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          Football / Les Coelacanthes U17 médaillés de bronze après leur victoire face à DjiboutiLa...      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Football / Les Coelacanthes U17 médaillés de bronze après leur victoire face à Djibouti

La sélection de football des Comores des U17 vient de décrocher la médaille de bronze des jeux des jeunes de l’Océan indien, à Djibouti. Les Coelacanthes occuperont la troisième place après s’être imposés au tirs au but (3-4) au football, face à la sélection Djiboutienne.

"Nous n’avons pas pu défendre notre titre de champion de la Cjsoi, mais on ne va pas rentrer les mains vides", a déclaré le sélectionneur comorien, Zaindoudine Msoili.

L’équipe djiboutienne a essayé le premier tir, avec Ibrahim Ali Houssein, qui sera capté par Ibrahim Ourfane. Les Comores ont tranformé leurs trois premiers tirs avant que leur adversaire Omar Abdalla ne rate le sien, en faveur des Verts comoriens.

"Je suis beaucoup plus soulagé d’avoir remporté ce bronze", jubile l’attaquant qui a transformé le premier essai comorien, Naguib Youssouf.

La Cérémonie de remise des médailles de football aura lieu demain, samedi, au stade Gouled au terme de la finale "la Réunion vs Madagascar".

La délégation comorienne rentrera de la capitale régionale de la jeunesse sportive et culturelle 2018 avec deux médailles de bronze.

Elie-Dine Djouma

Author: avatar_idyu_ealaa_aliitlaq4
Tags: Football Les Coelacanthes U17 médaillés de bronze après leur
Posted: 11 Juli 2018


          East African bloc lauds China-built free trade zone in Djibouti      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
ADDIS ABABA. — The Secretariat of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has lauded the China-built International Free Trade Zone (DIFTZ) in Djibouti. The Horn of Africa nation last Thursday inaugurated the DIFTZ at an august ceremony in Djibouti. “This is a clear demonstration of regional economic integration that the member states have been working […]
          JKU yatinga Nusu Fainali Cecafa baada ya kuifunga Singida United kukutana na SImba      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Na Mwandishi Wetu, DAR ES SALAAM


SAFARI ya Singida United katika michuano ya Klabu Bingwa Afrika Mashariki na Kati, Kombe la Kagame imefikia tamati katika hatua ya Robo Fainali baada ya kutolewa na JKU Zanzibar kwa penalti 4-3 kufuatia sare ya 0-0 usiku wa leo Uwanja wa Taifa mjini Dar es Salaam.



Kwa matokeo hayo, JKU itakutana na Simba SC katika Nusu Fainali Jumatano, siku ambayo Azam FC itamenyana na Gor Mahia, mechi zote zikipigwa Uwanja wa Taifa.



Mapema katika Nusu Fainali ya kwanza, mabingwa watetezi, Azam FC waliichapa mabao 4-2 Rayon Sport ya Rwanda Uwanja wa Azam Complex, Chamazi, Dar es Salaam.


Pongezi kwake shujaa wa timu hiyo leo, mshambuliaji chipukizi, Shaaban Iddi Chilunda aliyefunga mabao yote manne peke yake katika dakika za 19, 33, 39 na 64 katika michuano yake ya kwanza ya Kombe la Kagame.

Ikumbukwe Chilunda anacheza kwa mara ya mwisho Azam FC kabla ya kwenda Hispania kuanza kuutumikia mkataba wa mkopo wa miaka miwili Tenerife ya Daraja la Pili Hispania.

 Mabao ya Rayon Sports inayoshiriki michuano ya Kombe la Shirikisho Afrika ikiwa Kundi D pamoja na vigogo wa Tanzania, Yanga SC yamefungwa na Rwatubyaye Abdul dakika ya 42 na Manishimwe Djabel dakika ya 81. 

Simba na Gor Mahia zilitangulia Nusu Fainali ya michuano hiyo inayofanyika kwa mara ya kwanza baada ya miaka mitatu jana, kufuatia kuzitoa Vipers ya Uganda na AS Ports ya Djibouti.

 Ilianza Gor Mahia kutoka nyuma na kushinda 2-1, baada ya kutanguliwa na Vipers kwa bao la Thadeo Lwanga dakika ya 17, kabla ya kuzinduka na kusawazisha kwa mabao ya Francis Mustafa dakika ya 48 na 75.

 Mchezo wa pili, Mohamed Rashid akatokea benchi dakika ya 59 kwenda kuchukua nafasi ya Adam Salamba na kuifungia Simba bao pekee dakika ya 65 dhidi ya AS Ports.

          EU condemns Djibouti and Uganda’s failure to arrest Sudan’s Bashir      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
July 10, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – The European Union condemned two east African countries, Djibouti and Uganda, for refusing to arrest Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir, the only sitting head of state wanted by the International criminal court. President al-Bashir was in Djibouti on 5 July to attend the inauguration of a regional trade zone. Also, he […]
          World: Energy for Crisis Recovery: Solar Solutions for Crisis-Affected Communities in the Arab Region      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: UN Development Programme
Country: Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, occupied Palestinian territory, Somalia, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Turkey, World, Yemen

I. Introduction: The energy challenge in crisis contexts

Sustainable energy is a critical element for achieving goals of immediate recovery and longer-term resilience in fragile and crisis contexts. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the Arab region, where countries have experienced an expansion of conflict, drought and an unprecedented level of displacement. The ability of communities to cope with and rapidly recover from crisis hinges in many ways on their ability to regain sustainable access to energy.

Energy fuels communities access to water, to social services like health and education, to transport and communication needs, and is critical for regenerating livelihoods and local economies. But too often countries affected by crisis are unable to bring back online the type of energy systems needed for an effective recovery. In such contexts, decentralized energy solutions are now receiving greater attention, as a way of meeting the needs of affected communities and setting the foundations for resilience.

As countries seek new bridges between humanitarian and development interventions, and new resilience-based approaches to crisis recovery, the role of sustainable energy solutions has come into greater focus. Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG 7) on energy calls on countries to “ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all.” Among those most in need are the record numbers of individuals globally and in the Arab region affected by conflicts, droughts and disasters. Many countries suffering the impacts of crisis are also energy poor, relying heavily on energy imports for economic and social needs. In these contexts, expanding sustainable energy solutions is seen not as an end in itself, but as an enabler on the road from fragility to resilience. This is particularly important in the protracted situations of conflict and displacement faced in the Arab region.

Globally, the number of people forcibly displaced by conflicts and disasters has reached record levels. The world now has a record 65.3 million forcibly displaced persons, including over 21 million refugees crossing borders, and over 40 million internal displacements within countries. In 2016 alone, there were 31.1 million new internal displacements associated with conflict and disasters globally, of which 24.2 million were internally displaced by disasters and 6.9 million by conflicts. In the past eight years, the world has recorded more than 203 million Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) around the world, an unprecedented increase.

To make matters worse, the vast majority of refugees and IDPs are hosted in developing countries which already face strained levels of energy security. Constraints often exist to extending energy access to displaced communities, either owing to ongoing conflicts and destruction of power grid infrastructure, or from lack of fiscal space and limited ability to expand already-stretched energy supplies. In such communities, expanding use of decentralized energy solutions is important not only for short-term needs, but from a longer-term development perspective as it helps reduce pressures on host communities and fiscal pressures on the State.

Across the Arab region, a lack of access to energy is hindering the ability of crisisaffected communities to earn a living, access food and water, or access health and education services, and is an important obstacle to recovering from crisis. As further elaborated below, in many countries in the region, expanding access to solar solutions has emerged as one potential enabler of resilience building for affected communities. The ability to scale-up sustainable energy solutions in crisis contexts is in many ways a litmus test for the aspired goal of bridging the humanitarian-development divide and crafting ‘resilient recovery’ solutions – priorities that have come into strong focus in recent years in global and regional fora.

The SDGs and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development call for more integrated and resilience-based approaches to development. Energy is a key factor in helping individuals, households, communities, society and the State bounce back effectively from crisis and shocks, ensuring that crises do not lead to a downturn in human development indicators, while also helping communities transition to long-term resilient pathways.


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UN Expects More Involvement From China’s Base in Djibouti: Representative
By Li Ruohan in Djibouti
Global Times
2018/7/10 23:08:40

The UN representative in Djibouti has expressed confidence that the Chinese Navy's logistics base in Djibouti could further engage with regional humanitarian efforts, with Chinese experts saying the country's advanced weapons, such as Rainbow drones, could participate in such missions.

"It's important for all countries to be prepared in case of disasters, and to ensure that all resources and assets available are mobilized to respond to such disasters in case of need," Barbara Manzi, UN Resident Coordinator of Djibouti, told the Global Times.

The UN is looking forward to further engage with China's base in Djibouti to find ways, as responsible members of the international community, to better support the Government to serve such goals, Manzi said.

Djibouti is an island of peace, surround by countries which experience many difficulties, and its geographic location makes it an ideal place to support regional humanitarian efforts and cooperation, Manzi said.

Though a small country, Djibouti holds a strategically important location facing the Gulf of Aden. The country is home to China's first overseas naval logistics base, which began construction in 2016 and formally opened in August 2017 with a flag raising ceremony in Djibouti at the Horn of Africa.

On July 2, over 100 soldiers in the base held a skill competition in the heat of 43 C conditions. The competition, which has lasted nearly a month, has 56 events that include marksmanship and examinations on vehicle explosives, news site people.cn reported. 

Soldiers trained at the base could get more involved in disaster relief missions and regional efforts to fight against terrorists and pirates, Song Zhongping, a military expert and TV commentator, told the Global Times.

Joint drills with African troops is another option, in which the Chinese Navy bring their advanced weapons, such as light weapons, armed vehicles and China's home-made Rainbow drones, according to Song.

With strong capability in detecting targets, the Rainbow drones could also accomplish real-time attack missions with high accuracy, which makes it a useful weapon in anti-terrorist activities, said Song.

Medical staffers in the base could also join such missions more frequently and help train local personnel, Song added.

The base also provides medical treatment for Chinese business persons in case of emergency, according to staffers from a nearby Chinese company reached by the Global Times. 

Sitting on the Bad el-Mandeb Strait, a gateway to one of the world's busiest shipping routes, Djibouti is also home to the largest US permanent military base in Africa and one of the largest concentrations of French overseas forces.  

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East African Bloc Lauds China-built Free Trade Zone in Djibouti 
 ADDIS ABABA. — The Secretariat of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has lauded the China-built International Free Trade Zone (DIFTZ) in Djibouti.

The Horn of Africa nation last Thursday inaugurated the DIFTZ at an august ceremony in Djibouti.
“This is a clear demonstration of regional economic integration that the member states have been working towards,” IGAD said in a statement yesterday.

The $370 million project consists of three functional blocks located close to all of Djibouti’s major ports, and the pilot zone will have four industrial clusters, focusing on trade and logistics, export processing and business support.

Estimated to handle over $7 billion worth of trade in the next two years, the Free Trade Zone will house manufacturing, warehouse facilities, an export processing area and service centers that will create over 15,000 job opportunities, IGAD has noted in the statement.

President Ismael Omar Guelleh of Djibouti stated during the launch that the Free Trade Zone is a place of hope for thousands of young job seekers.

The importance of this Free Trade Zone extends beyond the IGAD region to the rest of the African continent, as was well articulated by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who noted that it will not only serve Djibouti but wider regions of the continent.

This was also echoed by the Prime Minister of Ethiopia and chair of IGAD, Abiy Ahmed; the President of Somalia, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed; the President of Sudan, Omar Al Bashir, and the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who have graced the launching ceremony.

Speaking during the inaugural ceremony, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia expressed his country’s support to Djibouti in efforts to speed up regional economic integration.

“The IGAD Secretariat is proud of this important milestone in regional integration and associates with it as it contributes towards the realization of the aspirations of the ongoing discussions on the IGAD free movement protocol and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA),” said the East African bloc.

– Xinhua

          Remittance rip-offs      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

All over the world migrant workers are sending money home to their families. The money pays hospital bills and school fees, buys land, builds houses and sets up small businesses. The cash goes from the US back to Mexico, from the Gulf back to India, from the UK back to Somalia, and from South Africa back to Malawi, Zimbabwe and the rest of southern Africa. 

But what these workers probably do not realize, since they usually only ever send to one country, is that the cost of sending money varies greatly. Now a study of the cost of remittances, carried out by London's Overseas Development Institute with support from the fund-raising charity Comic Relief, has revealed that transfers to African countries cost around half as much again as the global average, and twice as much as transfers to Latin America. 

The ODI estimates that if remittance charges were brought down to the world average, the money saved could educate an extra 14 million primary school children, half of all those currently out of school on the continent.

The bulk of this money goes through money transfer companies rather than banks, since the recipients are unlikely to have bank accounts, and transfer companies are quick, efficient and have a wide network of agents. But just two big international players dominate the business in Africa, Moneygram and Western Union, and participants in a meeting to launch the research were highly critical of the way they seemed to be abusing their market dominance.

Rwanda's High Commissioner in London, Williams Nkurunziza, said he was shocked at what the report revealed. “If you look at the remittances, 30 or 40 percent of the money that goes to Africa goes to rural areas,” he said. “This money goes to the people who are most needy, and you are allowing a multinational corporation to take bread out of the mouth of hungry children. This is not what I would call responsible capitalism!”

Glenys Kinnock, opposition spokesman on International Development in the upper house of the UK parliament, who chaired the meeting, called on the country's financial regulatory authority to intervene over the issue of excessive charges. “It is not a technocratic issue,” she said, “although it may sound like one. It is also about people's lives and the future of their children... These things have to change. We can't put up any longer with the prospect of its making things so difficult, very often impossible, for people who have such needs.”

At the end of last year, when the ODI did its research, the fees and charges to send money to most of Africa were around 12 percent - a bit less to Zambia or Tanzania, a bit more to Uganda, Malawi and the Gambia - against a world average of just over 8 percent. Even that is quite expensive; the governments of the G8 and G20 countries have pledged themselves to working towards reducing this to 5 percent.

It found that in more than 30 countries the two big players had more than 50 percent of the market; and in 10 countries they had more than 90 percent. Sometimes either Moneygram or Western Union had an effective monopoly, but even where both companies were present it did not necessarily mean that customers had much choice; one company could still have a monopoly of outlets in a particular area, and the companies habitually make their paying-out agents sign contracts promising not to also act as agents for their rivals. 

Somalia different

Significantly, the one country where the big two are absent - Somalia - has far lower remittance charges; transfers go through a number of smaller, competing companies.

Competition has been limited by the fallout from the US “war on terror”, with the banks who do bulk international transfers citing money-laundering and anti-terrorism regulations as the reason they are reluctant to extend facilities to smaller companies. Now only the biggest of the Somali companies, Dahabshiil, still has an account with a major British bank (Barclays) and even that concession was forced by a court case and is only until other arrangements can be put in place.

Inter-Africa transfers cost most

But if charges to send money to Africa from outside are steep, the cost of sending money from one African country to another can be eye-watering. 

Dilip Ratha, who works on these issues for the World Bank says exchange controls are one of the reasons the rates are so high; in some places sending money out of the country is illegal. “So if you are sending money,” he says, “let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created.” 

"So if you are sending money, let's say from Benin to Ghana, it is actually allowed (in some countries it's not even allowed) but first the CFA has to be passed through into euros or sterling or dollars, and then it has to be transferred back into the local cedi, and in both cases you pay commission. Some sort of regional currency market really needs to be created"  

The report found 10 routes with bank transfer charges over 20 percent. Charges from Nigeria to Ghana were 22 percent. To send from Tanzania to the rest of East Africa, or from South Africa to its near neighbours is particularly expensive, peaking at 25 percent for bank transfers between South African and Malawi. Some of the fees charged by money transfer companies are even higher; if you send money that way from Ghana to Nigeria you may have to pay a staggering 39 percent.

In some places mobile phone based systems like M-Pesa have made in-country transfers much easier and cheaper, but they haven't really taken off internationally, largely because conservative, inflexible regulatory systems insist that all international transfers must go through conventional banks. And African banks tend to have very high charges, often because they are forced by governments to finance government projects or make uncommercial loans. 

Chukwuemeka Chikezie of the Up Africa consultancy told IRIN a lot of the responsibility lay with African governments. “One of the reasons M-Pesa took off in Kenya was because the authorities nurtured and enabled innovation. If you look at other countries the regulators have tended to stifle innovation. They are very risk-averse and they don't enable even limited experiments to prove that the markets can absorb technical innovation.”

In addition, money-laundering regulations are putting impossible demands on systems designed to serve the poor, requiring, for instance, “know your customer” procedures like taking copies of ID documents for anyone receiving an international payout. Selma Ribica of M-Pesa points out this is an impossibility for agents in rural areas with no power supply. She told IRIN she would like to see a more realistic, tiered approach with much lighter regulation for small international transfers (under, say, US$200-300) which are most unlikely to have anything to do with money laundering.

Beware Facebook, Walmart

M-Pesa depends on moving money between different customers' mobile phone accounts. Now people are beginning to think of other kinds of electronic “purses” which might be linked in the same way. 

Facebook has just proposed allowing transfers between customers who have accounts with the company which they normally use to make payments for online games. So far this is only proposed for payments within the European Union, but Facebook has a huge geographical spread and has said it is keen to extend its reach in Africa. 

And the big profits made by the transfer companies are tempting other players into the market. The latest to announce it is starting money transfers is the US supermarket chain Walmart, with recipients being able to pick up their cash from any shop in the chain. To start with this will only work within the United States and Puerto Rico, but Walmart is an international group with nearly 350 stores in South Africa, and it also has a presence in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi and Mozambique, opening up the tempting prospect of a new, and cheaper way for workers to send money home.

All these new ways of sending money aim to undercut Moneygram and Western Union. Now Western Union has responded by offering so-called “zero-fee” transfers to Africa if the money is sent from a bank account rather by credit card or cash. This would mean a saving of just under £5 ($8.40) for someone sending $100 from the UK to Liberia. The company would still make money (nearly $4) by using a favourable exchange rate, but it would bring the cost down to just below the G8/G20 target. 

For African's hard-pressed and hard-working migrants and their families back home, change may - finally - be on the way.

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99977 201404221522570983.jpg Feature Politics and Economics Remittance rip-offs IRIN LONDON Angola Burkina Faso Burundi Benin Botswana DRC Congo, Republic of Côte d’Ivoire Cameroon Colombia Cape Verde Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Gabon Ghana Gambia Guinea Equatorial Guinea Guinea-Bissau Kenya Liberia Lesotho Morocco Madagascar Mali Mauritania Mauritius Malawi Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Seychelles Sudan Sierra Leone Senegal Somalia Sao Tome and Principe eSwatini Chad Togo Tanzania Uganda Samoa South Africa Zambia Zimbabwe
          Ethiopia, Djibouti - Torchbearers of Regional Integration      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
[Ethiopian Herald] Ethio-Djibouti ties dates back to ancient times of pre-colonial Eastern Africa. There are abundant records indicating several hundred years of diplomatic history between kingdoms and sultanates of the two states and much of that long history of bilateral relations has been characterized by extraordinary neighborliness.
          Paravent en Jacinthe d'Eau      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
L'Agence Française de Développement à Djibouti (AFD) met en vente un Paravent en Jacinthe d'Eau, coloris dark dystain, en parfait état général. Dimensions : hauteur = 1.75m, Largeur = 1....
          Master 2 Comptabilité Recherche d’emploi      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Bonjour tout le monde. Je suis à la recherche d’emploi et j’ai un master 2 CCA (comptabilité contrôle Audit ) de retour à Djibouti depuis quelque mois. J’ai plusieurs expériences dans de cabinet...
          Recherche appart meublé type f2 ou f3      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Bonjour à tous,je recherche activement un appartement meublé sur djibouti-ville au heron,gabode ou cité hodan de type f2 principalement ou f3,entièrement meublé,le seul hic c'est pour un sejour...
          AZAM FC NA SIMBA SC WATAVUKA VIKWAZO??       Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

Wachezaji wa Azam FC (kushoto) na Simba (kulia) katika matukio tofauti kwenye moja ya mechi zao kwenye Kombe la Kagame.
***
Klabu za soka za Azam FC na Simba SC zina nafasi ya kuweka rekodi endapo tu zitafanikiwa kushinda mechi zake za nusu fainali ya michuano ya Kombe la Kagame ambazo zinachezwa leo jioni kwenye uwanja wa taifa jijini Dar es salaam.

Mchezo wa nusu fainali ya kwanza kati ya Gor Mahia dhidi ya Azam FC ni kumbukumbu ya fainali ya mwaka 2015 ambayo iliwapatia Azam FC ubingwa wao wa kwanza wa Kombe hilo kwa kushinda mabao 2-0. Baada ya hapo Gor Mahia imekuwa ni timu imara na yenye changamoto kwa timu za Tanzania.

Endapo Azam FC watafanikiwa kushinda leo dhidi ya Gor Mahia, watakuwa wamejiweka kwenye mazingira mazuri ya kutetea ubingwa wao ambao wanaushikilia tangu mwaka 2015. Ikumbukwe kuwa michuano hii haikufanyika katika miaka ya 2016 na 2017.

Kwa upande wa Simba ambao ndio mabingwa wa historia wa kombe hilo, wakiwa wamelitwaa mara sita, wanashuka dimbani kucheza na mabingwa wa Zanzibar JKU. Endapo Simba watafanikiwa kutinga hatua ya fainali watakuwa wanakaribia kuendelea kupanua rekodi yao kwa kutwaa taji la 7.

Katika mechi zao za robo fainali Azam FC ilishinda mabao 4-2 dhidi ya Rayon Sports ya Rwanda huku Simba ikishinda bao 1-0 dhidi ya AS Ports ya Djibouti. JKU wao waliitoa Singida United kwa penati 4-3 huku Gor Mahia wakiifunga 2-1 timu ya Vipers ya Uganda.

Je, Azam na Simba watavuka vikwazo ili mmoja wao akaweke rekodi au Gor Mahia na JKU wataweka maajabu na kutengeneza historia mpya ? Mechi ya kwanza Azam FC na Gor Mahia inaanza saa 8:00 Mchana huku Simba na JKU ikianza saa 11:00 Jioni.

          Military Photo of the Day: Jumping Together      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Parachute Jump
U.S. and French Armed Forces recently jump in unison to honor the two nations’ friendship at Camp Lemonnier in the African nation of Djibouti. Wow! What a spectacular photo.        
          Somalia: EU steps up humanitarian aid in Somalia with €89.5 million      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
Source: European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Country: Djibouti, Somalia

The European Union has released €89.5 million in humanitarian assistance to Somalia and Djibouti, as millions are grappling with the consequences of prolonged extreme weather conditions.

The funding comes ahead of the Somalia Partnership Forum co-hosted by the European Union taking place next week over 16-17 July.

"The devastating effects of two years of drought and the recent intense flooding are taking their toll on the livelihood of millions of people in Somalia," said Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management Christos Stylianides. "Our aid will target the most vulnerable and provide life-saving support to those affected by climatic shocks and internal conflict."

Out of the aid package, €89 million in emergency assistance will be channelled in Somalia to reach communities displaced by severe drought, focussing on the prevention and treatment of malnutrition, water supply and livestock protection, as well as health measures against epidemics.

A further €500,000 is going to Djibouti to support refugees in the country (mostly fleeing the conflict in Yemen, but also from Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea) by providing water, sanitation and protection to the communities living in the Ali Addeh, Hol Hol and Markazi refugee camps.

With €119 million allocated to Somalia in 2017 alone, the EU has drastically scaled up its humanitarian assistance to the country, helping to avert a catastrophe similar to the 2011 famine which resulted in 260,000 deaths.

Background

About half of Somalia's 12 million inhabitants are food insecure and in need of humanitarian assistance, while an estimated 1.2 million children are expected to be acutely malnourished during the course of 2018. The country has 2.6 million internally displaced people, and the situation worsened following the April 2018 floods, which affected 427,000 people and left 175,000 displaced. In addition to climate shocks, conflict remains at the centre of the humanitarian crisis in Somalia with insecurity and violence taking a heavy toll on civilians for decades, affecting livelihoods and hampering economic progress and development.

In Djibouti, the European Union provides humanitarian aid to the refugee population as well as the host communities. Since 2012, over €10 million in emergency assistance has been allocated to the country. Humanitarian funding from the European Union provides refugees with access to clean water and sanitation as well as, protection.

Emergency assistance links up with longer-term development strategies to mitigate the impact of climate shocks and promote resilience among the affected communities.


          Bereket Simon Hotel Under Siege. SUV Burned in, Debremarkos - በረከት ስማዖን ያረፈበት ሆቴል በደብረማርቆስ ወጣቶች ተከቧል      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

በረከት ስማዖን ያረፈበት ሆቴል በደብረማርቆስ ወጣቶች ተከቧል ይላል ዘ-ሃበሻ  
https://goo.gl/kATImk

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Ethiopia, in the Horn of Africa, is a rugged, landlocked country split by the Great Rift Valley. With archaeological finds dating back more than 3 million years, it’s a place of ancient culture. Among its important sites are Lalibela with its rock-cut Christian churches from the 12th–13th centuries. Aksum is the ruins of an ancient city with obelisks, tombs, castles and Our Lady Mary of Zion church.

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          The Real-Life Consequences of the (Now-Lawful) Travel Ban      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   

This is how the third version of Trump’s travel ban, the one that the Supreme Court says is lawful, affects one person. One American. One family.

As an immigration lawyer, I met Arua after working with her two brothers, Ali and Mohamed. The three siblings were born in New York City, where they grew up with their parents, who are also U.S. citizens.

When the siblings reached marriage age, their father traveled to Yemen to arrange matches for them. They all married in Yemen, after which they returned to New York to wait for the immediate relative petitions they filed to be approved so their spouses could join them in the United States. Ali and Mohamed came to me after the Saudis bombed their family village, Taiz, in Yemen, where their wives were still living. Meanwhile, the United States closed its embassy in Yemen and the war escalated—Arua’s family neighborhood was destroyed.

I worked with New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand to push U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, or USCIS, to adjudicate the men’s petitions, which were finally approved. Ali and Mohammad’s wives were able to escape from Yemen and get to Djibouti, where they were finally issued immigrant visas, and join their husbands in New York.

Arua wasn’t as lucky. Her husband got “stuck” in Yemen dodging bullets and bombs while his petition wound its way through the system. In the U.S., Arua was five months pregnant with their first child. Her I-130 immediate relative petition was still waiting approval, so we again contacted Gillibrand, who reached out to USCIS.

Astonishingly, a few weeks after this, USCIS informed us that a pregnant U.S. citizen with a spouse in a war zone did not fit into any of the seven categories for expediting the petition, which include “extreme emergent situation, humanitarian situation and compelling interest of USCIS.”

The months passed by, and Arua was finally called for an interview in Manhattan with a USCIS adjudications officer who approved the petition. The approved petition was then sent to the State Department and Arua paid all the required visa fees. That was October 2016. And November 2016. And February 2017. And March 2017.

In June 2017, we went back to Gillibrand, and Arua’s husband, Ateik, finally had his interview scheduled in Djibouti in July 2017.

But war had closed the border, and Ateik couldn’t get out of Yemen to attend his interview, which had to be rescheduled. Back in New York, Arua was living with their first child, whom Ateik had never met. By the time Ateik was interviewed in December, it had been almost 2 years—21 months—since Arua filed the initial USCIS petition. President Donald Trump’s infamous “travel ban” (as well as the second and third iterations of it) had gone into effect by this point, squashing all hope of an easy approval for any Yemeni native, even the husband and father of U.S. citizens.

Ateik received a letter, which quoted the travel ban and stated, categorically, that a waiver would not be granted in his case. All three versions of the travel ban had stopped the processing of immediate relative visas from Yemeni nationals even as the courts ordered them processed and even though Ateik qualified for a waiver.

In her dissent in the Supreme Court’s ruling on the travel ban, Justice Sonia Sotomayor rightfully pointed out the difference between the court’s majority view that Travel Ban 3.0 allows for waivers and the reality on the ground that virtually none are being granted. Because virtually none are being granted. A U.S. immigration lawyer in Djibouti, whom I reached out to in desperation, told me on background that the consulate wanted to grant waivers but “couldn’t.”

Arua’s and Ateik’s child just turned 2. He has never met his father. Lawyers like me across the country are continuing to fight to force the government to implement its own laws and grant qualifying immigrants like Ateik a waiver. Despite the Supreme Court ruling upholding Trump’s travel ban, I will not stop fighting to bring this husband and father home to live with his family.

But the longer he waits, the more the situation for Ateik continues to deteriorate. He is stuck in Djibouti, a country he cannot afford to live in and has no right to stay in. He cannot return to Yemen because war has destroyed his village. Because of where he happened to be born, he is separated from his family and without a home.

More Americans need to be introduced to the world of Arua, a real person with a real baby without her real husband, who is barred from entering this country because he happens to be from Yemen.

Since this article was first penned in June, Ateik received an email from the State Department in Djibouti informing him that the consular officer is reviewing his eligibility for a waiver under the ban. The letter warns that the review can be a “lengthy process” and that Ateik’s visa application will remain “refused” until a decision is rendered.

More From Just Security:

Trump’s Militia Pardon Is Another Blow to Federal Law Enforcement

Denmark Leading the Pack on European Anti-Immigration Policy


          EU steps up humanitarian aid in Somalia with €89.5 million      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
BRUSSELS, 11 July 2018 / PRN Africa / -- The European Union has released €89.5 million in humanitarian assistance to Somalia and Djibouti, as millions are grappling with the consequences of prolonged extreme weather conditions.
          L'UE augmente de 89,5 millions d'euros son aide humanitaire à la Somalie      Cache   Translate Page   Web Page Cache   
BRUXELLES, 11 July 2018 / PRN Africa / -- L'Union européenne a débloqué une aide humanitaire de 89,5 millions d'euros en faveur de la Somalie et de Djibouti, des millions de personnes étant confrontées aux conséquences de conditions météorologiques extrêmes prolongées.


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