una guerra comercial, también viene de abandonar a principios del mes de junio la cumbre del G-7 en Canadá, vetando las conclusiones pactadas por los líderes de las principales potencias democráticas del mundo. Es más, llega a esta cita después de haber insultando públicamente al primer ministro canadiense, Justin Trudeau, a quien ha llamado "deshonesto y débil".

Días más tarde de semejante espectáculo, se ponía una medalla tras estrechar la mano del líder norcoreano Kim Jong-Un. Ahora todos temen que pase algo parecido: que desprecie su cita con la OTAN en Bruselas, para después sacar pecho al verse con el presidente ruso, Vladimir Putin, enemigo declarado de la Alianza, en Helsinki el 16 de julio.

Juntos, pero no revueltos

A Trump, como a Putin, la OTAN no le gusta. Conscientes de ello, el objetivo de los miembros de la organización transatlántica, nacida hace casi 70 años para contrarrestar la influencia de la URSS, es defender su unidad. El presidente no parece dispuesto a ello y, aunque mantiene un tira y afloja con la Alianza, en la cabeza de todos los líderes aún resuenan aquellas declaraciones en las que el presidente de EEUU sentenció que estaba "obsoleta". Por aquel entonces Trump estaba en plena campaña presidencial y llegó a amenazar con retirar la protección de las tropas de su país si los aliados no invertían más en defensa. Con Trump ya de presidente el tono de sus amenazas se redujo, si bien es cierto que en la cumbre del año pasado evitó comprometerse con la cláusula de defensa mutua sobre la que se funda la OTAN.

Voy a decirle a la OTAN: tenéis que empezar a pagar vuestras facturas

Los últimos días ha vuelto al juego que le gusta, el de ir de líder duro: "Voy a decirle a la OTAN: tenéis que empezar a pagar vuestras facturas. Los europeos nos matan en el comercio, nos matan con otras cosas y encima nos matan con la OTAN", ha sentenciado.

Esa misma idea es la que plasmó en las cartas enviadas a los líderes de la Alianza y, en su canal favorito, Twitter, se ha despachado bien a gusto: "EEUU asume el 90% de la factura de la OTAN, pese a que los europeos son los que más se benefician de este paraguas de protección. EEUU gasta mucho más en la OTAN que cualquier otro país. Eso no es justo ni es aceptable". Es el mismo mensaje que, el pasado abril, transmitió en Bruselas de forma igualmente contundente el actual secretario de Estado norteamericano, Mike Pompeo, en su primera visita a la Alianza.

Los miembros de la OTAN se comprometieron en la Cumbre de Cardiff de 2014 a destinar al menos el 2% de su PIB a defensa de cara a 2024, un objetivo que según fuentes diplomáticas citadas por la Agencia Efe sólo conseguirán 15, en el caso de que cumplan con los planes nacionales que presentaron. Sin embargo, las mismas fuentes han recordado que este compromiso no es vinculante, sino que se trata de unas directrices políticas.

La Administración Trump no comparte esta interpretación, de ahí que se espere que este miércoles el presidente llegue a la cumbre exigiendo a sus colegas el cumplimiento sin matices de este objetivo. El presidente norteamericano juega con la baza de que el gasto militar de EEUU representa más de dos tercios del total de la OTAN -por eso dice que no puede ser la "hucha del mundo"-. Y ya hay precedentes del daño que puede hacer a una institución la retirada de fondos de EEUU. Si no, que le pregunten a la Agencia de Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados Palestinos (Unrwa).

(Puedes seguir leyendo tras la foto...).

Mike Pompeo, secretario de Estado de EEUU, y el secretario general de la OTAN, Jens Stoltenberg, el pasado abril en su primer encuentro.

No todo es el dinero

Los socios de la Alianza, por regla general, no están muy dispuestos a elevar el presupuesto como les pide el jefe del ejército más poderoso del planeta. No estamos en un periodo de vacas gordas para nadie, invertir en Defensa sigue siendo impopular en muchas sociedades occidentales y, además, no quieren que nadie les dicte el camino, cuando la OTAN puede mejorar con otras aportaciones que no son necesariamente económicas.

El objetivo de los críticos con la ampliación del presupuesto es tratar de convencer a los estadounidenses justo de eso, de que hay que tener en cuenta, billetes aparte, las implicaciones de cada país, su disponibilidad de capacidades militares -despliegue, bases, personal y medios- y la voluntad de utilizarlas en favor de la paz y seguridad internacionales, en las misiones en el extranjero.

En 2017, sólo cuatro de los 29 miembros llegaban a esa cifra mágica del 2% del PIB, aunque en este 2018 se cree que podrían ser ya el doble las potencias las que alcancen el compromiso: EEUU, Reino Unido, Polonia, Rumanía, Grecia, Estonia, Letonia y Lituania. Y no es que a esos países les salga el dinero por las orejas, es que son aliados estrechos de Washington y siempre van a bailar a su son (léase los británicos) o son estados que forzosamente tienen que estar blindados ante lo que hagan sus vecinos más peligrosos, Rusia y Turquía en este caso.

Por el momento, titanes de la defensa europea como Alemania y Francia se han comprometido a llegar, respectivamente, al 1,5% en 2024 y al 2%, pero en 2025. Nada más.

(Puedes seguir leyendo tras el vídeo...).

¿Y España, cómo lo ve?

España está con los que ni por asomo llegarán al 2% ni tienen intención de dar más, y menos con el cambio de inquilino en La Moncloa. Este año, nuestro país es el segundo país de la OTAN con un menor gasto militar, con un 0,93 % de su PIB. La cifra es similar a la de Bélgica y solo la de Luxemburgo es inferior, según las previsiones de inversión en Defensa que ha publicado este martes la Alianza. No obstante el informe, este informe sostiene que nuestro país ha aumentado de un año para otro su gasto militar, ya que en 2017 se llegó al 0,90 %.

La anterior ministra de Defensa, la popular María Dolores de Cospedal, se comprometió por carta a elevar al 1,53 % el gasto español en Defensa para 2024, el año de referencia que pide EEUU, lo que supondría otros18.500 millones de euros. Sin embargo, esa promesa no se encuentra en ninguna ley ni decreto vinculante, no está en la estrategia de seguridad nacional, y por tanto los socialistas ahora en el poder no la toman como necesariamente vinculante.

El pasado 3 de julio, ante el secretario general de la OTAN, Jens Stoltenberg, se visita en Madrid, el presidente Sánchez ya evitó comprometerse con lo que pide Trump. El comunicado remitido por el Gobierno tras la entrevista destaca que España ha desplegado 1.161 efectivos en misiones de la OTAN, 616 con la ONU y 757 con la Unión Europea y que, además, forma parte de la coalición contra el Estado Islámico (EI), en la que 581 españoles colaboran en la formación del ejército iraquí.

De hecho, fuentes gubernamentales citadas por Europa Press han subrayado que la Alianza concede mucha importancia a esta misión de entrenamiento, así como al despliegue de misiles Patriot en la frontera con Turquía. Eso es lo que tratarán de vender tanto Sánchez como su nueva titular de Defensa, Margarita Robles, en la cumbre de Bruselas.

(Puedes seguir leyendo tras la foto...).

Pedro Sanchez y Jens Stoltenberg, reunidos el 3 de julio en La Moncloa.

Las consecuencias

"Si Estados Unidos hace de esto un casus belli, pueden pasar muchas cosas", advierte a la agencia AFP una fuente diplomática de un país de la OTAN, para quien lo que diga Trump "será decisivo para el futuro de la Alianza". Los posibles anuncios del inquilino de la Casa Blanca, que preocupan a los aliados, pasan desde una eventual retirada de sus tropas de los países que no cumplen con el objetivo -como Alemania, donde tiene desplegados a cerca de 35.000 soldados-, o su negativa a realizar maniobras militares con esos países, según esta fuente.

Por otro lado, para Tomas Valasek, director del centro de reflexión Carnegie Europe, en el pasado, ya existieron "desacuerdos", como durante la guerra de Irak, "pero nunca hubo ninguna sugerencia en el aire de que Estados Unidos diera la espalda a los aliados europeos". Esto socavaría uno de los principios de la Alianza, consagrado en el Artículo 5 del Tratado de Washington de 1949: la defensa colectiva entre aliados. En casi siete décadas de historia, Washington sólo la activó tras los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001.

Y de fondo, una cuestión clave: la actitud de Trump podría ensombrecer las decisiones que deben adoptar los líderes, como la creación de dos nuevos centros de mando en la localidad alemana de Ulm y la estadounidense de Norfolk, la reforma integral de la estructura de mando y control de la Alianza para "adaptarla a los desafíos del siglo XXI", las amenazas híbridas, la ciberseguridad, las noticias falsas o la lucha contra el terrorismo, en cooperación con países esenciales como Jordania y Túnez.

Los 29 líderes deben respaldar además su plan "30-30-30-30", en virtud del cual para 2020 la OTAN debe poder desplegar en 30 días, 30 batallones, 30 escuadrones aéreos y 30 buques de guerra en apoyo a sus fuerzas de respuesta rápida.

Estas decisiones se enmarcan en el plan de la Alianza para reforzarse ante una vecina Rusia más amenazante, desde que en marzo de 2014 anexionara la península ucraniana de Crimea. El presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, se reunirá el jueves con los líderes de la OTAN.

Consciente de lo que está en juego, el presidente del Consejo Europeo, Donald Tusk, ha instado este martes al presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump a "apreciar" a sus aliados, porque "al fin y al cabo no tiene tantos". "Su país no tendrá un mejor aliado que la Unión Europea", le ha dicho vía Twitter, además de recordarle que ésta gasta "más que Rusia" en Defensa. "Querida América, aprecia a tus aliados, al fin y al cabo no tienes tantos".

Y mientras Putin espera su cita con Trump... disfrutando, seguro, de las divisiones que nacen entre estos históricos aliados; al fin y al cabo él se nutre de las divisiones entre Estados Unidos y Europa y dentro de Europa, como defiende Thomas Carothers, vicepresidente del think tank Carnegie.


          Azerbaijan Airlines adds Tivat charter in 3Q18      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Azerbaijan Airlines earlier this month added charter service to Montenegro, with the offering of Baku – Tivat route. Operating once a week on Thursdays, Airbus A320 aircraft operates between 05JUL18 and 30AUG18.

The airline originally planned to operate the charter flights until 13SEP18.

J25107 GYD0750 – 0945TIV 320 4
J25108 TIV1045 – 1630GYD 320 4


          Central do Brasil      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Drame (01h45min) - Dora, ex-institutrice, gagne sa vie en écrivant des lettres pour les migrants illettrés à la gare centrale de Rio. Ana et son jeune fils Josue font appel à ses services pour retrouver le père de Josue. Lorsque Dora rentre dans son petit appartement de banlieue, elle fait le tri des lettres de la journée...

Un film de Walter Salles
Avec Fernanda Montenegro, Vinicius de Oliveira, Marília Pêra, Othon Bastos, Soia Lira

Spectateurs : 3.5

>> Fiche complète du film | Séances des 29 cinémas | Bandes-annonces | Photos | sur AlloCiné


          Has That Manchurian "President" Been A Russian Asset For Three Decades? Will Mueller Ever Tell Us?      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Useful Idiots, Enablers by Chip Proser

I'm guessing Jonathan Chait and Glenn Greenwald are not sitting down for some blinis and caviar at the Russian Tea Room any time soon. Chait's New York magazine collusion column over the weekend, Will Trump Be Meeting With His Counterpart-- Or His Handler, is the kind of thing that sends Trumpists-- as well as Greenwald-- into a rage. Chait wrote that when the news of the Russian hack of the DNC broke in June, 2016, "nobody raised the faintest suspicions that Russia wished to alter the outcome of the election, let alone that Trump or anybody connected with him might have been in cahoots with a foreign power. It was a third-rate cyberburglary. Nothing to see here." Since then "trying to discern the size and shape of the scandal is an exercise in uncertainty." The legitimacy of the Trumpist regime is at stake... The media," Chait asserts, "has treated the notion that Russia has personally compromised the president of the United States as something close to a kook theory" and then proposes that an "unlikely but possible" theory "that this is all much worse than we suspect," that Trump has been a Russian agent since the late '80s.
The first intimations that Trump might harbor a dark secret originated among America’s European allies, which, being situated closer to Russia, have had more experience fending off its nefarious encroachments. In 2015, Western European intelligence agencies began picking up evidence of communications between the Russian government and people in Donald Trump’s orbit. In April 2016, one of the Baltic states shared with then–CIA director John Brennan an audio recording of Russians discussing funneling money to the Trump campaign. In the summer of 2016, Robert Hannigan, head of the U.K. intelligence agency GCHQ, flew to Washington to brief Brennan on intercepted communications between the Trump campaign and Russia.

The contents of these communications have not been disclosed, but what Brennan learned obviously unsettled him profoundly. In congressional testimony on Russian election interference last year, Brennan hinted that some Americans might have betrayed their country. “Individuals who go along a treasonous path,” he warned, “do not even realize they’re along that path until it gets to be a bit too late.” In an interview this year, he put it more bluntly: “I think [Trump] is afraid of the president of Russia. The Russians may have something on him personally that they could always roll out and make his life more difficult.”

...[This theory] would mean the Russia scandal began far earlier than conventionally understood and ended later-- indeed, is still happening. As Trump arranges to meet face-to-face and privately with Vladimir Putin later this month, the collusion between the two men metastasizing from a dark accusation into an open alliance, it would be dangerous not to consider the possibility that the summit is less a negotiation between two heads of state than a meeting between a Russian-intelligence asset and his handler.

It is often said that Donald Trump has had the same nationalistic, zero-sum worldview forever. But that isn’t exactly true. Yes, his racism and mendacity have been evident since his youth, but those who have traced the evolution of his hypernationalism all settle on one year in particular: 1987. Trump “came onto the political stage in 1987 with a full-page ad in the New York Times attacking the Japanese for relying on the United States to defend it militarily,” reported Edward Alden, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. “The president has believed for 30 years that these alliance commitments are a drain on our finite national treasure,” a White House official told the Washington Post columnist Josh Rogin. Tom Wright, another scholar who has delved into Trump’s history, reached the same conclusion. “1987 is Trump’s breakout year. There are only a couple of examples of him commenting on world politics before then.”

What changed that year? One possible explanation is that Trump published The Art of the Deal, which sped up his transformation from an aggressive, publicity-seeking New York developer to a national symbol of capitalism. But the timing for this account does not line up perfectly-- the book came out on November 1, and Trump had begun opining loudly on trade and international politics two months earlier. The other important event from that year is that Trump visited Moscow.

During the Soviet era, Russian intelligence cast a wide net to gain leverage over influential figures abroad. (The practice continues to this day.) The Russians would lure or entrap not only prominent politicians and cultural leaders, but also people whom they saw as having the potential for gaining prominence in the future. In 1986, Soviet ambassador Yuri Dubinin met Trump in New York, flattered him with praise for his building exploits, and invited him to discuss a building in Moscow. Trump visited Moscow in July 1987. He stayed at the National Hotel, in the Lenin Suite, which certainly would have been bugged. There is not much else in the public record to describe his visit, except Trump’s own recollection in The Art of the Deal that Soviet officials were eager for him to build a hotel there. (It never happened.)

Trump returned from Moscow fired up with political ambition. He began the first of a long series of presidential flirtations, which included a flashy trip to New Hampshire. Two months after his Moscow visit, Trump spent almost $100,000 on a series of full-page newspaper ads that published a political manifesto. “An open letter from Donald J. Trump on why America should stop paying to defend countries that can afford to defend themselves,” as Trump labeled it, launched angry populist charges against the allies that benefited from the umbrella of American military protection. “Why are these nations not paying the United States for the human lives and billions of dollars we are losing to protect their interests?”

Trump’s letter avoided the question of whom the U.S. was protecting those countries from. The primary answer, of course, was the Soviet Union. After World War II, the U.S. had created a liberal international order and underwritten its safety by maintaining the world’s strongest military. A central goal of Soviet, and later Russian, foreign policy was to split the U.S. from its allies.

The safest assumption is that it’s entirely coincidental that Trump launched a national campaign, with himself as spokesman, built around themes that dovetailed closely with Soviet foreign-policy goals shortly after his Moscow stay. Indeed, it seems slightly insane to contemplate the possibility that a secret relationship between Trump and Russia dates back this far. But it can’t be dismissed completely. How do you even think about the small but real chance-- 10 percent? 20 percent?-- that the president of the United States has been covertly influenced or personally compromised by a hostile foreign power for decades?

Russian intelligence gains influence in foreign countries by operating subtly and patiently. It exerts different gradations of leverage over different kinds of people, and uses a basic tool kit of blackmail that involves the exploitation of greed, stupidity, ego, and sexual appetite. All of which are traits Trump has in abundance.



Throughout his career, Trump has always felt comfortable operating at or beyond the ethical boundaries that constrain typical businesses. In the 1980s, he worked with La Cosa Nostra, which controlled the New York cement trade, and later employed Michael Cohen and Felix Sater, both of whom have links to the Russian Mafia. Trump habitually refused to pay his counterparties, and if the people he burned (or any journalists) got in his way, he bullied them with threats. Trump also reportedly circulated at parties for wealthy men featuring cocaine and underage girls.

One might think this notoriety immunizes Trump from blackmail. Curiously, however, Trump’s tolerance for risk has always been matched by careful control over information. He maintains a fanatical secrecy about his finances and has paid out numerous settlements to silence women. The combination of a penchant for compromising behavior, a willingness to work closely with criminals, and a desire to protect aspects of his privacy makes him the ideal blackmail target.

It is not difficult to imagine that Russia quickly had something on Trump, from either exploits during his 1987 visit or any subsequent embarrassing behavior KGB assets might have uncovered. But the other leverage Russia enjoyed over Trump for at least 15 years is indisputable-- in fact, his family has admitted to it multiple times. After a series of financial reversals and his brazen abuse of bankruptcy laws, Trump found it impossible to borrow from American banks and grew heavily reliant on unconventional sources of capital. Russian cash proved his salvation. From 2003 to 2017, people from the former USSR made 86 all-cash purchases-- a red flag of potential money laundering-- of Trump properties, totaling $109 million. In 2010, the private-wealth division of Deutsche Bank also loaned him hundreds of millions of dollars during the same period it was laundering billions in Russian money. “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets,” said Donald Jr. in 2008. “We don’t rely on American banks. We have all the funding we need out of Russia,” boasted Eric Trump in 2014.

Since Vladimir Putin, a former KGB agent, rose to power in 1999, money has become a key source of Russian political leverage. The Russian state (and hence Putin) controls the most lucrative sectors of its economy, and Russian investment is not designed solely to maximize return. Shady business transactions offer the perfect cover for covert payments, since just about the entire Russian economy is shady. Trump’s adamant refusal to disclose his tax returns has many possible explanations, but none is more obvious than the prospect that he is hiding what are effectively bribes.

During the Obama administration, Russia grew more estranged from the United States as its aggressive behavior toward its neighbors triggered hostile responses from NATO. Putin grew increasingly enamored of reactionary social theories portraying traditional, conservative, Christian Europe as pitted in a civilizational struggle against both decadent liberalism and radical Islam. Also during this time, Trump carved out a brand as a populist hero of the right by publicly questioning Obama’s birthplace and legitimacy.

In July 2013, Trump visited Moscow again. If the Russians did not have a back-channel relationship or compromising file on Trump 30 years ago, they very likely obtained one then. Former FBI director James Comey recounts in his book that Trump was obsessed with reports that he had been recorded in a hotel room watching prostitutes urinate on a bed that Barack Obama had once slept in. Trump, Comey wrote, “argued that it could not be true because he had not stayed overnight in Moscow but had only used the hotel room to change his clothes.” The journalists Michael Isikoff and David Corn have reconstructed Trump’s trip to Moscow and established that he did in fact stay overnight.

This was not the only allegation Trump forcefully and implausibly denied in his early meetings with Comey. He also denied that he had offered a pornographic-film star money to come to his room, grabbed a woman sitting next to him on an airplane, and mocked a disabled reporter at a rally. The other denials have gained no credence in the media. (Indeed, the last incident was broadcast on national television.) But Trump’s dismissal of the Moscow-hotel-room allegation has been given the benefit of the doubt by most reporters, who typically describe the charge as “salacious” and “unverified,” which it most certainly is, and treat that to mean “absurd,” which it is not. There is growing reason to think the pee tape might indeed exist.

There has never been much doubt about Russia’s motive to engineer a caper like this. Russian intelligence has a documented and long-standing practice of gathering compromising intelligence on visiting dignitaries. The use of prostitutes and the bugging of hotel rooms are standard. The skepticism has instead focused on both the source of the allegations, former British-intelligence official turned private investigator Christopher Steele, and Trump himself.

Steele’s dossier burst into public view in January 2017, introducing so many astonishing claims into the public domain that it read like politicized fiction, a modern-day Protocols of the Elders of Zion. “There has been no public corroboration of the salacious allegations against Mr. Trump, nor of the specific claims about coordination between his associates and the Russians,” the Times stated authoritatively last fall. “In fact, some of those claims have been challenged with supporting evidence. For instance, Mr. Trump’s longtime personal lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, produced his passport to rebut the dossier’s claim that he had secret meetings in Prague with a Russian official last year.”

The truth is that much of the reporting of the Russia scandal over the past 18 months has followed the contours of what Steele’s sources told him. Steele reported that “the Kremlin had been feeding Trump and his team valuable intelligence on his opponents, including Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton,” in June 2016, days after the Trump Tower meeting occurred but a year before it would be publicly confirmed. Steele obtained early news of the Kremlin’s strategy to exploit divides within the Democratic Party through social media; the role of Carter Page, a member of Trump’s foreign-policy team whom Russia had been trying to cultivate as a spy since at least 2013; and other now-familiar elements of the story.

Even the accusations in the dossier that have purportedly been refuted have gained support from law enforcement. Mueller has reportedly obtained evidence that Cohen actually did visit Prague during the 2016 campaign, contrary to his denials. The FBI has learned that Cohen “was in frequent contact with foreign individuals” who “had knowledge of or played a role in 2016 election meddling,” according to BuzzFeed News.

Then there is Trump himself. While the president’s character has never been exactly deemed above reproach, some doubts have lingered about whether he would really hire prostitutes to defile a bed merely because Obama had slept there and whether a tape of such a thing would truly shame him.

These questions have been answered in the affirmative. Trump’s payment of hush money to Stormy Daniels and other women proves that he holds his sexual privacy dear. And the obsessive hatred of Obama that grew out of Trump’s humiliation at the 2011 White House Correspondents’ Dinner has blossomed into a perverse and often self-destructive mania. People both inside and outside the administration report that Trump will ultimately pick whatever option he believes is the negation of Obama’s legacy. “He will ask: ‘Did Obama approve this?’ And if the answer is affirmative, he will say: ‘We don’t,’” a European diplomat told BuzzFeed News.

Isikoff and Corn reported that Trump and many of the people who accompanied him on the 2013 trip to Moscow had, earlier that year, visited a club in Las Vegas that regularly performed “simulated sex acts of bestiality and grotesque sadomasochism,” including shows in which strippers simulated urinating. Isikoff and Corn do not establish what kind of performance was on display the night Trump visited. It may or may not have involved bodily fluids. But the notion that a display of exotic sex acts lies totally outside the range of behavior Trump would enjoy is quaint and unfounded.

It’s not necessary to believe that Putin always knew he might install Trump in the Oval Office to find the following situation highly plausible: Sometime in 2015, the Russian president recognized that he had, in one of his unknown number of intelligence files, an inroad into American presidential politics. The Republican nominees from 2008 and 2012 had both run on a hawkish position against Russia (Mitt Romney had called the country America’s “No. 1 geopolitical foe”). Now, on the fringes of the GOP primaries, there was a candidate opening up what was, from Putin’s standpoint, a much-needed flank against not just Obama but his former secretary of State Hillary Clinton and her aggressive position against Russia.

Trump praised Putin’s toughness and called for a thaw in relations between the two countries. At first, Putin likely considered him simply a way to goad his American foes. Then Trump captured the nomination and his value increased exponentially.

At that point, it would have been strange if Russia didn’t help Trump. After all, Russians covertly support allied politicians abroad all the time. Putin naturally sees intelligence work as central to foreign policy, and his foreign policy is fundamentally threatened by democratic, socially progressive Western Europe. During his tenure, Russia has formed overt or covert ties to right-wing parties in France, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Greece, and Bulgaria. France’s right-wing party received an $11 million loan from Russia; its counterparts in Bulgaria and Greece were alleged (but not proved) to have taken funding under the table, too. More often, Russians intermingle financial dealings with political subterfuge in a complex web that appears superficially legitimate.


...For all the ambiguous, suspicious facts surrounding Trump’s ties to Russia, Manafort’s role is the most straightforward. He is an utterly amoral consultant and spent at least a decade directly advancing Russian foreign-policy interests while engaging in systemic corruption.

The story begins in 2005, when Manafort proposed to work for billionaire Russian aluminum magnate Oleg Deripaska. Manafort, a Republican operative who had hired himself out to a variety of global villains, promised he would “influence politics, business dealings, and news coverage inside the United States, Europe, and former Soviet Republics to benefit President Vladimir Putin’s government” in a memo described by the Associated Press.

Russia’s oligarchs put their wealth and power at Putin’s disposal, or they don’t remain oligarchs for long. This requirement is not lost on Deripaska. “I don’t separate myself from the state,” Deripaska told the Financial Times in 2007. “I have no other interests.” A 2006 U.S. diplomatic cable described him as “among the 2-3 oligarchs Putin turns to on a regular basis.” Working for Deripaska meant working for Putin.

There’s no doubt Manafort’s offer was taken up. Deripaska hired Manafort for $10 million a year, and Manafort worked to advance Russian interests in Ukraine, Georgia, and Montenegro. Manafort brought on as his business partner in these endeavors Konstantin Kilimnik, a former member of Russia’s foreign military-intelligence agency who-- according to an indictment by Mueller — still has ties to Russian intelligence.

The mystery is exactly when, or whether, Manafort’s service to Deripaska-- which is to say, to Putin-- ended. He has hidden many of his proceeds and indeed now faces charges of money laundering. In 2010, Manafort received a $10 million loan from Deripaska, which he funneled through his shell company. (Manafort had used the same shell company to buy an apartment in Trump Tower, for cash, in 2006.)

Spending lavishly and deep in debt, Manafort went underground in 2014. Deripaska, seeking to recover funds he believed Manafort owed him, went to court, where one of his lawyers stated, “It appears that Paul Manafort and Rick Gates”-- Manafort’s longtime associate-- “have simply disappeared.” Two years later, Manafort resurfaced as Trump’s campaign manager, with Gates as his deputy, and set out to use his position to regain favor with his estranged patron. In leaked emails to Kilimnik, Manafort referred to his new standing and asked, “How do we use to get whole?” Kilimnik assured Manafort, “We will get back to the original relationship.” That is, Manafort was asking about, and Kilimnik was confirming, the possibility of trading his position as Trump’s campaign manager for debt forgiveness from Deripaska.

This much was clear in March 2016: The person who managed the campaign of a pro-Russian candidate in Ukraine was now also managing the campaign of a pro-Russian candidate in the United States. And Trump’s campaign certainly looked like the same play Putin had run many times before: Trump inflamed internal ethnic division, assailed the corruption of the elite, attacked Western allies while calling for cooperation with Russia, and sowed distrust in the fairness of the vote count. And in addition to deploying social-media bots and trolls, Russia apparently spent directly to help elect Trump. The FBI is investigating Alexander Torshin, a Russian banker who built ties to Republicans and allegedly funneled campaign funds to the National Rifle Association, which spent three times as much to help Trump as it had on behalf of Romney four years earlier.

Trump surrounded himself with several staffers, in addition to Manafort, with unusually close ties to Russia. His national-security adviser, Michael Flynn, had traveled to Moscow in 2015 to fête Putin at a banquet; George Papadopoulos met with Russian officials during the campaign; Russia had marked Carter Page as a possible asset. Michael Cohen and Felix Sater, the two business associates of Trump’s with decades-long ties to Russian organized crime, engaged in a mix of diplomatic and commercial negotiations with Russia during the campaign.


Several Trump advisers knew Russia was working to help Trump. Papadopoulos let it slip that Russia had dirt on Clinton; Roger Stone, a former longtime business partner of Manafort’s who communicated regularly with Trump throughout the campaign, knew what material WikiLeaks had obtained, according to two associates. Stone also repeatedly boasted of his back-channel contacts to Julian Assange and flaunted advance knowledge of what dirt Assange had. Between a pair of phone conversations Donald Jr. had to set up his Trump Tower meeting, he spoke with someone with a blocked phone number. (His father has a blocked phone number.) John K. Mashburn, a former campaign and current White House staffer, testified in March that he recalled receiving an email in early 2016 that Russia had negative information on Clinton.

Russia’s hacking appears, in short, to have been common knowledge within the campaign. Despite that, Trump repeatedly denied that Russia had any involvement with the email hacking, suggesting China or a 400-pound man might be the true culprit. Trump and his advisers also made at least 20 false public denials that they had any contact with Russian officials during the campaign.

...One example of the kind Trump’s campaign may still be hiding came briefly to light two summers ago. In July 2016, a loose-knit community of computer scientists and cybersecurity experts discovered a strange pattern of online traffic between two computer servers. One of those servers belonged to Alfa Bank in Moscow and the other to the Trump Organization. Alfa Bank’s owners had “assumed an unforeseen level of prominence and influence in the economic and political affairs of their nation,” as a federal court once put it.

The analysts noted that the traffic between the two servers occurred during office hours in New York and Moscow and spiked in correspondence with major campaign events, suggesting it entailed human communication rather than bots. More suspiciously, after New York Times reporter Eric Lichtblau asked Alfa Bank about it but before he brought it up with the Trump campaign, the server in Trump Tower shut down. The timing strongly implied Alfa Bank was communicating with Trump.

In October, Slate’s Franklin Foer broke the story of the servers and the computer scientists’ analysis about what it seemed to mean, which he called “a suggestive body of evidence that doesn’t absolutely preclude alternative explanations.” When Foer’s story landed, the political world treated it as insane. Vox, which had dismissed reports about Trump’s secret Russian ties as “poorly evidenced conspiracy theories,” savaged the server report. The Intercept called it “wacky.” Lichtblau reported that the FBI was investigating the server but that it “ultimately concluded that there could be an innocuous explanation, like a marketing email or spam, for the computer contacts.”

That story became famous primarily for its headline conclusion, “Investigating Donald Trump, FBI Sees No Clear Link to Russia.” And yet, CNN reported in March 2017 that the FBI’s investigation into the server remained open. Meanwhile, the biggest mystery of Foer’s story-- why did Trump and Russia need a computer server to communicate?-- now has a coherent answer.

It was already apparent in 2016 that the highest-profile parts of Russia’s messaging machine, like RT and Sputnik, were biased toward Trump. But now we know that its social-media activity employed precise demographic and geographic targeting — far more precise than a foreign country would be expected to have and notably concentrated on “key demographic groups in areas of the states that turned out to be pivotal,” CNN reported. That information is highly valuable: When a Republican staffer named Aaron Nevins received stolen Democratic Party voter-profile data from Guccifer 2.0, the Russian-backed hacker, that summer, he wrote to the hacker, “This is probably worth millions of dollars.” The Alfa Bank server connection might not have been put to the exact same kind of collaborative purpose, but Russia’s social-media operation needed some fine-grained expertise to direct its targeted messages. It likely got it from somebody connected to Trump and quite possibly used the server to transmit directly with Trump Tower. If that server was transmitting data to and from Moscow, who in Trump Tower was feeding it?

...Now that he’s in office, Trump’s ties to Russia have attracted close scrutiny, and he has found his room to maneuver with Putin sharply constrained by his party. In early 2017, Congress passed sanctions to retaliate against Russia’s election attack. Trump lobbied to weaken them, and when they passed by vetoproof supermajorities, he was reportedly “apoplectic” and took four days to agree to sign the bill even knowing he couldn’t block it. After their passage, Trump has failed to enforce the sanctions as directed.

Trump also moved to return to Russia a diplomatic compound that had been taken by the Obama administration; announced that he and Putin had “discussed forming an impenetrable Cyber Security unit” to jointly guard against “election hacking”; and congratulated the Russian strongman for winning reelection, despite being handed a card before the call warning: “Do not congratulate.”

More recently, as Trump has slipped the fetters that shackled him in his first year in office, his growing confidence and independence have been expressed in a series of notably Russophilic moves. He has defied efforts by the leaders of Germany, France, Britain, and Canada to placate him, opening a deep rift with American allies. He announced that Russia should be allowed back into the G7, from which it had been expelled after invading Ukraine and seizing Crimea. Trump later explained that Russia had been expelled because “President Obama didn’t like [Putin]” and also because “President Obama lost Crimea, just so you understand. It’s his fault-- yeah, it’s his fault.”

During the conference, Trump told Western leaders that Crimea rightfully belongs to Russia because most of its people speak Russian. In private remarks, he implored French president Emmanuel Macron to leave the European Union, promising a better deal. Trump also told fellow leaders “NATO is as bad as NAFTA”-- reserving what for Trump counts as the most severe kind of insult to describe America’s closest military alliance. At a rally in North Dakota last month, he echoed this language: “Sometimes our worst enemies are our so-called friends or allies, right?”

Last summer, Putin suggested to Trump that the U.S. stop having joint military exercises with South Korea. Trump’s advisers, worried the concession would upset American allies, talked him out of the idea temporarily, but, without warning his aides, he offered it up in negotiations with Kim Jong-un. Again confounding his advisers, he has decided to arrange a one-on-one summit with Putin later this month, beginning with a meeting between the two heads of state during which no advisers will be present.

...Trump’s determination to conciliate Putin can’t be dismissed as casual trolling or some idle attraction to a friendly face. It has a serious cost: He is raising suspicions among the public, and among probably some hawkish Republican senators, whose support he very much needs against Mueller. His motive for these foreign-policy moves is obviously strong enough in his mind to be worth prolonging an investigation he is desperate to terminate.

There is one other way in which Trump’s behavior has changed in recent months. As Mueller has plunged deeper into his murky dealings with Russia, the president has increasingly abandoned the patina of innocence. Trump used to claim he would be vindicated, and his advisers insisted his periodic fits sprang from an irrational resentment that Mueller was tarnishing his election and obscuring his achievements.



Trump barely puts much effort into predicting a clean bill of health anymore. He acts like a man with a great deal to hide: declining to testify, dangling pardons to keep witnesses from incriminating him, publicly chastising his attorney general for not quashing the whole investigation, and endorsing Russia’s preposterous claims that it had nothing to do with the election at all. (“Russia continues to say they had nothing to do with Meddling in our Election!” he tweeted last month, contradicting the conclusion of every U.S. intelligence agency.) Trump’s behavior toward Russia looks nothing like that of a leader of a country it attacked and exactly like that of an accessory after the fact.

“After” could be optimistic. The logic of Russia’s role in helping Trump has not changed since the election. If Trump’s campaign hired hackers to penetrate his opponent’s communications or voting machines, they would risk arrest. But Putin can hire hackers with impunity. Mueller can indict Russians, and he has, but he can’t arrest them unless they decide to leave Russia. Outsourcing Trump’s hacking work to Putin made perfect sense for both men in 2016, and still does.

And if you’re Putin, embarking upon a coveted summit with the most Russophilic president since World War II, who is taking a crowbar to the alliance of your enemies, why wouldn’t you help him in 2018 and 2020? Ever since the fall of 2016, when Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell privately turned down an Obama-administration proposal for a bipartisan warning to Russia not to interfere in the election, the underlying dynamic has been set: Most Republicans would rather win an election with Putin’s help than lose one without it. The Democrats, brimming with rage, threaten to investigate Russian activity if they win a chamber of Congress this November. For Putin to redouble his attack-- by hacking into voting machines or some other method-- would be both strategic and in keeping with his personality. Why stop now?

Meanwhile, the White House has eliminated its top cybersecurity position. That might simply reflect a Republican bias against bureaucratic expertise. But it might also be just what it looks like: The cop on the beat is being fired because his boss is in cahoots with the crooks.

Shortly before Trump’s inauguration, according to Israeli journalist Ronen Bergman, Israeli intelligence officials gathered at CIA headquarters, where they were told something astonishing: Russia, the agency believed, had “leverages of pressure” over the incoming president. Therefore, the agency advised the Israelis to consider the possibility that Trump might pass their secrets on to Russia. The Israelis dismissed the warning as outlandish. Who could believe that the world’s most powerful country was about to hand its presidency to a Russian dupe? That the United States government had, essentially, fallen?

A few months later, Trump invited Russian diplomats into the Oval Office. He boasted to them that he had fired “nut job” James Comey. “I faced great pressure because of Russia. That’s taken off.” At the same meeting, Trump passed on to the Russians a highly sensitive intelligence secret Israel had captured from a valuable source inside ISIS. It was the precise danger Israel had been cautioned about.

Like many of the suspicious facts surrounding Trump’s relations with Russia, it was possible to construct a semi-innocent defense. Maybe he just likes to brag about what he knows. Maybe he’s just too doddering to remember what’s a secret. And as often happens, these unwieldy explanations gained general acceptance. It seemed just too crazy to consider the alternative: It was all exactly what it appeared to be.



Today, only 2 senators-- Rand Paul (R-KY) and Mike Lee (R-UT)-- voted against Jack Reed's amendment-- cosponsored by, among others, Pat Toomey (R-PA), Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Johnny Isakson (R-GA)-- reaffirming the American commitment to NATO-- a very direct slap in the face of Trump and his affinity to Putin and the Kremlin. It passed 97-2. Also, earlier today, the Center for American Progress, released a new report from their Moscow Project, Putin's Payout: 10 Ways Trump Has Supported Putin's Foreign Policy Agenda. The gist of it:
Putin’s Goal: Weaken and divide the transatlantic alliance.
Putin’s Payout: Trump undermines US relationships with European allies and calls the US’s commitment to NATO into question.
Putin’s Goal: Degrade the European Union and foster pro-Russian political movements.
Putin’s Payout: Trump attacks the EU and actively supports anti-EU, Kremlin-backed parties.
• Putin’s Goal: Disrupt American leadership of the global economic order.
Putin’s Payout: Trump is eagerly pushing for an all-out trade war with Europe.
 Putin’s Goal: Build global resentment and distrust towards the US and stoke anti-American sentiment.
Putin’s Payout: America’s closest allies are explicitly suspicious and distrusting of the US because of Trump’s rhetoric and actions.
 Putin’s Goal: Relieve economic and domestic political pressure from US sanctions on Russia.
Putin’s Payout: Trump tries to roll back, impede, and blunt the impact of sanctions at every step.
 Putin’s Goal: Legitimize his regime in the eyes of the world.
Putin’s Payout: Trump repeatedly praises and defends Putin, lending the weight of the US presidency providing validation towards Putin’s cause.
Putin’s Goal: Revive Russia’s status as a great power and gain international recognition for its illegal seizure of Crimea.
Putin’s Payout: Trump publicly says that Crimea is part of Russia and calls for Russia to be welcomed back into the international community with no concessions.
Putin’s Goal: Continue to sow discord in Western democracies and avoid repercussions for interfering in US and European elections.
Putin’s Payout: Trump dismisses Russian interference and has done nothing to prevent future meddling, putting him at odds with his own intelligence community.
Putin’s Goal: Soften America’s adversarial stance toward Russia.
Putin’s Payout: Trump is shifting the Republican Party’s generations-long hawkish views on Russia.
Putin’s Goal: Destabilize the US from within.
Putin’s Payout: Trump attacks US institutions while driving divisive politics and eroding democratic norms.


          Gov’t eyes Islamic financing for Mindanao projects      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
DAVAO CITY (MindaNews / 11 July) – The government is planning to tap Islamic financing called “Sukuk” to fund big-ticket projects in Mindanao through the state-owned Al Amanah Islamic Bank, an official of the Mindanao Development Authority (MinDA) said. MinDA executive deputy director Romeo Montenegro told “Wednesdays at Habi at Kape” that they requested President Rodrigo Duterte […]
          Who's The Boss      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
President Trump shoved his way to the front of the line Thursday as he and fellow NATO leaders were gathering for a photo. The president busted through leaders and put his hand on the prime minister of Montenegro, Dusko Markovic, appearing to push him out of the way to get to the front. Even Don Lemon LHAO
          By the numbers: NATO defense spending      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

President Trump arrives today at the annual NATO summit in Brussels fixated on the fact that most members are falling short of defense spending targets, going so far as to declare that the current state of affairs "just doesn't work" for the U.S.

Data: NATO; Chart: Andrew Witherspoon/Axios

The bigger picture: Trump isn't the first president to push Europe on defense spending, but the 2% figure only tells part of the story.


By the numbers...

  • 29 countries across Europe, the U.S. and Canada comprise the NATO alliance. 12 original members joined in 1949, and Montenegro became the newest member last year.
  • 62,635 U.S. troops were based in Europe as of 2016, with about half of those in Germany and Italy and the U.K. also hosting large numbers.
  • On the agenda for this week: The "readiness initiative" that would, per CSIS, "ensure NATO has 30 battalions, 30 combat vessels, and 30 air squadrons ready within 30 days.

The spending picture...

  • 1.45% of GDP, across all non-U.S. NATO members, is invested in defense.
  • 5 members (rounding up for Poland) met the 2% threshold last year. 3 more plan to by year’s end, and 15 have presented plans to get to 2% by the 2024 deadline.
  • 72% of all defense spending among NATO members comes from the U.S. The next biggest spenders — the U.K., France and Germany — together spend 20% of the U.S. total.
  • 11 of the 29 members spend the targeted 20% of their military budget on equipment (rather than, say, military pensions), while several countries — like Slovenia and Belgium — fall far short.

Approval of NATO...

  • 62% of Americans have a favorable view of NATO, per Pew. That’s right at the median among member states.
  • 78% of Democrats have a favorable view, up from 58% in 2016. 47% of Republicans approve.
  • 79% in Poland and the Netherlands have favorable views, the highest rate. The lowest approval comes in Turkey (23%) and Greece (27%).

The Russia question...

  • 60+% in Greece, Italy, Germany, Spain and the U.K. say they’d expect the U.S. to use military force if Russia got into serious military conflict with a NATO ally, per Pew, while less than 50% (and just 25% in Greece) say they’d expect their country’s military to take part. Those numbers are more balanced in France, Canada and Poland.
  • 28 of 29 members reduced trade with Russia between 2012 and 2016 amid a series of sanctions, per CSIS. The exception is Croatia.
  • 22 of 29 NATO members have increased defense spending since 2014, when Russia’s annexation of Crimea spurred increased urgency among members. One exception: the U.S.

Go deeper: Despite Trump’s attacks on NATO members, U.S. support also down.


          ‘Morning Joe’ Shreds Trump’s NATO Rant: ‘Performing for Vladimir Putin’      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

The set of “Morning Joe” was appalled by Donald Trump’s performance at the annual NATO summit this week, suggesting Wednesday that a highly public tirade Trump launched against Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg was merely a performance for Vladimir Putin.

“It’s hard not to believe he wasn’t performing for Vladimir Putin, given how kind of overt that was,” said co-host Mika  Brzezinski.

The moment flew by as a bit of off-the-cuff commentary after a news report by MSNBC White House correspondent Kristen Welker. Joe Scarborough sat silently.

Also Read: 'Morning Joe' Praises Brett Kavanaugh: 'Not a Wild Judge Jeanine Pirro Pick'

On Wednesday, the president, who has long been skeptical of NATO, laced into Stoltenberg at a breakfast meeting where he raised old concerns about allies not contributing enough money towards collective defense and accused Germany of being “controlled by Russia” because of its dependence on an oil and gas pipeline between the two countries.

Trump berated the European leaders, who sat mostly silent, for more than two minutes. He was evidently pleased enough with the moment to share it on Twitter.

The president has a history of confrontation at the NATO summit. During last year’s summit, Trump shoved Montenegro Prime Minister Dusko Markovic in a moment that went viral.

In advance of this year’s trip, European Council President Donald Tusk offered a pointed warning for both Trump and his European counterparts.

”It is always worth knowing who is your strategic friend and who is your strategic problem,” he said. ”Dear America, appreciate your allies. After all, you don’t have that many. And dear Europe, spend more on your defense because everybody expects an ally that is well-prepared and equipped.”

Related stories from TheWrap:

'Morning Joe' Praises Brett Kavanaugh: 'Not a Wild Judge Jeanine Pirro Pick'

'Morning Joe': Trump Lies About Crowd Sizes Because 'There's a Compensation Issue' (Video)

'Morning Joe' Mocks Alan Dershowitz for Lost Martha's Vineyard Friends: 'McCarthyism Is Back'

'Morning Joe' Blames Michael Cohen for Trump's Erratic Tweets: 'Driving Him Nuts'


          La OTAN saca chispas      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Por la Espiral Claudia Luna Palencia El estreno el año pasado del presidente norteamericano Donald Trump en la cumbre de la OTAN (NATO, por sus siglas en inglés) dejó muchos sinsabores, no nada más por el manotazo en la espalda y el empellón propinado al brazo de Dusko Markovic, primer ministro de Montenegro; también por ...
          On the Purpose of NATO & the Cost of European Defense      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

The anxiety leading up to this week’s NATO summit is unusually intense, thanks in large part to President Trump’s fractious relationship with European allies. Trump’s political values are often in tension with that of his transatlantic counterparts, and the White House is inching ever closer to an all-out trade war with Europe and Canada, but the real drama of the NATO summit will center on Trump’s brash accusations of allied free-riding. He recently sent letters to many European capitals berating them for not meeting their pledge to spend at least 2 percent of GDP on defense.

In a post at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau and Nick Childs try to push back on the notion that providing for European defense is all that costly for the United States. While it is true that the $602.8 billion the United States spent on its military in 2017 “was the equivalent of 70.1% of aggregate spending by all NATO member states,” this exaggerates the true cost, they argue.

Direct U.S. spending on European defense, by their estimate, is only about $30.7 billion in 2017 and $36 billion in 2018, or between 5.1% and 5.5% of the total U.S. defense budget.

How do they calculate this number? They tally up the cost of three things: (1) direct funding for NATO, including common procurements; (2) the costs of the U.S. military presence in Europe; and (3) U.S. foreign military assistance.

Now, $30-$40 billion every year is nothing to sniff at. That is an enormous chunk of change for an America that is $21 trillion in debt to be spending on the defense of a region that is remarkably rich, powerful, and safe.

The problem, however, is that this understates the true cost of America’s NATO commitments. It is misleading to count the U.S. contribution to NATO solely as a sum of direct annual costs. The tally should also account for the indirect cost of maintaining a military big enough to fulfill our security commitments in Europe. It must account for some share of the permanent force structure that would shift to the reserves, or disappear entirely, if the United States wasn’t pledged to treating an attack on Paris, France or Podgorica, Montenegro as synonymous with attacks on Paris, Texas, or Portland, Maine. This more inclusive count is very difficult if not impossible to calculate with precision, but it is more honest.

Moreover, if the debate about NATO burden sharing boils down to bickering over budget accounting, it would seem like proponents of the status quo are playing hide the ball. The object of U.S. foreign policy is to discourage other countries from spending more on defense. It is disingenuous to pretend otherwise. Free riding is not a bug of U.S. grand strategy, it is a feature of it — a point made perhaps too candidly by the Manhattan Institute’s Claire Berlinski: “How is it, then,” she asks, “that suddenly, we’re consumed with rage that Europe is ‘taking advantage’ of us? How have we forgotten that this is the point of the system? We designed it this way…”

She’s right. As Hal Brands, one of the leading scholarly proponents of America’s post-war grand strategy, explains in his book American Grand Strategy in the Age of Trump, the United States provides “protection that allows other countries to underbuild their militaries.” Or, as Christopher Layne writes in his book The Peace of Illusions, Washington “used NATO…to foreclose the possibility that the West European states would re-nationalize their security policies.”

If America is going to have a debate about security guarantees, it must be an informed one. It should not rest on downplaying the true costs of such policies, nor should it pretend that free riding is some kind of mistake. It seems rather futile to defend the strategy by arguing against its very logic.

The author thanks Christopher A. Preble and Caroline Dorminey for input on this post. 


          NAVO nodigt Macedonië formeel uit voor lidmaatschapsgesprekken - NRC      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

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NAVO nodigt Macedonië formeel uit voor lidmaatschapsgesprekken
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          PES 6 Option File Season 2018/19 (No Patch)      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

CREDITS: PES6Arema

Features:
Update the latest players of the national team
Last transfer of season 2018/2019
Update player abilities based on pesstatsdatabase.com
English Premiere League full update
Ligue 1 full update
Serie A full update
Bundesliga full update
UEFA other club full update
Top 4 2nd division club full update to complete your master league mode
Available countries participating AFF Cup 2018
Young players in some clubs and master league
Update jersey and club formation
Update the face and hair of players

New Club:
Cardif City FC (England)
Wolvermampton (England)
Fulham FC (England)
Nimes Olympique (France)
Stade Reims (France)
Parma AC (Italy)
Empoli (Italy)
Frosinone (Italy)
Fortuna Düsseldorf (Germany)
FC Nürnberg (Germany)
Lechia Gdanks (Poland)
Legia Warsawa (Poland)

New national team:
Boznia and Herzegovina (UEFA)
Serbia (UEFA)
Iceland (UEFA)
Montenegro (UEFA)
Egypt (CAF)
Morroco (CAF)
Senegal (CAF)
Algeria (CAF)
Panama (CONCACAF)
China (AFC)
Indonesia (AFC)
Thailand (AFC)
Vietnam (AFC)
Singapore (AFC)
Malaysia (AFC)

Update:
All player ability copying from PESSTATSDATABASE.COM if there's nothing we convert from PESMASTER or PESKINGEDITIONS

Premier League, La Liga, Ligue 1, Serie A, Bundesliga, UEFA Other Club A, B, C

INSTALLATION: 

1. Download e_text, 0_text, PES6.exe and Option File by following download link above
2. Extract using WINRAR or WINZIP
3. Put e_text.afs and 0_text you have downloaded into C:\Program Files (x86)\KONAMI\Pro Evolution Soccer 6\dat (replace your old e_text.afs and 0_text)
4. Put PES6.exe to C:\Program Files (x86)\KONAMI\Pro Evolution Soccer 6 (replace your old PES6.exe)
5. Put KONAMI-WIN32PES6OPT to C:\Users\your computer name\Documents\KONAMI\Pro Evolution Soccer 6\save\folder1 (replace your old file)

DOWNLOAD



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