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The return of Santo Matteo   

He may have miscalculated when he broke with Movimento 5 Stelle last year in pushing for an election that never happened, but Matteo Salvini is still the most popular politician in Italy and La Lega is a ruling party in waiting:
Luigi Di Maio has resigned as leader of the anti-establishment Five Star Movement in a step that will shake up Italian politics and prompt fears of a snap election after months of internal party dissent and coalition infighting.

“It is time to rebuild,” Di Maio said in a speech in Rome confirming his departure as M5s leader. He added that he had worked to grow the movement “and protect it from the profiteers and traps along the way,” but “I have completed my task” and others must now step in to take on the role.

Despite his resignation, Di Maio insisted he remains fully committed to the party, and said the government “must go on” and have time to fix “the mess made by those who governed for 30 years before.”

Earlier, ministers of the co-governing Five Star Movement (M5S) met to discuss strategy ahead of crucial regional elections in Emilia Romagna and Calabria, where the party is expected to face defeat to the right-wing League party led by Matteo Salvini. The 33-year-old insurgent politician is expected to remain on as foreign minister for the coalition government which looks to be on increasingly shaky ground. 
The nationalist forces are rising and are stronger than ever. That's why the global imperialists, from Scotland to Lampedusa, are desperately trying to avoid elections by hook, crook, or previously unthinkable political alliances.

Sous Chef - Μύκονος   

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Breakfast Cook - Μύκονος   

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Opening plenary kicks off World Anti-Imperialist Congress    


Caracas, Venezuela - On January 22, hundreds of international delegates from 52 countries heard from leaders from Syria, Venezuela, Cuba and Brazil to kick off the World Anti-Imperialist Congress.

Starting with a professor from Syria who remarked that U.S. imperialism assassinated Iranian General Qassem Soleimani because the U.S. fears it is losing its grip on the Middle East, the crowd shouted “Viva Soleimani!” He added that, with the help requested by Syria from Russia, Iran and others, the Syrians have bravely declared “No pasarán!”

After the Syrian professor, an official from the Cuban Communist Party shared the successful stories of anti-imperialist struggles over the last six decades amid all the bloodshed, bombings, sanctions and interventions made by U.S. imperialism in Cuba. He added that “after all these years and hundreds of aggressions, Cuba is still standing. Venezuela is still standing. Nicaragua is still standing.”

The third speaker was from the Intersindical Union in Brazil. He shared a resolution that declared the U.S. government to be the terrorist of the world and that the struggles of anti-imperialist countries are indeed anti-terrorist struggles. He proposed the resolution to the congress and it was unanimously passed by raised hands from the whole room.

The final speaker was a member of the National Assembly from the Venezuelan United Socialist Party (PSUV), Diosdado Cabello. He recounted the last 20 years of constant struggle of the Venezuelan people for their sovereignty, their dignity and for socialism. He roused the crowd, especially the Venezuelan delegates, when he said “Colombia, Brazil, Paraguay, they kneel before the U.S. and look at where their countries are.” He then boomed “Venezuela will never kneel before the U.S.! Independencia, patriótico socialismo!” and the crowd answered “Venceremos!”


Syrian ambassador to Venezuela with FRSO delegation   


Caracas, Venezuela - Members of the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO) delegation Sarah Martin and Jim Byrne, with Syrian Ambassador to Venezuela Khalil Bitar, attending World Anti-Imperialist Congress in Caracas.


Delegates arrive in Venezuela on eve of World Anti-Imperialist Congress   


Caracas, Venezuela - Hundreds of delegates arrived in Caracas from around the world, January 21, the eve of the World Anti-Imperialist Congress. The Congress is being held January 22-24 in Caracas and is hosted by the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), Venezuela's governing party, which has been under sharp attack by U.S. imperialism.

The congress is bringing together a broad range of anti-imperialist organizations, movements and governments from around 100 countries. At the congress they will exchange views and experiences and will strategize about strengthening the struggle against U.S. imperialism, to create a more peaceful world where countries' national sovereignty is respected.

At the opening reception of the congress tonight, delegates were warmly welcomed by members and leaders of Venezuela's Bolivarian revolutionary movement.

Today the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO) delegation talked with local and national Venezuelan socialist leaders from the PSUV. This included conducting an in-depth interview with Gladys Requena, the vice president of Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly, and the vice president of the Women's Commission of the PSUV. In addition, the FRSO delegation met anti-imperialist delegates from a range of Latin American countries. As the congress gets underway, they hope to continue to learn from inspiring anti-imperialist movements in Venezuela and around the world and bring that information back to the U.S. where the corporate media generally ignores or demonizes any movement or government that resists U.S. imperialism.


Istòria: per un relais d'Ostals de l'istòria occitana    


A l’ora qu’existe despuèi gaire d’ans un “Musèu nacional de l’espòrt” dins la bòna ciutat de Niça e que i es a pron pena un (pichin, en comparason) “Centre dau patrimòni” a las Ponchetas, me faguèt pensar...
Barack Obama inaugurèt lo 24 de setembre de 2016 a Washington un musèu dedicat a l’istòria afroamericana, en preséncia de 7000 conviats oficials (Colin Powell, Oprah Umphrey...) e de miliers de personas vengudas de tots los cantons dels Estats-Units d’America.
Quina emocion. Ai ressentit de fiertat e de respècte per aquesta nòva. E de compassion.
E dirèctament m’evoquèt la question occitana. Lo problema de la reconoissença que dura despuèi longtemps. De sègles. 
La Crosada e sas consequéncias umanas las guerras d’invasion e d’anexion, l’interdiccion de la lenga occitana. Los degalhs morals. L’exòdi rural, lo centralisme reialoimperialorepublican. E la desconoissença, la marginalizacion de l’occitan quasi constanta, senon l’oblit e quitament la mòrt ja prononciada -dins l’esperit de ben de mond- mentre que i son encara de locutors!
Alora, me diguèri, avèm ben ja una biblioteca quasi nacionala occitana, lo CIRDOC en Lengadòc.
Mas s’adaptèssem lo discors de Barack Obama a la question occitana per un musèu nacional de l’istòria, de la lenga e de la cultura occitana, dins cada region occitana...
Avèm a pena adaptat lo tèxt sieu per veire çò que faria. Vaquí.

“Sèm ges una carga per lo país, o una taca sus lo sieu blason, o un objèct de pietat o de caritat. Sem lo país”, a declarat lo president (estatunidenc).
Èra un context per recadrar los debats de nòstre temps. Benlèu que pòl ajuar los visitors que se pensarian non concernits a capir la dolor e la colèria dals manifestants dins de luecs de Mentan a Bordèu [cf. las manifestacions per la reconoissença mai granda de la lenga occitana] (en lo discors original de Barack Obama èran citaias las vilas de: Ferguson et Charlotte).”
Fasia 100 ans qu’asperavan aquest moment, ansin, totplen avian los uelhs embrumats quora l’una de las grandas figuras dal movement per los dreches (discors original: dreches civics).
D’ajustar que un elegit (d’aquel temps èra John Lewis, elegit de Georgia) diguèt: “Aquest musèu non es un bastiment, es un pantais devengut realitat.”
Òc, podèm. Yes, we can.

abonar los amics de Jornalet



Nessuna contraffazione se il marchio è debole: 'Impero Uomo' e 'Imperial' non sono confondibili   

I marchi deboli sono tali in quanto risultano concettualmente legati al prodotto o per l’uso di parole di comune diffusione (come nel caso di “Imperial”) che possono essere oggetto di un diritto esclusivo. La loro debolezza, tuttavia, non incide sull’attitudine alla registrazione ma soltanto sull’intensità della tutela che ne deriva.

[17/01] «L'Action Syndicale» - «A Stormo!» - Rossi - Florencio Sánchez - Osugi - Misèfari - Plana - Riaza - Torró - Turón - Magnani - Manni - Salcedo - Lanti - Fàbregas - Ibars - Damiani - Soler - Montagut - Bazal - Codina - Fortea   

[17/01] «L'Action Syndicale» - «A Stormo!» - Rossi - Florencio Sánchez - Osugi - Misèfari - Plana - Riaza - Torró - Turón - Magnani - Manni - Salcedo - Lanti - Fàbregas - Ibars - Damiani - Soler - Montagut - Bazal - Codina - Fortea

Anarcoefemèrides del 17 de gener


Portada d'un exemplar de "L'Action Syndicale"

Portada d'un exemplar de L'Action Syndicale

- Surt L'Action Syndicale: El 17 de gener de 1904 surt a Lens (Pas-de-Calais, França) el primer número del periòdic L'Action Syndicale. Organe des travailleurs. Posteriorment tingué altres dos subtítols: «Organe des travailleurs du Pas-de-Calais» i «Organe des travailleurs du Pas-de-Calais et du Nord». Portava l'epígraf «Peuple guéris-toi des individus. Fais tes affaires toi-même» (Poble guareix-te dels individus, fes-te les coses tu mateix). Durant la seva existència va ser imprès a diferents ciutats (Lens, Hénin-Liétard, Liévin, Rubaix i París). Portaveu de la Confederació General del Treball (CGT), era continuació de Le Réveil Syndical (1903-1904) i fins i tot continuà amb els fulletons començats en aquesta publicació. D'antuvi es publicà dos pics per setmana (dijous i diumenge), però després passà a setmanal. En el primer número reivindicà el «sindicalisme revolucionari» (vaga general) i es declarà anticlerical, antimilitarista, anticapitalista i antifantasiós (acusaven de «fantasiosa» la premsa burgesa). L'administrador en va ser J. B. Colbaert, el gerent D. Bataille i el cap de redacció Benoît Broutchoux –en 1905, durant l'empresonament d'aquest, va ser substituït per Pierre Monatte. Hi van col·laborar Evrard-Bernard, Benoît Broutchoux, Jean-Baptiste Colbaert, H. Dussart, S. Enairu, Noire Gueule, Jean-Paul Imbrasse, Gabriel Jargeais, Joly, Pierre Monatte i G. Falempin, entre d'altres. En sortiren almenys 384 números, l'últim el 2 d'octubre de 1910. Va ser continuat per Le Révolté (1910-1913).


Capçalera d'"A Stormo!"

Capçalera d'A Stormo!

- Surt A Stormo!: El 17 de gener de 1920 surt a Torí (Piemont, Itàlia) el primer número del periòdic A Stormo! Settimanale Libertario Revoluzionario (Via fora! Setmanari llibertari revolucionari). En realitat és el mateix periòdic Cronaca Sovversiva, editat per Luigi Galleani i Raffaele Schiavina, però amb aquest títol podia distribuir-se pels Estats Units on Cronaca Sovversiva estava prohibit. El gerent fou Pietro Rayneri. El tiratge era de 4.000 exemplars destinats a la distribució als EUA al preu d'un dòlar. Molts d'articles es centraren en l'«Afer Sacco i Vanzetti», en la repressió del govern nord-americà i en el sindicalisme dels Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, Treballadors Industrials del Món). En sortiren 19 números, l'últim el 2 d'octubre de 1920.



Foto policíaca de Renaud Rossi (ca. 1894)

Foto policíaca de Renaud Rossi (ca. 1894)

- Renaud Rossi: El 17 de gener de 1857 neix a Constantinoble (Imperi Otomà; actual Istanbul, Turquia) el periodista anarquista Renaud-Noël-Marie Rossi, conegut com Armand Floréal. Era fill de pares grecs (Georges Rossi i Marie Kirico) i tenia la nacionalitat grega. En data indeterminada, emigrà a París (França). El 7 d'agost de 1892 se li va rebutjar la paraula en un gran míting d'indignació contra l'execució de quatre revolucionaris a Sofia (Bulgària), organitzat pel diari L'Intransigeant (Comitè Central Socialista Revolucionari, Lliga Intransigent Socialista i Unió dels Grups Republicans Socialistes Revisionistes), que se celebrà al Circ Fernando de París i en el qual hagué aldarulls muntats pels anarquistes. Cap el 1893 donà a llum la seva «Enquête sur le siègle», sèrie de tres-centes entrevistes publicades en diferents periòdics francesos, com ara Gil Blas. Inscrit el registre de la policia ferroviària de fronteres, el 12 de maig de 1894 se li va decretar l'expulsió de França arran d'haver participat en un gran míting anarcocol·lectivista el Primer de Maig a la sala Chaynes de la Villette de París i marxà cap a Atenes (Grècia). Durant la seva estada a Grècia participà en la insurrecció de Creta. El 21 de març de 1896 el decret d'expulsió va ser suspès i va ser autoritzar a retornar de bell nou a França, però no ho va fer fins el juliol de 1897. El novembre de 1898, en ple «Cas Dreyfus», signà un manifest en defensa del coronel Marie-Georges Picquart. El març de 1902 el decret d'expulsió va ser activat i va ser traslladat amb cotxe cel·lular des de París a Nancy (Lorena, França), on va ser posat en llibertat provisional amb l'ordre d'abandonar el territori francès en dos dies i prengué el tren cap a Bèlgica. El 24 de febrer de 1905 el decret d'expulsió de França va ser novament suspès. Desconeixem la data i el lloc de la seva defunció.

Renaud Rossi (1857-?)


Florencio Sánchez

Florencio Sánchez

- Florencio Sánchez: El 17 de gener de 1875 neix a Montevideo (Uruguai) el periodista, escriptor i dramaturg anarquista Florencio Antonio Sánchez Mussante, considerat una de les figures principals del teatre d'ambdues ribes del Río de la Plata. Fill d' Olegario Sánchez i de Josefa Mussante, va tenir 11 germans. Després  d'abandonar els seus estudis secundaris, va alternar sa vida entre Montevideo, Buenos Aires i Rosario. Va ser en aquestes ciutats on va desenvolupar una intensa tasca periodística (La Voz del Pueblo, El Siglo, La Razón, El Nacional, El País) i teatral. En 1893 es va instal·lar a La Plata, on va treballar en l'Oficina d'Estadística i d'Indentificació Antropomètrica, que havia instituït el policia Juan Vucetich. Quan va esclatar la guerra civil a l'Uruguai en 1897 es va incorporar en les files revolucionàries d'Aparicio Saravia contra el president Juan Idiartetot, seguint la tradició política de sa família blanca; ocasió en la qual va fer contacte amb algunes destacades personalitats de la intel·lectualitat, com ara Eduardo Acevedo Díaz. Consternat pel clima que envolta l'aixecament, va desertar i es va passar al Brasil. D'aquest període sorgirà el seu desencant total per les postures polítiques tradicionals i el seu alineament amb els grups anarquistes que aleshores circulaven, pel Río de la Plata, al voltant dels cercles d'immigrants europeus. Després va retornar a Montevideo, on va ingressar al Centre Internacional d'Estudis Socials, organització llibertària de caràcter literari el lema del qual era: «L'individu lliure en la comunitat lliure»; també va fer conferències d'ardorós fervor anàrquic i va intervenir en el quadre teatral de la institució llibertària. A Rosario va ser secretari de la redacció de La República, publicació dirigida per Lisandro de la Torre, on va publicar nombrosos articles de caràcter politicosocial i anarquistes, sempre caracteritzats pel seu realisme crític i mordaç que va caracteritzar la seva producció teatral. Va accentuar la seva militància anarquista a Buenos Aires, escrivint articles en La Protesta i en la revista El Sol, dirigida per Alberto Ghiraldo, i participant en el moviment anarcosindicalista. Les seves obres Ladrones y Puertas adentro s’inscriuen en aquest model llibertari. El 25 de setembre de 1903 es va casar amb Catalina Raventos (Catita) i els seus padrins van ser José Ingenieros i Joaquín de Vedia. També en 1903 va escriure el sainet La gente honesta i la seva primera obra teatral Canillita, que va representar-se per una companyia espanyola de sarsueles. Apassionat observador, va tenir com a temes preferits per a les seves obres de teatre, que va representar a ambdues ribes del Río de la Plata, els referits al món proletari: la família, el conventillo, els immigrants, les misèries, el món laboral, la vida quotidiana, etc. Entre les seves obres de teatre podem destacar (les dates corresponen als anys d'estrena): La gente honesta (1903, reanomenada Los curdas), M'hijo el dotor (1903), Canillita (1903), Cédulas de San Juan (1904), La pobre gente (1904), La gringa (1904), Barranca abajo (1905), Mano santa (1905), En familia (1905), Los muertos (1905), El conventillo (1906), El desalojo (1906), El pasado (1906), Los curdas (1907), La tigra (1907), Moneda falsa (1907), El cacique Pichuleo (1907), Los derechos de la salud (1907), Nuestros hijos (1908), Marta Gruni (1908) i Un buen negocio (1909). El 25 de setembre de 1909 va embarcar cap a Europa al vaixell italià «Príncipe di Udine» com a comissionat oficial del president uruguaià, Claudio Williman, per informar sobre la conveniència o no que l'Estat uruguaià participés en una projectada Exposició Artística a Roma, arribant a Gènova el 13 d'octubre de 1909. Després de passar uns mesos gastant en disbauxa una important suma de diners sobre una avançada dels drets de representació de les seves obres a Europa en diferents ciutats italianes i franceses, malalt de tuberculosi, va morir a les tres de la matinada del 7 de novembre de 1910 a l'Hospital de Caritat «Fate Bene Fratelli» de Milà (Llombardia, Itàlia), on havia estat internat cinc dies abans per una bronquitis al pulmó esquerre. El 21 de gener de 1921 les seves restes mortals van arribar a Montevideo i portades al Panteó Nacional. En homenatge a l'escriptor, en la data de la seva mort, es commemora el «Día del Canillita», el venedor de diaris al carrer, al Río de la Plata.


Sakai Osugi

Sakai Osugi

- Sakai Osugi: El 17 de gener de 1885 neix a Marugame (Kagawa, Japó) l'intel·lectual anarquista, esperantista i traductor Sakai Osugi. Fou el fill major d'Azuma Osugi, capità de l'exèrcit japonès, i de Yutaka Kusui. Durant l'adolescència es va allistar en l'Escola de Cadets, però la manca de motivació i la rebel·lia li van portar nombroses amonestacions i intents d'expulsió. En una ocasió fou acusat de comportament homosexual amb un jove cadet i tancat un temps en una presó militar. Més tard va participar en un duel a navalla, encara que ell va lluitar sense armes per no ferir l'oponent, i va rebre lesions que van implicar dues setmanes d'hospitalització, després de les quals fou finalment expulsat de l'escola castrense. En 1902 va començar estudis universitaris de literatura a Tòquio amb el suport d'un amic de la infància, Rei, l'assessorament d'un col·laborador de son pare, el tinent Morioka, i les benediccions de sos pares. Durant els estudis va viure una vida independent i començà a participar en el moviment associatiu, interessant-se pel cristianisme i pel socialisme. Arran de la mort de sa mare i d'una fase de depressió, es va lliurar a l'estudi i a la lectura, especialment d'autors russos (Gorkij, Turgenev, Tolstoi, Dostoievski, etc.), i va passar per una època espiritual que el va portar al cristianisme i a batejar-se, encara que d'una manera força heterodoxa. En aquesta època també es va veure influenciat pel periòdic socialista, el més radical aleshores, Yorozu Chôhô (Notícies de tots els matins). Poc després participà amb Shusui Kotoku i Toshihiko Sakai en el moviment socialista Heimin-Sha (La Societat dels Plebeus) i va escriure per al seu setmanari Heimin Shimbun (La Plebs). En 1905 també publicà articles en el periòdic radical socialista Hikari. La lectura dels clàssics socialistes li van portar a qüestionar la seva fe i a partir de la guerra russojaponesa, quan l'Església se sumà al patriotisme i a l'esforç bèl·lic, va trencar definitivament els llaços amb la religió. En 1906 fundà l'Associació Esperantista del Japó, societat pionera de l'esperantisme nipó. La seva vida privada, fonamentada en l'amor lliure i l'anarcoindividualisme, fou escandalosa per a la societat nipona de la seva època. El setembre de 1906 es va casar amb Yasuko Hori, però més tard va tenir relacions amb la periodista Kamichika Ichiko i amb la militant anarcofeminista Noe Ito. Per una qüestió pràctica va intentar de bell nou seguir amb la carrera militar, però la seva ambició es va veure frustrada quan fou detingut durant uns aldarulls en protesta per l'augment de les tarifes del tramvia i empresonat. Durant la seva estada a la presó va estudiar els autors socialistes i llibres científics, que van establir les bases per al seu pas a l'anarquisme; també a la presó començà a estudiar diversos idiomes (anglès, francès, alemany, italià, rus, esperanto). Un cop lliure, a finals de 1906 i a principis de 1907 fou detingut per violar la llei de premsa per la publicació de dos articles i empresonat. En 1908 també fou empresonat en dues ocasions per «violar la pau», per l'«Afer del Terrat» (Yane-Jo Jiken) i per l'«Afer de la Bandera Roja» (Akahata Jiken). Durant la seva estada en presó, ara declarat per les autoritats com a anarquista, va estudiar Bakunin i Kropotkin, sobretot l'enfocament científic llibertari del segon. En 1910 va trobar a la presó alguns dels 12 anarquistes implicats en l'«Afer de l'Alta Traïció» (Taigyaku Jiken) acusats de conspiració per assassinar l'emperador i que serien executats el 24 de gener de 1911. Després d'aquesta dura experiència carcerària va deixar de fer crides obertes a la revolució violenta contra l'Estat i es va centrar en l'anarcoindividualisme i en la crítica del capitalisme. En 1913, amb Asahata Kanson, edità el periòdic Kindai Shisoo (La Idea Moderna). L'octubre de 1914 va tornar a editar el setmanari Heimin Shimbun. En 1919 fou novament detingut per agredir un policia i condemnat a tres mesos de presó. Conegut internacionalment, en 1923 fou convidat a Berlín pel moviment anarcosindicalista per assistir a la refundació de la nova Associació Internacional dels Treballadors; va aconseguir embarcar clandestinament fins a Xangai, on els anarquistes locals li van facilitar un passaport xinès amb el qual aconseguí arribar a Europa. Coneixedor del francès, a París fou convidat per realitzar un discurs en un míting llibertari a Saint-Denis durant els actes del Primer de Maig de 1923, però com l'ambaixada japonesa a la capital francesa coneixia la presència del militant anarquista demanà a la policia francesa la seva detenció i després d'unes setmanes empresonat fou extradit al Japó el juliol d'aquell any. Dos mesos després, el 16 de setembre de 1923, aprofitant el caos provocat pel Gran Terratrèmol de Kanto de l'1 de setembre que assolà la regió de Tòquio i de Yokohama, Sakai Osugi, la seva companya Noe Ito i Munekazu Tachibana, nebot de Osugi de sis anys d'edat, van ser detinguts, copejats fins a la mort i llançats a un pou d'una unitat de la policia militar de Tòquio (Japó) encapçalada pel tinent Masahiko Amakasu, que havia seguit les ordres de Masatarô Fukuda, general en cap del districte militar de Tòquio. L'«Afer Amakasu», com va ser nomenat el crim, va provocar l'ira de les classes populars japoneses. Com a traductor Osugi va realitzar la versió al japonès d'On the Origin of Species, de Darwin, i de nombroses obres de Wallace, de Gustave Le Bon, de Howard Moore, etc.; de Kropotkin va traduir Mutual aid. La seva obra assagista ha estat recopilada en 24 volums, d'on destaca la seva autobiografia Jijoden. Durant la dècada dels anys vint es va veure fascinat per la figura de l'anarquista ucraïnès Nèstor Makhno i son únic fill porta el nom de Nèstor –ses seves quatre filles també porten noms de revolucionàries anarquistes: Emma i Louise, en homenatge a Emma Goldman i a Louise Michel.


Bruno Misèfari confinat a Ponça (1931)

Bruno Misèfari confinat a Ponça (1931)

- Bruno Misèfari: El 17 de gener de 1892 neix a Palizzi (Calàbria, Itàlia) l'enginyer, geòleg, poeta, activista antimilitarista i propagandista anarquista Bruno Vincenzo Francesco Attilio Misèfari, també conegut com Furio Sbarnemi. Sos pares es deien Carmelo Misèfari i Francesca Autelitano i era el primogènit d'una família nombrosa de vuit fills, dels quals dos germans seus també van ser militants anarquistes, Florindo e Enzo –aquest últim acabarà en les files comunistes. Després de fer l'escola primària a Palizzi, s'instal·là a Reggio de Calàbria, on, amb el suport del seu oncle matern Vincenzo, pogué freqüentar l'Institut Tècnic i, un cop va obtenir experiència tècnica, en 1911 es matriculà en enginyeria al Politècnic de la Universitat de Nàpols (Campània, Itàlia). En els anys universitaris, a més de preparar-se en les matèries curriculars, especialment matemàtiques, estudià filosofia i literatura, guiat pel professor de física de l'Institut Tècnic «Raffaele Piria» i militant llibertari Giuseppe Berti. A través de son oncle, entrà en contacte amb treballadors i artesans, i amb alguns d'aquests fundà el grup juvenil «August Babel», que s'adherí al Partit Socialista Italià (PSI). En aquesta època col·laborà, moltes vegades signant com Lo Studente, en el periòdic de la Cambra del Treball de Reggio de Calàbria Il Lavoratore, en el setmanari socialista de Messina Il Riscatto i en el full anarquista Il Libertario, publicat a La Spezia. En aquest últim periòdic, a més d'enviar poesies, el 28 de març de 1912 publicà un article sobre la militant anarquista Maria Rygier, cosa que cridà l'atenció del prefecte de policia de Reggio de Calàbria i disposà vigilar-lo «convenientment». Durant una de les moltes conferències, celebrades per commemorar el centenari de la Unitat d'Itàlia, va ser detingut per la policia per haver llançat invectives contra les institucions. El 22 d'octubre de 1911, durant les jornades de protesta contra la campanya imperialista sobre Líbia, va ser detingut per distribuir als reclutes pamflets incitant a la desobediència i a la deserció; jutjat, el 5 de març de 1912 va ser condemnat pel Tribunal de Reggio de Calàbria a dos mesos i mig de reclusió; la pena, confirmada en l'apel·lació, va ser suspesa durant cinc anys en consideració a la seva joventut i no va ser registrada en els antecedents penals. Quan esclatà la Gran Guerra, la seva lluita antimilitarista s'incrementà i el setembre de 1914, en resposta a una manifestació intervencionista, proposà una amnistia per a tots els presos polítics. El seu apartat postal va ser intervingut per la policia i se li van trobar nombrosos documents pacifistes que havien estat enviats per anarquistes d'Ancona (Marques, Itàlia). En aquesta època va estar en estret contacte amb l'anarquista Renato Siglich. L'1 de maig de 1915 participà en la manifestació contra la guerra, que tingué lloc a la Borsa del Treball de Nàpols. Cridat a les armes, com molts altres anarquistes, dubtà entre desertar o entrar a l'exèrcit per incitar a la revolució, i finalment decidí declarar-se objector de consciència, negant-se a fer el curs de cadet a l'acadèmia militar de Benevent (Campània, Itàlia). Després de patir una condemna de set mesos de presó a Acireale (Catània, Itàlia), la nit del 5 de març de 1916, portant l'uniforme militar, interrompi un acte públic socialista intervencionista a la Piazza Garibaldi de Reggio de Calàbria i pronuncià un fort discurs contra la política bel·licista italiana, alhora que esquinçà les estrelles del coll del seu uniforme. L'endemà, data efectiva de la deserció, creuà la frontera amb Suïssa, encara que, el 31 de març, va ser detingut, sota el nom fals de Diego De Tommasi, a Cannobio (Piemont, Itàlia) i immediatament traslladat a Nàpols per a ser posat a disposició d'un tribunal militar. De bell nou a la caserna d'Infanteria de Benevent, i obtinguda la suspensió del seu procediment penal, el 25 d'agost de 1916 desertà novament. Després de creuar la frontera a Chiasso (Ticino, Suïssa) fermat sota un vagó ferroviari, va ser detingut per la policia suïssa i només va ser alliberat quan arribà d'Itàlia la documentació que demostrava els motius polítics de la seva fugida. Sota el nom de Furio Sbarnemi, el juny de 1917 s'instal·là a Zuric (Zuric, Suïssa), a casa del socialista Francesco Misiano, amic de la infància, el qual el va introduir en l'ambient dels exiliats internacionals que vivien a Suïssa i gràcies a ell freqüentà la família anarquista dels Zanolli, on conegué la seva futura companya Pia Zanolli. En estret contacte amb destacats militants dels moviments anarquistes i socialistes italià i suís (Errico Malatesta, Luigi Bertoni, Camillo Berneri, Guiseppe Monanni, Francesco Ghezzi, Enrico Arrigoni, Pasquale Binazzi, Giuseppe Di Vittorio, Armando Borghi, Angelica Balabanoff, etc.), organitzà conferències setmanals i envià articles i cròniques a diferents periòdics llibertaris, especialment a Il Risveglio Anarchico de Ginebra. Mentrestant, va fer feina a la fàbrica d'automòbils Arbenz, al barri d'Albisrieden de Zuric. El 16 de maig de 1918 va ser detingut com a sospitós de ser un agent propagandista bolxevic, juntament amb altres companys italians i francesos (Luigi Bertoni, Carlo Castagna, Ugo Fedeli, Francesco Ghezzi, Giuseppe Monanni, etc.), en el marc de l'anomenat «Afer de la Bomba de Zuric». Després de set meses de presó preventiva, va ser absolt i alliberat el 20 de novembre de 1918. Malgrat tot, el 17 de desembre de 1918 el govern federal suís li va notificar l'ordre d'expulsió, que es va frenar durant quatre mesos a causa d'una malaltia pulmonar que havia contreta a la presó. Després d'aconseguir un visat d'estudis per a entrar a Alemanya, el 17 de juliol de 1919 arribà a Stuttgart (Estat Lliure Popular de Wurtemberg, República de Weimar), on s'entrevistà, entre altres, amb Clara Zetkin, una de les fundadores del Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD, Partit Comunista d'Alemanya), i amb l'anarquista Oreste Abbate a Berlín. El novembre de 1919, després de la concessió d'una amnistia per part del govern italià, acompanyat de les germanes Zanolli (Pia i Antonietta), decidí retornar a Calàbria. Detingut tres setmanes a Domodossola (Piemont, Itàlia), va ser finalment alliberat després d'una interpel·lació que l'11 de desembre el diputat socialista Francesco Misiano interposà al ministre de l'Interior. Reprengué la propaganda llibertària a Calàbria, Pulla i Campània; promogué el moviment camperol calabrès, i col·laborà en Umanità Nova i L'Avvenire Anarchico. A Nàpols, dirigí, amb Giuseppe Imondi, Anarchia, quinzenal de la federació local que començà a editar-se el 17 de juny de 1920. En aquest 1920 va ser nomenat secretari de la Cambra del Treball de Tàrent (Pulla, Itàlia) i dirigí una vaga de tres meses per exigir la reobertura d'una drassana. En 1921, a la zona de Nàpols, participà activament en la campanya a favor dels militants italoamericans Nicola Sacco i Bartolomeo Vanzetti. El febrer de 1922, juntament amb Roberto Elia, va fer una crida mitjançant el periòdic Pane e Libertà, a difondre el pensament anarquista a Calàbria fent servir els dialectes calabresos de la llengua siciliana, però el projecte no reeixí per manca de finançament. El 18 d'agost de 1923 es va llicenciar en enginyeria industrial al Politècnic de Nàpols i retornà definitivament a Reggio de Calàbria, i de la qual només va sortir per algun viatge de feina o per motius familiars. Encara que professional liberal, continuà durant alguns anys les seves activitats llibertàries. El 14 de desembre de 1924, amb son amic Nino Malara, edità a Reggio de Calàbria el quinzenal L'Amico del Popolo, destinat especialment a la propaganda entre els pagesos del Sud, publicació que va ser prohibida després del seu quart número. El 22 de setembre de 1925, acusat juntament amb altres intel·lectuals d'haver promogut un pretès «atemptat contra el poder de l'Estat amb la finalitat d'assassinar el rei i Mussolini», va ser arrestat a Reggio de Calàbria, encara que va ser exculpat 25 dies després. El desembre de 1926 va ser qualificat per les autoritats feixistes com a «fervent i irreductible anarquista» i instigat a abstenir-se de qualsevol acció política directa per a subvertir l'ordre estatal, entrant a formar part de la llista de persones perilloses susceptibles de ser empresonades en determinades contingències. S'especialitzà en geologia i en 1926 a Villa San Giovanni (Calàbria, Itàlia), amb l'exdiputat del Partit Popular Italià (PPI) Nicola Siles, fundà la primera empresa de vidre calabresa («Società Vetraria Calabrese»), destinada a l'explotació del quars a la zona del Cannitello i de la qual assumí el càrrec de director tècnic. El 20 de març de 1931, en el funeral d'un amic seu, l'industrial Giuseppe Zagarella, pronuncià un discurs on criticà la violència, la corrupció i la injustícia del règim; pocs dies després, el 25 de març, va ser detingut per enèsima vegada acusat de «propaganda anarquista»; jutjat, va ser condemnat a dos anys de confinament que purgà a l'Illa de Ponça, a la qual arribà el 3 de juliol de 1931. A l'illa reanimà, amb Alfonso Failla, els vincles associatius entre els confinats, muntant una petita biblioteca i realitzant converses teòriques de manera habitual. Durant el confinament conegué Domizio Torrigiani, Gran Mestre del Gran Orient d'Itàlia, qui l'afilià a la maçoneria. Per qüestions legals, el 28 de maig de 1932 es casà civilment a Ponça amb sa companya Pia Zanolli. En el seu temps lliure, a part de pagar amb alguns mesos de presó per haver insultat Benito Mussolini, se li va permetre exercir la seva feina d'enginyer i l'ajuntament de Ponça l'encarregà alguns projectes, que van ser convenientment retribuïts. El 14 de novembre de 1932 la pena va ser condonada en ocasió del desè aniversari de la «Marxa sobre Roma» i el 2 de desembre deixà Ponça i es traslladà a Davoli (Calàbria, Itàlia), on a finals de 1930 s'havia descobert sílice. A Suïssa trobà finançament i en 1935 creà la «Davoli Quarzo e Silice», un establiment per a l'extracció del mineral, que arribà a treure 30.000 tones anuals, les quals eren enviades a laboratoris de precisió de l'exèrcit a Roma i a alguna societat privada, com ara la de Richard Ginori. Aquesta iniciativa, que va durar fins a la II Guerra Mundial, s'enfrontà a nombrosos obstacles en l'àmbit local i sempre va estar vigilada per les autoritats feixistes. Mentrestant, el seu estat de salut, delicat des que en 1933 se li diagnostiqués un tumor cerebral, el va obligar a ser hospitalitzat. Bruno Misèfari va morir el 12 de juny de 1936 a la clínica de Giuseppe Bastianelli de Roma (Itàlia), a resultes d'una intervenció quirúrgica patida dos dies abans. En vida publicà Commemorazione di Francisco Ferrer (1917), Diario di un disertore. Dal carcere di Zurigo (1918) i Chi sono e cosa vogliono gli anarchici (1921); i la major part dels seus escrits van ser publicats pòstumament per la seva companya, com ara Ruota del mondo (1965), Schiaffi e carezze. Poesie in brutta copia (1969 i 2009), Utopia? No! Scritti scelti di Bruno Misèfari (1975) i Tutto è vero. Prosa e poesie (1978). En els anys seixanta existí un grup anarquista juvenil de Reggio de Calàbria que portà el seu nom. En 1967 Pia Zanolli-Misèfari publicà la biografia del seu company sota el títol L'anarchico di Calabria, que va refè i reeditada en 1972, i en 1989 son germà Enzo publicà Bruno. Biografia di un fratello. L'arxiu familiar es troba dipositat a la Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso-Issoco de Roma (Fondo Bruno Misèfari) i a l'International Institute of Social History (IISH) d'Amsterdam.

Bruno Misèfari (1892-1936)


Necrològica de Josep Plana Cabrera apareguda en el periòdic tolosà "Cenit" del 6 de març de 1990

Necrològica de Josep Plana Cabrera apareguda en el periòdic tolosà Cenit del 6 de març de 1990

- Josep Plana Cabrera: El 17 de gener de 1907 neix a Fraga (Baix Cinca, Franja de Ponent) l'anarcosindicalista Josep Pana Cabrera. Sos pares es deien Antoni Plana i Quimeta Cabrera. Quan encara era adolescent s'adherí al moviment llibertari del seu poble. En 1927 formà part del grup de nou companys que redactaren els estatuts de la societat cultural «La Aurora» i de la qual va ser nomenat secretari. Després de la caiguda de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera fou un dels fundadors del Sindicat Únic de la Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) de Fraga i en va ser nomenat responsable, càrrec que ocupà fins al cop militar feixista de juliol de 1936. En aquest moment fou membre del Comitè Revolucionari, amb Manuel Mur Vera i Salvador Llop Barrafón, entre d'altres, i fou un dels animadors de la col·lectivitat agrícola fins a la seva destrucció en 1937 per part de la reacció comunista de la Divisió «Karl Marx» (27 Divisió), encapçalada per Enrique Líster Forján. En 1939, amb el triomf franquista, passà a França. Després de la II Guerra Mundial treballà de paleta i milità en la CNT de l'exili del departament de l'Alta Garona. Visquè, amb sa companya Quimeta Haller, a Sent Jòri (Llenguadoc, Occitània). Josep Plana Cabrera va morir l'11 de desembre de 1989 a Tolosa (Llenguadoc, Occitània) i fou enterrat al cementiri de Sent Jòri.


Necrològica d'Heraclio Riaza Alberti publicada en el periòdic parisenc "Le Combat Syndicaliste" del 2 de juliol de 1981

Necrològica d'Heraclio Riaza Alberti publicada en el periòdic parisenc Le Combat Syndicaliste del 2 de juliol de 1981

- Heraclio Riaza Alberti: El 17 de gener de 1908 neix a Calonge (Baix Empordà, Catalunya) l'anarcosindicalista Heraclio Riaza Alberti. Militant de la Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT), en 1939, amb el triomf franquista, passà a França, on patí els camps de concentració. Heraclio Riaza Alberti va morir el 13 de maig de 1981 en un hospital de Montalban (La Guiena, Occitània) arran d'una operació de pròstata i fou incinerat al cementiri de Còrnabarriu.


Diego Antonio Torró Pardo amb sa companya Ana Azorín Esteban i sa filla Ana (València, 1958)

Diego Antonio Torró Pardo amb sa companya Ana Azorín Esteban i sa filla Ana (València, 1958)

- Diego Antonio Torró Pardo: El 17 de gener de 1918 neix a Villena (Alt Vinalopó, País Valencià) l'anarquista i anarcosindicalista Diego Antonio Torró Pardo. Havia nascut en una família molt humil, formada per cinc germans (tres homes i dues dones), dedicada a l'agricultura. Des de molt jovenet milità en les Joventuts Llibertàries i en la Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). El juliol de 1936 combaté l'aixecament feixista primer a Villena i a Albacete (Castella, Espanya) i després a diferents fronts durant tres anys. En 1939, amb el triomf franquista, va ser detingut a Villena, processat i empresonat a Alacant. En 1941 va ser indultat i retornà a Villena on reprengué la seva feina de sabater i es casà amb Ana Azorín Esteban, amb qui tingué una única filla, Ana Josefa Torró Azorín. Durant la postguerra, però, hagué de treballar en diversos oficis (mecànic, fotògraf, cobrador de l'Armeria «La Villenense», etc.). En 1950, per problemes de salut, treballà en un saló de jocs recreatius, conegut com «Billares Torró», propietat de Restituto Galipienzo, fins a la seva jubilació. Durant els anys del franquisme mantingué com pogué, amb Pedro Pujalte García i altres, la CNT clandestina de Villena. Diego Antonio Torró Pardo va morir el 5 de novembre de 2002 a Villena (Alt Vinalopó, País Valencià).

Diego Antonio Torró Pardo (1918-2002)


Antoni Turón Turón

Antoni Turón Turón

- Antonio Turón Turón: El 17 de gener de 1920 neix a Híjar (Terol, Aragó, Espanya) l'anarcosindicalista Antonio Turón Turón. Amb sa família es traslladà d'infant a Barcelona (Catalunya). Quan tenia 13 anys començà a treballar de laminador a la foneria de Can Girona del Poble Nou, on també feia feina son pare, i s'afilià poc després al Sindicat del Metall (secció Poble Nou) de la Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). Durant els anys trenta fou membre del grup anarquista del bar La Paz de Sant Adrià de Besòs i de les Joventuts Llibertàries del Poble Nou. El juliol de 1936, al costat del grup «Los Solidarios», va combatre els aixecats feixistes a les casernes dels Docks i de Lepanto; durant els dies següents va enfrontar-se als franctiradors i participà en l'avituallament i en les oficines d'afiliació de la Columna Durruti i de la d'Ortiz. En 1937 lluità al front d'Aragó (Casp i Belchite) i, quan aquestes línies caigueren, en la 24 Divisió als Pirineus lleidatans. Amb el triomf feixista, passà amb les restes de la 24 Divisió els Pirineus per Lleida i fou a parar a diversos camps de concentració i companyies de treballadors (La Guingueta d'Ix, Montlluís, Vernet, Setfonts i Gueugnon). Fugí dels camps de concentració i, després d'un temps treballant el camp i el bosc i fent carbó per sobreviure, amb Francisco Piqueras Cisuelo passà a l'Espanya franquista. Detingut per la Guàrdia Civil a Camprodon, fou tancat en diverses presons i camps disciplinaris i de treball (Figueres, Reus, Madrid, Camp de Gibraltar, excavació d'Empúries, L'Escala). Després va ser obligat a fer el servei militar a Mallorca fins al juny de 1945. Un cop lliure, es passà a la lluita clandestina a Barcelona i formà part de les Joventuts Llibertàries i del grup editor de Ruta, alhora que treballava de venedor tèxtil i feia de correu clandestí. Posteriorment fou administratiu a l'Institut Nacional de Previsió. El gener de 1947 va ser detingut per la policia i a la comissaria de la Via Laietana rebé una brutal pallissa a mans dels esbirros del cap de la Brigada Políticosocial de Barcelona Eduardo Quintela Bóveda. Jutjat, va ser condemnat a 30 anys de presó, però a causa de les irregularitats del consell de guerra la pena va ser reduïda a 20 anys en la revisió. Gràcies a les reduccions per treball, aconseguí la llibertat després d'estar tancat 11 anys en nombroses presons (model de Barcelona, Bilbao, Logronyo, penal del Dueso, etc.). En 1958 va sortir en llibertat condicional i s'establí a Madrid i després a Barcelona. A la capital catalana ajudà José Navarro Muñoz, amb qui havia estat tancat a El Dueso, i formà part del Comitè Nacional clandestí, amb Ismael Rodríguez Ajax com a secretari general, fins a la seva detenció l'octubre de 1961 a Barcelona; acusat de propaganda il·lícita, fou tancat un any a la presó. Més tard, fins a la seva jubilació en 1985, va treballar en la Seguretat Social. Participà en l'estratègia cincpuntista i en 1966 fou membre de la Comissió Provincial de Barcelona encarregada de coordinar la presència confederal en les eleccions del «Sindicat Vertical». En 1976 prengué part en l'Assemblea de Sants, inici de la reconstrucció definitiva de la CNT després del franquisme. Durant els anys següents va ser promotor de diverses activitats culturals llibertàries, com ara l'associació «Ecologia, Cultura, Art» (ECA), l'Associació Cultural i Ecologista Natura (ACEN) o el Centre de Documentació Històrico-Social / Ateneu Enciclopèdic Popular (CDHS-AEP) de Barcelona, entitat de la qual va ser secretari en 1986 i membre de la seva Junta Directiva durant els anys noranta. En 1997 participà en el documental Vivir la utopía de Juan Gamero i el seu testimoni va ser recollit per Gabriel Pernau i José Luís Martín Ramos en el llibre Les veus de la presó (2003). Trobem articles seus en diverses publicacions llibertàries, com ara Boletín Bibliográfico, Cenit, Ideas-Orto, Noticiari, Quaderns, etc. Antonio Turón va morir el 8 de març de 2003 a Barcelona (Catalunya) i llegà el seu cos a la Facultat de Medicina.

Antonio Turón Turón (1920-2003)


Remo Magnani en un congrés de SAT-Amikaro (Pesenàs, 1989)

Remo Magnani en un congrés de SAT-Amikaro (Pesenàs, 1989)

- Remo Magnani: El 17 de gener de 1929 neix a El Kouif (Tébessa, Algèria) l'esperantista, pacifista i anarquista Remo Magnani. Era fill d'un forner italià (Rinaldo Magnani) i d'una tunisiana. A començament dels anys seixanta s'establí a França. Esdevingué corrector i treballà a diverses impremtes, com ara «Logier» al barri parisenc de Montmartre, «Chaix» a Saint-Ouen, «Imprimerie de l'Édition et de l'Industrie» (IMI) a Montrouge, etc. També treballà per a empreses de premsa, com ara Journal Officiel i, sobretot, Le Parisien Libéré, on participà activament en la vaga contra les Éditions Philippe Amaury (EPA, «Grup Amaury»). Posteriorment treballà en Le Matin de Paris. Com a esperantista, entre 1969 i 1973 fou responsable del periòdic Liberecana Ligilo (Enllaç Llibertari), òrgan del sector anarquista de la Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (SAT, Associació Mundial Anacional). Portà la seva militància pacifista, anarquista i esperantista dins el si de la SAT i de la SAT-Amikaro («Amics de la SAT») i donà cursos d'esperanto a la seu de la Federació Anarquista (FA) i, fins a 1974, al Grup Anarquista «Louise Michel». En els anys seixanta vivia al XVII Districte de París. A partir d'abril de 1963 fou responsable del Servei de Propaganda de la SAT-Amikaro, encarregant-se de la preparació dels congressos, i en el Congrés de la SAT-Amikaro de Lausana (Vaud, Suïssa) de 1973 deixà el càrrec a mans d'Henri Masson. Posteriorment s'instal·là en un poble a la zona de Montpeller. Durant els anys seixanta i setanta col·laborà regularment en la premsa llibertària (Espoir, Liberté, Le Monde Libertaire, etc.). També fou membre de la Unió Pacifista de França (UPF) i en 2005 entrà a formar part del Centre Internacional de Recerca sobre l'Anarquisme (CIRA) de Marsella (Provença, Occitània). Sa companya, Renata (Renée), també va ser correctora d'impremta. Encara que mai no va ser fumador actiu, Remo Magnani va morir el 30 de gener de 2018 a Montpeller (Llenguadoc, Occitània) d'un càncer de pulmó i les seves cendres van ser escampades al seu jardí.

Remo Magnani (1929-2018)






Thread: Twilight Struggle:: General:: I love TS and these issues need resolution, to make it better.   


by rubendario5

FRUSTRATION: In psychology, frustration is a common emotional response to opposition, related to anger, annoyance and disappointment. (from Wikipedia)

That is what I feel when one of these situation happens to me in Twilight Struggle:

1. Long streak mired in Bear Trap/Quagmire.
2. Purged/Red Scared twice in the first 4 turns of the game.
3. I get 3+ Scoring Cards in a turn.

I´ve seen posts here on the Geek about situations where you can´t advance on the Space Track due to crappy die rolls, but I can´t talk about how that makes me feel because: a) Hasn´t happened to me or b) I don´t remember. If I think about it I can say that I see a thematic answer to this situation: your scientists are not getting the breakthroughs needed, no matter how much funds you invest in your space program.

But the main reason I think I don´t mind not advancing in the Space Track even though I´m dumping cards there, is because I still achieve something, I get rid of that annoying/ dangerous/ game ending card and I can feel good about it.

PLAYDEK must have hard data about how much these situations occur and how they affect game results. It would be great to know if someone is looking at that data. Take for example the guys at CGE publishers of Through the Ages (TtA). Those guys are bananas! They have no sacred cows, they tweak and tweak their game if the data shows that it needs tweaking. I really admire how they handle and communicate with the fans of TtA. They have made a ton of changes over the years, some expected by the players, some unexpected but backed by hard data.

So it would be great to have some data from all the games player over Steam, to settle in an objective way if the scenarios presented above need tweaking. I personally think they detract from the enjoyment of the game. I feel frustration when they happen to me and even some degree of annoyance when it happens to my opponent.

Eventually PLAYDEK/GMT should/could share data useful for the discussion, in the mean time I present possible solutions taken from comments and suggestions made from other users in previous post here on the BGG, so thanks to them for their contribution. Knowing that this it´s not the first post in this regard, hopefully not the last until data shows these situations are insignificant/plain wrong or otherwise.

Long streak into Bear Trap/Quagmire. Even though I achieve something here -getting rid of bad cards- most times I already have a plan (an idea perhaps) on how to get rid of those. I can be feel fine dumping 1 and in rare situations 2 cards on BT/Q, after that, it´s frustration time, aggravated by not being able to do anything other that roll the dice and hope for the best. (Let´s not talk about the P/RS + BT/Q combo which could make this a wasted turn altogether!)

Solution: Shrink the margin of success on the first attempt to cancel the trap from 1-4 to 1-3 and augment it +1 after every failed attempt. The probability of success is lower on the first attempt, the same on the second and then higher with a maximum of 4 attempts. The current version allows for 2/3 chance of success every turn without a limit for failure. For this, you could put on the C3i mag new versions of the BT/Q counters with a +1 on one side and a +2 on the other.

P/RS twice in a row early. Put a note on the card “Event cannot affect the same player consecutively” and design a counter for this, blue background on one side with the word Purged! and red on the other with Red Scared!. The counter could be used as a reminder and put on the map board on top of the country of the last superpower that got nailed with it.

3+ Scoring Cards. This is the situation that triggered this post. This week I started a game on Steam after a very long hiatus and now find myself with 3 scoring on hand -not the best way to welcome me back!-. Add a note to every Scoring Card: “If this is the 2+ Scoring Card you play this turn, use this card as a 1 Op for influence AFTER the Scoring Card is resolved”.

I understand that high level players might feel all of this is not necessary (I only have 100 games of experience) and occasional gamers may not see this situation happen at all, but still, most of the players are in this middle ground were you have enough experience to remember cards, combos and how to avoid the usual traps, but not enough to dig yourself out of the situations mentioned above. This kills the experience and for the length of this game, it leaves a bad taste.

Jason/ Ananda, I know you are busy going about your life and finishing Imperial Struggle (which I have on P500 BTW) but, could you share your thoughts on this and share some data from PLAYDEK that could bring light on the subject. Maybe you guys have already done it and I haven´t seen it.

(Sorry for the length, not the original intention. For the record English is my second language and I love Twilight Struggle and Through the Ages).


MIDWAY centers on the Battle of Midway, a clash between the American fleet and the Imperial Japanese Navy which marked a pivotal turning point in the Pacific Theater during WWII. The film, based on the real-life events of this heroic feat, tells the story of the leaders and soldiers who used their instincts, fortitude and bravery to overcome the odds.

Code Geass: Lelouch of the Rebellion - Complete Season One (Hyb)    

On August 10th of the year 2010 the Holy Empire of Britannia began a campaign of conquest, its sights set on Japan. Operations were completed in one month thanks to Britannia's deployment of new mobile humanoid armor vehicles dubbed Knightmare Frames. Japan's rights and identity were stripped away, the once proud nation now referred to as Area 11. Its citizens, Elevens, are forced to scratch out a living while the Britannian aristocracy lives comfortably within their settlements. Pockets of resistance appear throughout Area 11, working towards independence for Japan. Lelouch, an exiled Imperial Prince of Britannia posing as a student, finds himself in the heart of the ongoing conflict for the island nation. Through a chance meeting with a mysterious girl named C.C., Lelouch gains his Geass, the power of the king. Now endowed with absolute dominance over any person, Lelouch may finally realize his goal of bringing down Britannia from within!

Star Wars Themed Chair   

Star Wars Themed ChairBring home the power of force with this amazing Star Wars Themed Chair that comes in the shape of fighter jets used by the resistance during their revolution against the dark side. You will get filing of a real stormtrooper once you sit on this chair that makes it a must buy for any Star Wars fan.



Alexis Ortiz. Comentario para BIENVENIDOSVENEZOLANOS.COM Miercoles 22 de enero de 2020. El capataz de la narcotirania Nicolas Maduro, anuncio que el embajador de Cuba entra a formar parte del gobierno usurpador. Este anuncio tiene al menos dos lecturas posibles: El descaro de quien reconoce la hegemonia imperial de la dictadura comunista cubana sobre Venezuela. Ya […]

La entrada USURPADOR MADURO RECONOCE COMO SU JEFE INMEDIATO AL EMBAJADOR DE CUBA se publicó primero en Bienvenidos Venezolanos.


Trumped Up Tuesday – Let the Impeachment Begin!   


Image result for trump impeachment cartoonImpeachment begins in earnest this week.

It may end just as quickly as the GOP-controlled Senate is looking to acquit Trump as soon as possible, preferably without hearing from any witnesses or reviewing any evidence.  This farce will be overseen by Chief Justice John Roberts – which is very sad for our rule of law, of course, as it legitimizes this behavior and sets a precedent for future dictators to rule our country by.  Nonetheless, at least it will be interesting.  

Trump, like Carlos Goshn, has already fled the country and is in Davos for the World Economic Forum, where he just gave the first keynote address in the 50-year history of Davos that did not mention the World at all – except to say how much better Ameirca is than the rest of it.  As noted by the NY Times:

In his 30-minute address in front of a global audience, Mr. Trump did not mention the impeachment trial back home. But he delivered what amounted to a version of his campaign speech minus the red meat to his base, speaking little of international alliances other than touting America’s supremacy in the world.

The president also took a swipe at people demanding action on climate change, the lead agenda item at this year’s conference. Mr. Trump announced that the United States would join the 1 trillion trees initiative launched at the World Economic Forum. But he also declared that “we must reject the perennial prophets of doom.”

The message at Davos was very clear to all but Mr. Trump.  So clear in fact that it was written on the roof of the building:

“Act on Climate” could be read in the snow near Davos as Mr. Trump arrived on Tuesday.

Global warming and climate change top the agenda items for the conference. A star speaker on Tuesday, alongside Mr. Trump, is the 16-year-old climate activist Greta Thunberg, who has said she wouldn’t “waste her time” speaking to Mr. Trump about climate change.  Trump has withdrawn America from the
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Church Is Two Hundred Years Behind: Behind What?   

In his pre-Christmas address to the Curia, Francis invoked the late Cardinal Martini, who claimed in his last interview that “the Church is two hundred years behind.”
“What, precisely, was the Church behind?” George Weigel asks on (January 8),
“A culture that celebrates the imperial, autonomous Self? A culture that detaches sex from love and responsibility? A culture that breeds a politics of immediate gratification and intergenerational irresponsibility? Why on earth would the Church want to catch up with that?”
Weigel notices that those churches which that tried hardest to play catch-up with “history” and “the times” are collapsing.
As an example, he presents German-speaking Catholicism. Although it is imploding, the great majority of German bishops supports surrendering to “the times” with “a bullheadedness once caricatured as typically Prussian.”

How Michael Bloomberg’s ‘Journalists’ Propagandize for More U.S. Aggressions   


by Eric Zuesse, Strategic Culture: This will be exposing typical U.S.-regime propaganda. That’s propaganda favoring U.S. imperialism, which actually violates the intentions of America’s Founders, and the spirit of the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. regime’s propaganda doesn’t come from the Government directly, but instead from the 607 billionaires who control the regime, via their corrupt control over […]

The post How Michael Bloomberg’s ‘Journalists’ Propagandize for More U.S. Aggressions appeared first on SGT Report.


BWW Review: SMOKED OYSTERS at TC Squared Theatre Company   


One of the inescapable pillars of the human condition is the universal narcissism with which we consume media. Entirely incapable of existing within a vacuum with the narratives presented to us, we search films, theatre, books, songs, and television for those personal implications we are certain the authors have buried for us in their work. The mention of the word 'father', for instance, can send every individual's mind spiraling through memories and individual associations. Same with 'home', 'memory', 'childhood', and 'love'. This narcissism reveals itself in unfortunately dangerous ways when we look at how our culture, race, economic status, sexuality, and gender intercede in our consumptions of media. White people (of which I am one, I choose to address the crowd rather than say 'we' because I know I do not write for an exclusively white audience) can bring whiteness into a space, both physically and metaphysically, in ways that it is not asked for. Too often, I interact with white people telling me how much I can learn from reading such and such a book or seeing such and such a play. This is all well and good-- we all need to expand our horizons beyond the perspectives of those exactly like us-- until we start to unpack the fact that not all art made by non-white people is made to be educational for white audiences. Reducing Black art, or any art by non-white artists, to be judged through a measure of how well it educates white people is ignorant. White people need to start to be okay with Black theatre that does not seek to educate us or, for that matter, cater to us or even represent us in any way.

When I entered Greater Egleston High School in Roxbury for TC Squared's premiere production of Smoked Oysters by Mary M McCullough, Shirley Ellis' Nitty Gritty was blasting from a speaker. I was one of few white people in the audience. Black playwright. Black director. All Black cast. Black stage manager making final adjustments to the set. African masks hung on wooden beams which supported the corrugated steel roof. A painting of a street scene-- maybe New Orleans? The play was about a family who, statistically, most Americans can relate to. We meet Ulysses, a retired African-American history professor living with Alzheimer's and Arnetta, his wife who familiarly navigates the struggle of acting as a caregiver to someone whose memory comes and goes.

A perverse part of white narcissism means that we are most enticed to learn about perspectives which are not our own when they exist in narratives in which we also exist, whether as allies, saviors, or antagonists. Looking at most mainstream media which centers Black narratives, we can identify that many deal with slavery, the Civil Rights Movements of the 1960s, and, recently, American police brutality. All three of these premises require an examination of white supremacy as a primary, if not exclusive, villain. By exploring the ideas of memory-loss in a character to whom history is vitally important and exploring the complicated gender-dynamics of an ill husband struggling to exist without his wife, McCullough has created an inherently Black play in which whiteness is not the primary antagonist. While it would be ignorant to state that, in a play about a Black family living in modern-day Roxbury, whiteness is not at least a minor antagonizing force, it is not one that is mentioned more than once or twice. Likewise, capitalism, the imperialist, anti-poor US government, and the insular thought processes of higher education seem to be secondary characters behind the greater problems the family faces. I think of the Black horror movies of this past year, no doubt, inspired by the success of Jordan Peele's Get Out. In Us, we see a Black family terrorized by their demonic doppelgangers. In Fabric shows us a Black single mother tormented by a haunted dress she purchased at a department store. Smoked Oysters, though not a work of horror, shows us a Black family weighed down by the monster that is the memory loss of their patriarch. In all three cases, the protagonists can rail against their clones, possessed clothes, or mental illnesses while still maintaining Black-ness as a necessary part of their narratives. Whiteness is not required in order for these stories to be told.

Speaking of narcissism, we love to cry in the theatre. We watch others' suffering and are moved to tears. However, these tears are not productive, unless the intended outcome of a work is to serve exclusively to incite catharsis in an audience. Too often, we weep, and then leave the theatre feeling proud and congratulatory about our empathy. We post on Facebook and urge our friends not to forget their tissues if they go, an underhanded way of announcing and extolling our own capacity for empathy. We weep, we feel proud of our weeping, and we move on. McCullough has woven a narrative that demands more from us. Again, statistically, most Americans have a loved one affected by either Alzheimer's or dementia. Watching Ulysses act out in childish frustration on stage is disturbing and viscerally upsetting. However, the framing of the piece allows us to wallow in sorrow but then asks us to engage with many questions. It raises a thought about what it means that Ulysses has fallen ill and now Arnetta's life must be put on hold to take care of her husband, casting aside plans for a safari in Africa. We watch as their son, Bernard, suffers under the weight of needing to take on a caregiving role while also dealing with troubles in his relationships and the pressure of a possible promotion at work. Complexities arise as characters discuss the relationships between fathers and sons, between white students and African-American history professors, or between mothers and their sons' girlfriends.

Smoked Oysters may very well be one of the smartest pieces Boston will see on stage this year, and part of its smart-ness is the way in which, as a reviewer, I do not know who to praise for the experience I had tonight. Is it McCullough's script, which bounds through trivia game shows and 'I spy' matches with a clean poetic tone, that makes the three characters we meet seem so recognizable? Perhaps it is Paul Benford-Bruce, playing Ulysses in a sympathetic but unflinching way, visibly enraged at his own detectable destruction, who makes us feel that we are genuinely in the presence of someone who poses a danger to himself, inciting us to pity, frustration, and anxiety. Maybe it is Letta Neely, a poet who gives us an Arnetta that only a poet could give us, her voice stoically firm in contrast to her physical lightness, who makes us feel that we are watching something meant to be private. Is it Zair Silva as Bernard who grins above an underlying pain, which once uncovered, never seems to sit back as neatly beneath the surface as it did before, who makes us think about how we will care for those we love in their old age and how we will hopefully be cared for ourselves? What of the success of this show is owed to director, Deen Rawlins, whose handling of the piece in seamless, dreamlike vignets, broken up by gently fading sounds and lights, clearly marks them as a young artist to watch out for? Or is the true genius here artistic director, Rosalind Thomas-Clark, announcing the piece with pride in her gentle New Zealand accent, who had the foresight to workshop and allow this piece to develop before passing it off to the capable hands aforementioned for its world premiere?

In my estimation, it is the combined excellence of all of the above- and the many others who worked on this show-- who, together, have elevated it to its current state of excellence. The play itself has a lot to say, but it does not fall in the trap of delivering a ham-fisted moral, which we are sitting through a lot of right now in Boston. Instead, questions are raised, and space is made in which audiences can explore those questions. All the while, there are events happening on stage. I know that feels like a given element of theatre (events happening on stage), but after sitting through The Cake at Lyric Stage Company, it was nice to be reminded that not all contemporary theatre needs to be 90 minutes of overstrung arguments. If the piece is workshopped further or performed again, it is my hope that it will not be given an excessive budget to achieve the catalogue-model of realism we are forced to accept too often on American stages. The success and the heart of McCullough's piece is that it is all too real without attempting to be realistic. It is a poem that seems to mimic life in a way that helps us unpack the issues we all face.

My email and Twitter are available on my profile, and if you make it out to Roxbury to see the show, (just a hop, skip, and a jump from the Stony Brook MBTA station) let me know what you think. This is a piece I will want to talk more about.

Smoked Oysters runs through January 22 at Greater Egleston High School in Roxbury, MA. More information here.


Japan should draft imperial succession measures, says Diet chief Tadamori Oshima   

Tadamori Oshima, speaker of the House of Representatives, has said that the government should draft measures to ensure stable imperial succession as a basis for ...

Review | Music and Globalization: Critical Encounters by Bob W. White (ed.)   


Music and Globalization: Critical Encounters. Edited by Bob W. White. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012. [viii, 233 p. ISBN 9780253223654. ebook $20.00, cloth $70.00.] Bibliography, index, companion web site.

Reviewed by Logan Clark

Thirty years after Peter Gabriel’s launch of WOMAD ushered in an efflorescence of global musical collaborations, Bob White's edited volume gathers academic perspectives from all corners of the world to update the academic conversation concerning the relationship between music and globalization. White’s introduction sets the foundation for thinking about music and globalization by emphasizing that world music is not just an outcome of, but is also a vehicle for globalization. Because music is easily commodifiable and social in nature, he argues, it is responsible for facilitating a variety of global interactions. White’s curatorial approach to the different voices included in this volume, bookended by his own introduction and conclusion, offers a synthesis that gives the reader several guiding principles to direct the conversation. In a collection of essays that approach the themes of “music” and “globalization” from a wide variety of theoretical, methodological, and positional perspectives, White’s suggestion that the reader focus on the importance of the “encounter” and the unique capacity of music in guiding these encounters provides a welcome foothold in what might otherwise be a somewhat vertiginous terrain of voices.

White organizes the essays into three parts, which consider musical encounters in different frameworks (historical, ethnographic, and imagined). This emphasis aims to refocus the analysis of global networks on the artists themselves, treating each interaction between musicians as one in which individual agents “negotiate power differentials and different versions of reality” (6). The book is meant to be supplemented by the Critical World website, where multimedia examples accompany the text, albeit in a loose and uncurated fashion.

Part 1, “Structured Encounters,” focuses on the ways in which history is inscribed in contemporary global encounters, and examines the ways that slavery, colonialism, capitalism, and other forms of political economies shape power differentials in the encounter. The first two chapters serve to ground the discussion of global music production in the continuing inertia of slavery and colonialism, while the second two chapters challenge the dominant perspectives of western anxiety about cultural flows from the west to the “rest.”

Denis-Constant Martin's chapter on “The Musical Heritage of Slavery” is an apt introductory piece for Part 1; it grounds all succeeding chapters in the violent past that is the precursor to contemporary discussions of creolization and hybridity. Martin compares the cultural outcomes of slavery in the United States with those in South Africa to create a multi-local demonstration of his main message: that “as a source of immense auditory, physical, and social pleasures, the mass-market music we enjoy today, including ‘world music,’ emerged in and from violence and domination” (33). This viewpoint shifts the normal focus of such conversations from the white European rock-stars-turned-record-producers and re-centers it on the slaves who were the original creators of “fusion” music. Taking a magnifying glass to the original conditions of the encounters between dominant and dominated, he forms a political stance that the dominated are always the owners of creole creation (i.e. jazz, rock, pop—the backbones for global musical exchanges). Unfortunately, as Martin himself admits, the documentary evidence of these processes as they are happening is not very extensive. Therefore, the documentation of the forces acting in the crucible of violent encounter and production of a creole culture is largely replaced by conjecture and educated guessing. Some of the conclusions verge on filling in gaps in documentation with western essentialist concepts of African music. Martin's conclusion, that utopian tropes of “fusion” and “unity” in world music must necessarily be underscored by a history of violence, domination, and social death and revitalization, sets the tone for the critical theme throughout the book. 

If African rhythmic elements pervaded North American creole musics, this was not the result of some sort of atavism but because there were common elements in many African musical cultures, and the link between rhythm, dance, and the body was of prime importance to people whose slave status and dehumanization were denoted by their bodies. (33)

Steven Feld follows up with a chapter that places one of the seminal world music records in contact with its colonial origins. While David Byrne and Brian Eno were applauded for their experimental use of foreign sounds in My Life in the Bush of Ghosts, Feld elucidates the ways in which this album depended specifically on the cachet of world religions. He critiques the ways in which Byrne and Eno commodify religious practices of postcolonial Others, to appeal to “the Western musical avant-garde's well-established primitivist project” (42). While this chapter extracts with an expert's dexterity the problematic recontextualization of religious practice, it fails to consider the fact that Byrne and Eno do not only sample sounds from Oriental subjects, but also from US Christian and other esoteric spiritual contexts.

The regime of value issue is this: in the eyes of the pop music elite, ethnographic recordings are tokens of raw authenticity. But they require civilizing––‘development’ to use the common international aid metaphor––to become dance-worthy and pop sales-worthy. (50)

Chapters 3 and 4 enrich the discourse of colonialism and slavery by considering how former colonial subjects negotiate and respond to imperialist and capitalist power structures in contemporary settings. Philip Hayward’s account in chapter 3 of the local music industry in the island nation of Vanuatu argues that western or global influences serve to strengthen the creation of local identity through a musical hybrid of pre- and postcolonial sources. Both kastom music and string-band music ( represent genres that––though influenced by western colonial and tourist contact––are nonetheless potent expressions of local identity. In chapter 4, on the other hand, Rafael José de Menezes Bastos complicates the characterizations of globalization by reversing the western-dominant power dynamic. In reexamining the criticism of the way in which British musician Sting took advantage of Brazilian indigenous musician Raoni for environmental publicity, Menezes Bastos considers how Raoni was also using Sting and his campaign for environmentalism for his own objectives to elevate the Kayapó-Xingu people. Through a mixture of historical and contemporary encounters, these four authors establish the fundamental axis of a jazz-rock world pop structure that encompasses (cannibalizes) many local idioms, but is based on the survival methods of African slaves in response to violence and dominance of European culture.

Part 2, “Mediated Encounters,” focuses on individuals and the ways they negotiate these various historical forces. Artists and producers mediate between consumers’ desire and artists’ authenticity. Daniel Noveck’s “‘Beautiful Blue’” follows in the same footsteps as Menezes Bastos, but emphasizes the usefulness of ethnographic description in addressing the particularities and paradoxes of the “encounter.” This engrossing chapter tells the tale of a Rarámuri musician who journeys from northern Mexico to Italy to learn the Italian tradition of violin-making. Noveck identifies the violin as the locus in which indigenous vs. European-American identities compete for dominance. He highlights the farcical actions of elitist do-gooders in showing that, while the Italians see the violin as an entry-point for indigenous cultures to learn about European high art, for Rarámuri men, the violin is a way to use western guilt for indigenous gain, to “claim the powers of ‘the colonizer’ and reuse them in the making of productive local spaces, and, in the process, to make themselves Rarámuris” (108).

Chapters 7 and 8 both address the place of Afro-Cuban music in the global production arena. Ariana Hernandez-Reguant focuses on the politics of representation for various independently produced Cuban music projects in the emerging World Music market (, and Richard Shain shows how the career of Senegalese salsero Laba Sosseh challenges the notion that market power flows from the global North to the global South ( Hernandez-Reguant offers a historical tour of Cuban albums produced after the Revolution, highlighting the role of African musicians and foreign independent producers in re-popularizing Cuban music abroad. Whereas many producers initially prioritized local aesthetics for connoisseurs of Afro-Cuban music, she underscores an increased catering to novices and non-specialists, as exemplified by the huge commercial success of the Buena Vista Social Club in the nineties. Comparing the production techniques of the Buena Vista Social Club (advanced production techniques, celebrity “ambassadors,” and the catering to upper-middle class cosmopolitans) with an almost identical album with the same format (Vieja Trova Santiaguera), which was aimed at connoisseurs of Afro-Cuban music rather than novices, Hernandez-Reguant illuminates those local and foreign producers and artists whose important work is often overshadowed by Ry Cooder's project in the world music discourse. This important genealogy of Afro-Cuban music production falls in line with the importance that Shain gives the career of Laba Sosseh in Chapter 8. Focusing on the musical and commercial interchange between Africa and Cuba, Shain gives proof that Laba Sosseh’s orientation toward Afro-Cuban musicians forges “a spatial reorientation of dominant world music models [that] restores agency to non-Western performers” (136), and considers the potency of “south-to-south” trade, which avoids the western record production complex altogether.

Part 3, “Imagined Encounters,” considers the imagination of the other in terms of what it says about the self. Barbara Browning sets off on a daring journey to tie three seemingly disparate frames of reference--political, biological, and cultural--together through the consideration of first Fela Kuti’s, and then Gilberto Gil’s approaches to the topics of slavery, the AIDS epidemic, and digital transmission of music ( If wonderfully written and composed almost as a musical “mash-up” of seemingly unrelated phenomena, the chapter leaves the reader wanting a deeper analysis of the processes of viruses, biological, digital, or cultural, and how medical knowledge might serve as a reference point for cultural and political panaceas.

The last two chapters of the book relate to the imagined encounter by bringing agency to the consumer/listener in the regulation of that imagination. Tim Taylor’s chapter on “World Music Today” and Bob White’s concluding chapter reconsidering “The Promise of World Music” encourage the reader to apply the critical perspectives discussed above to a practice of conscious consumption and non-essentialist listening. Taylor focuses the reflexive lens on who exactly is buying world music records. Once he has identified the majority of world-music consumers as “mostly white, college-educated adults looking for something different,” he focuses on the importance of what he calls global informational capital, or “the increasing importance in developed countries of possessing a kind of capital that stands in for real knowledge of the world in the current so-called information age” (182). Taylor’s perspective on the consumer of global music is fitting as the penultimate chapter. It introduces a form and substance to the oft-generalized force driving record production––those by whose demands Byrne and Eno, Sting, or Ry Cooder were ostensibly driven.

Yet, White, in the last chapter reminds us that this book is not meant to be an anti-Putumayo manifesto or a disparagement of Peter Gabriel, David Byrne, and all Buena Vista Social Club fans. Rather, it is a call for us to place in conversation what Feld identifies as the “anxious” and the “celebratory” analyses of global music consumption and to arrive at a more responsible listening. He offers eleven strategies for non-essentialist listening that aim to unlock the full potency of music to determine the course of globalization through informed encounters. Arguably, White is preaching to the choir; those who are reading his book are likely to be academics already involved in critical discussions of music and essentialism. They could have great potential use, however, as a beginning structure for University-level music courses. These strategies, offered as an initial step in deconstructing the complex power dynamics highlighted by the book’s contributors, have the potential to cultivate an informed and critical listener base for an increased occurrence of critical encounters through global music.

Editor's Note: This review has been updated to correct an error in the original piece.


1759 - Prussian incursions behind enemy lines   


Description: Corrected tense/forms: "...superiority...would reduced..." to "...superiority...would reduce..."; also replaced "Circle" with "District"

← Older revision Revision as of 21:16, 22 January 2020
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[[Frederick II]] spent the winter of 1758-59 in Breslau (present-day Wroclaw). During the previous campaigns, he had lost a large part of his veterans. The quality of his army was now deteriorating through the adjunct of new levies and recruits. To compensate for this, he decided to improve his artillery.
[[Frederick II]] spent the winter of 1758-59 in Breslau (present-day Wroclaw). During the previous campaigns, he had lost a large part of his veterans. The quality of his army was now deteriorating through the adjunct of new levies and recruits. To compensate for this, he decided to improve his artillery.
For the campaign of 1759, Frederick considered that the superiority of his enemies would probably reduced him to the defence of his own kingdom.
For the campaign of 1759, Frederick considered that the superiority of his enemies would probably reduce him to the defence of his own kingdom.
From February onwards, several incursions were launched against French, Imperial, Austrian and Russian magazines to cripple their future operations.  
From February onwards, several incursions were launched against French, Imperial, Austrian and Russian magazines to cripple their future operations.  
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At the beginning of January, 4 Austrian infantry rgts ([[Botta Infantry|Botta]], [[Harrach Infantry|Harrach]], [[Hildburghausen Infantry|Hildburghausen]] and [[Piccolomini Infantry|Thürheim]]) and the [[Bretlach Cuirassiers]] were sent from Bohemia to Franconia under FML Count d’Arberg to support the [[Reichsarmee]].
At the beginning of January, 4 Austrian infantry rgts ([[Botta Infantry|Botta]], [[Harrach Infantry|Harrach]], [[Hildburghausen Infantry|Hildburghausen]] and [[Piccolomini Infantry|Thürheim]]) and the [[Bretlach Cuirassiers]] were sent from Bohemia to Franconia under FML Count d’Arberg to support the [[Reichsarmee]].
On January 11, the contingent of the Circle of the Upper Rhine arrived at Erfurt to reinforce the garrison (1 bn of [[Kurmainz Infantry]] and 1 garrison bn of [[Gaisruck Infantry]]). Saalfeld was also occupied by a few bns and a number of horse to protect the line of communication between Erfurt and Franconia.
On January 11, the contingent of the Upper Rhine district arrived at Erfurt to reinforce the garrison (1 bn of [[Kurmainz Infantry]] and 1 garrison bn of [[Gaisruck Infantry]]). Saalfeld was also occupied by a few bns and a number of horse to protect the line of communication between Erfurt and Franconia.
By January 13, the Reichsarmee and its Austrian auxiliaries had advanced into Thuringia and Franconia, and reached Erfurt. This army then extended its positions into the duchies of Saxe-Eisenach, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Gotha and the district of Fulda.
By January 13, the Reichsarmee and its Austrian auxiliaries had advanced into Thuringia and Franconia, and reached Erfurt. This army then extended its positions into the duchies of Saxe-Eisenach, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Gotha and the district of Fulda.


Jag har läst Piketty - några reflexioner   

Det har påståtts någonstans att Thomas Pikettys Kapitalet i tjugoförsta århundradet står i en massa bokhyllor men inte har lästs av så många. Den är ju ganska tjock. Jag köpte den på bokrean för några år sedan, och nu har jag läst den - inte så supernoga, men i alla fall läst och funderat litegrann.

Först kan sägas att jämfört med mycket nationalekonomiskt mumbo-jumbo så är boken lättläst och klar i framställningen. En originell sak är att Piketty ibland använder äldre fransk och brittisk skönlitteratur för att visa på hur vissa förhållanden uppfattades på 1800-talet. Det tror jag få matematikförgiftade moderna ekonomer skulle klara av, eller ens våga göra. Om de ens läser någon skönlitteratur ...

Titeln, Kapitalet, får en del att tänka på Marx tjocka volymer (som jag självfallet läst), men Pikettys har knappast det marxska djupet. Om det är en fortsättning på Marx vill jag låta vara osagt. En grundläggande tanke hos Marx om kapitalismens utveckling och fall är "lagen om profitkvotens fallande tendens". Piketty klagar över att Marx text är oklar, och går vidare utan att ta ställning vare sig för eller emot. - Jag antar att om Marx på 1850-1860-talet hade haft tillgång till samma statistiska material som Piketty kunnat använda i nutid så hade den senares bok varit obehövlig. Och när Marx jobbade fram teorin om profitkvotens fall stödde han sig på grundliga studier av tidigare ekonomer (vilket framgår av de tre volymerna av Teorier om mervärdet, vilket visserligen inte är en textsamling som var avsedd för publicering direkt utan arbetsmaterial för Kapitalet, men som innehåller en massa intressant material.)

Marx hade dock, och Piketty har, en mycket tung bas i historiska data. Och där blir det verkligt intressant, om man nöjer sig med många intressanta observationer och data men inte kräver riktigt tunga slutsatser. Problemet är enligt Piketty att i allmänhet så växer kapitalinkomsterna snabbare än tillväxten i ekonomin, och då kommer kapitalägarna (oftast en liten grupp i samhället) att dra till sig en allt större del av samhällets rikedomar. De rika blir rikare, helt enkelt. De fattiga förblir fattiga. (En annan ekonom, grek-fransosen Arghiri Emmanuel, hävdade för bortåt femtio år sedan att arbetarlöner under årtusenden i stort sett ligger på existensminimum.)

Den enorma ojämlikheten är ett välkänt förhållande idag. Där Marx ville omstörta hela det skändliga systemet landar Piketty i en global kapitalskatt. (Det påminner om J A Hobson som i början av 1900-talet ville angripa imperialismen med skatter - Lenin använde senare Hobsons utredning men insåg att den mordiska imperialismen inte gick att skatta bort.)

Under större delen av civilisationernas flertusenåriga historia har tillväxten varit väldigt låg, eller i det närmaste stått stilla. Om kapitalinkomsterna varit obetydligt större än tillväxten har det ändå lett till ökad koncentration av rikedomar. Men så händer något som (tillfälligt?) ändrar bilden. In kommer 1900-talet.

Under 1900-talet slår krig och kriser till och det drabbar de traditionella förmögenheterna hårt i många länder. Den tidigare enorma skillnaden i inkomster och förmögenhet (även i Sverige) minskar kraftigt. Samtidigt uppstår en stor medelklass som inte bara har kapitalinkomster och en del egendom, utan också är bra avlönad. Vi får en samhällsstruktur med en liten extremt rik överklass (de som Occupy-rörelsen kallade för enprocentarna, men som i sin mest extrema del handlar om kanske 0,1 procent av folket), en ganska stor välmående medelklass, samt en underklass som knappast äger något.

Det är den där medelklassen som särskilt fångar min uppmärksamhet. Redan Emmanuel, som jag hänvisade till ovan, varnade för den tillfälliga naturen av dess välstånd. Många i denna klass är ju vanliga knegare, och historiskt sett så har ju den gruppen inte varit så välbetald - snarare tvärtom. Men vad händer nu? - Jag kan bland annat hänvisa till en bloggpost från förra året, baserad på en OECD-rapport. Den säger kort och gott att det som kallas medelklass har minskat under de senaste årtiondena. Då kan man ju räkna ut att inte så många medelklassare svingar sig upp till de rikaste skikten, utan de sjunker i stället nedåt. Det stämmer ju också rätt väl med hur Marx såg på den historiska utvecklingen.

Jag har skrivit en del på bloggen om medelklassens plågor tidigare, och det är för mig ganska uppenbart att här är en grupp med stor politisk betydelse. Revolutionär eller reaktionär. De västliga samhällenas produktiva bas förändras, vissa delar vittrar sönder - avindustrialisering och konkurrens med nya länder på uppgång - och i den processen så åker dessa medelskikt på allt hårdare smällar. Det blir oroligt, milt sagt. Både hos de drabbade och hos överklassen som gruvar sig för vad deras tidigare så pålitliga medelklass kan hitta på. Kanske gå ut på gatorna och kravalla? Kan man se det växande övervakningssamhället som delvis ett svar på denna oro? - Nå, den aspekten på medelklassens möjliga revolt går inte Piketty in på, annat än möjligen med någon dunkel antydning, men för de politiskt intresserade bör saken vara väldigt intressant.


¿Quién fue Iván El Terrible?   

¿Quién fue Iván El Terrible?
  Iván IV el Terrible, fue un Zar de Rusia entre 1547-1584. Hijo de Basilio III y de Elena Glinski y nieto de Iván III Vasilevich el Grande, al casarse con Sofía Paleólogo, sobrina del último emperador de Bizancio, asumió la tradición imperial y transmitió a su hijo el título de zar. Sin embargo, Iván...

China coronavirus outbreak – London experts reveal all they know about Wuhan disease – The Sun   

THE killer coronavirus that’s sweeping through China is “as deadly as Spanish flu, which killed 50 million people”, experts today warned. Nine people have died and cases have soared by more than 100 in the last 24 hours, reaching 440, Chinese authorities confirmed. British experts have today warned the true number of cases is more likely to range from 1,000 to 10,000. Professor Neil Ferguson, an expert in mathematical biology at Imperial College London told reporters in London the death rate for the new strain of coronavirus is “roughly the same as for The Spanish flu epidemic, at around one

Libia: razzi sull’aeroporto di Mitiga, dove c’è il contingente italiano. L’imperialismo turco preoccupa anche gli arabi   


Libia, tregua ancora violata. Ma non dal generale Haftar, lui difende il popolo libico dall’invasione turca. Ma dalla stessa Turchia, che si giustifica dicendo di essere in Libia per “addestrare” non si  sa chi. Intanto oggi sospesi i voli da e per l’aeroporto internazionale di Mitiga, unico scalo funzionante a est di Tripoli in Libia, […]

L'articolo Libia: razzi sull’aeroporto di Mitiga, dove c’è il contingente italiano. L’imperialismo turco preoccupa anche gli arabi sembra essere il primo su Secolo d'Italia.


Re:Xhorik 87th Drop Troops -- "Into hell we go... Willingly!"   

Loved your comment in response; it is the express purpose of Imperial Guard infantry to die in droves- it says so in the oath to the Emperor!

Keep up the good work!.

[Video] Sunday Book Review: January 19, 2020, the NY Review of Books edition   

In today’s edition of Sunday Book Review: 1. De Gaulle by Julian Jackson 2. Zwicky: The Outcast Genius Who Unmasked the Universe by John Johnson Jr. 3. Domina: The Women Who Made Imperial Rome-Guy de la Bédoyère 4. Grinnell: America’s Environmental...
By: Thomas Fox

A nagy könyvlopás - A látogatók két hét alatt széthordták a kiállítást   


Mi visz rá főiskolás képzőművészeket, egyetemi hallgatókat és leendő művészettörténészeket arra, hogy a Műcsarnokból ellopják az ott kiállított könyveket? A válasz egyetlen összetett szóban összefoglalható: az információéhség. A Szentendrei Képtár kiállításon mutatja be a magyar kultúrtörténet egyik elfeledett, mégis sokatmondó epizódját, az 1959-es könyvlopás történetét, amikor is két hét alatt a kiállított háromezer könyv nagy részét egészen egyszerűen magukkal vitték a látogatók. 

Ahhoz, hogy meg tudjuk érteni az akkori eseményeket, vissza kell lépni pár évet az időben. Ezt az utat követi a kiállítás is, amely propagandahíradó-bejátszásokkal és az Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára anyagai segítségével idézi meg az ötvenes éveket. A francia-magyar kapcsolatok abban az időpontban abszolút mélypontra kerültek, a bizalmatlanság csúcsra járt – az ötvenes években például kémkedéssel vádolták a francia kulturális attasét, Guy Turbet-Delofot, de mivel ő diplomáciai védettséget élvezett, ezért a munkatársait zaklatták és börtönözték be, köztük a diplomata titkárnőjét, Halkó Mariannt. A kiállításon nemcsak az akkori jelentéseket és vallomásokat hallgathatjuk meg, de kiderül az is, hogy a hidegháborúban a szembenálló felek milyen nagy jelentőséget tulajdonítottak a könyvnek: a kiállítás így felidézi azt a CIA által finanszírozott programot is, amelyben különböző fedőszervezeteken keresztül 1956 és 1991 között tízmillió kötetet juttattak el a vasfüggöny mögé, így Magyarországra is, amit a korabeli híradó természetesen az imperialisták felforgató tevékenységeként tálalt.

Egy ilyen politikai és kulturális mélypont után jutottunk el aztán az évtized végére, amikor a Műcsarnokban és a Sorbonne-on pár hetes eltéréssel francia, illetve magyar könyvkiállítást rendeztek. Míg utóbbin például a börtönbüntetését töltő Déry Tibor szabadon bocsátását követelő francia nyelvű röplapot osztogattak, a budapesti kiállítás azzal került be a köztudatba, hogy a látogatók egyszerűen ellopták a kiállított tárgyakat. Az akkori eseményeket felidéző szentendrei kiállítás legérdekesebb részét éppen azok az interjúrészletek adják, melyekben ma már neves képzőművészek, művészettörténészek – akkor fiatal főiskolai hallgatók – mesélnek az 1959-es kiállításról, és arról, hogy ők maguk hogyan tettek szert a könyvekre.

[...] Bővebben!

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Words Mean Things: Reclaiming Martin Luther King Jr. From The Grips of Imperialism   


King’s spirit is that of a true revolutionary which can never be distorted to the point of no return, and will always live on for those who need it. In schools across the United States, few Black names grace the pages of curricula as frequently and with more energy than that of Dr. Martin Luther […]

The post Words Mean Things: Reclaiming Martin Luther King Jr. From The Grips of Imperialism appeared first on Wear Your Voice.


Why Artists Must Resist War Films and Imperialist Propaganda   


The state understands that artists can be a useful tool when they’re willing to fall in line, and recognize that they can be fearsome enemies when they refuse to submit.  By Nylah Burton Like so many U.S. millennials, I can remember exactly what I was doing on 9/11. At six-years-old, I was cowering under cafeteria […]

The post Why Artists Must Resist War Films and Imperialist Propaganda appeared first on Wear Your Voice.


Imperialism is the United States’ Profitable and Exploitative Legacy in Iran   


We have historical precedent to suggest that the killing of General Qassem Soleimani is imperialist in nature and meant to maintain power in Iran. TW/CW: the are mentions of war and death in this article By Reina Sultan At the 1986 Black Women Writers in the Diaspora Conference, Audre Lorde asked, “What does it mean […]

The post Imperialism is the United States’ Profitable and Exploitative Legacy in Iran appeared first on Wear Your Voice.


The Gift review – clever and complex vision of black Britons, then and now   


Belgrade theatre, Coventry
The story of Sarah Bonetta Davies, given to Queen Victoria, is contrasted with a modern black British woman in Janice Okoh’s play

The historian David Olusoga has spoken of black Britons across the centuries whose stories have been forgotten, untold or “hidden in plain view”. Sarah Bonetta Davies is one of them. A 19th-century Yoruba princess, she was orphaned and enslaved before becoming the goddaughter of Queen Victoria and living in Brighton.

This co-production by Eclipse Theatre and the Belgrade is part of an initiative to deliver new black British stories. One of the achievements of Janice Okoh’s clever and complex script is that it is not a straightforward retelling of Davies’s life. The Gift offers a formally original and intellectual engagement with forgotten history, cross-racial adoption and the impact of imperialism on black British lives today.

Continue reading...

The Impeachment smoke screen, Todd L. Thornton, guest blogger   


The Democrat's Articles of Impeachment are a smoke screen of legal jargon covering up why they really want Trump impeached.

Why Trump is being Impeached:

1. Border crossings are down 73% and the Democratic Party is well aware of how preventing illegal aliens from socialist nations to enter the United States is affecting their “Illegal Voter Registration” policies, especially in sanctuary states, like California and New York where an impoverished and dependent class of citizen is crucial to their political power.

2. Despite outright corruption orchestrated by Organizing For America using the American media (NBC, CNN, ABC, The New York Times, The Washington Post, and others), fake race riots, phony Russian collaboration, and pretend stories about Ukrainian influence were peddled as fact and bolstered by a corrupt leadership team at the FBI and CIA. These efforts failed to topple the President as there was no basis of fact in the allegations and Millions of dollars were wasted. In the midst of an active impeachment trial, The President has begun investigating the Democrats and where their money comes from. Americans are just beginning to learn of global money laundering schemes, pay-to-play diplomacy, and complicity in the actual crimes the President stands accused of. Billions of dollars have been traded for Democrat's families to have jobs, pedophiles and communists to take safe haven, provide for anti-American terrorist regimes, and line the pockets of phony charities like the Clinton Foundation and the myriad of Soros funded groups actively working to destroy the American political system of democracy and freedom. The Democrats must stop Trump or they risk losing the mechanisms to fund their imperial power and socialist agenda.

3. President Trump is not a politician and campaigned as such, promising to accomplish in his first term what politicians holding office for upwards of thirty years have been unable to accomplish during their tenure. His success exacerbates their failure to act. His donated paycheck contrasts with their propensity to become millionaires on a Congressmen's salary.

Below is a list off the Trump Administration's Accomplishments. These accomplishments are pro-American, pro-democracy, and citizen focused. These successes are not derived via deception, corruption, or racism despite media claims to the contrary.

• Almost 4 million jobs created since President Trump was elected.
• More Americans are now employed than ever recorded before in our history.
• The Trump Administration has created more than 400,000 manufacturing jobs since his election.
• Manufacturing jobs growing at the fastest rate in more than thirty years.
• Economic growth last quarter hit 4.2 percent.
• New unemployment claims recently hit a 49-year low.
• Median household income has reached the highest level ever recorded.
• African-American unemployment has recently achieved the lowest rate ever recorded.
• Hispanic-American unemployment is at the lowest rate ever recorded.
• Asian-American unemployment recently achieved the lowest rate ever recorded.
• Women’s unemployment recently reached the lowest rate in 65 years.
• More women are now employed than men.
• Youth unemployment has recently hit the lowest rate in nearly half a century.
• American now has the lowest unemployment rate ever recorded for Americans without a high school diploma.
• Under the Trump Administration, veterans’ unemployment recently reached its lowest rate in nearly twenty years.
• Almost 3.9 million Americans have been lifted off food stamps since the election.
• The Pledge to America’s Workers has resulted in employers committing to train more than 4 million Americans through vocational education.
• 95 percent of U.S. manufacturers are optimistic about the future—the highest ever.
• Retail sales surged last month, up another 6 percent over last year.
• President Trump signed the biggest package of tax cuts and reforms in American history. After tax cuts, over $300 billion was poured back in to the U.S. in the first quarter alone.
• As a result of Trump's tax policies, small businesses will have the lowest top marginal tax rate in more than 80 years.
• The Trump Administration helped win the U.S. bid for the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles.
• The Trump Administration helped win U.S.-Mexico-Canada’s united bid for 2026 World Cup.
• Trump's energy policies opened ANWR and approved the Keystone XL and Dakota Access Pipelines to secure American oil independence and make the United States a net exporter.
• Under President Trump the United States is a net natural gas exporter for the first time since 1957.
• The President's policies increased US coal exports by 60 percent while U.S. oil production recently reached an all-time high.
• President Trump cut wasteful government red-tape by eliminating a record number of regulations.
• The Trump Administration enacted regulatory relief for community banks and credit unions.
• The Obamacare individual mandate penalty was ended.
• The Trump Administration is providing more affordable healthcare options for Americans through association health plans and short-term duration plans.
• Last month, the FDA approved more affordable generic drugs than ever before in history. And thanks to the President's efforts, many drug companies are freezing or reversing planned price increases.
• The President reformed the Medicare program to stop hospitals from overcharging low-income seniors on their drugs—saving seniors hundreds of millions of dollars this year alone.
• Signed Right-To-Try experimental medical procedure legislation.
• Secured $6 billion in NEW funding to fight the opioid epidemic and reduced high-dose opioid prescriptions by 16 percent during his first year in office.
• Signed VA Choice Act and VA Accountability Act, expanded VA telehealth services, walk-in-clinics, and same-day urgent primary and mental health care for American Veterans.
• The President withdrew the United States from the job-killing Paris Climate Accord.
• The President cancelled the illegal, anti-coal, so-called Clean Power Plan.
• Secured record $700 billion in military funding; $716 billion next year.
• The President is working to ensure American taxpayers no longer pay for the defense of national that can afford to defend themselves. As a result, NATO allies are spending $530 billion more on defense since 2016.
• To counter the militarization of space by Russia and China, The President has begun to make the Space Force the 6th branch of the Armed Forces.
• Nominated and confirmed more conservative circuit court judges than any other new administration.
• Nominated and confirmed Supreme Court Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh.
• Withdrew from United States from the one-sided Iran Deal.
• Moved U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem.
• Protecting Americans from terrorists with the Travel Ban, upheld by Supreme Court.
• Issued an Executive Order to keep open Guantanamo Bay.
• Passed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) that will bring relief and business to the American farmer concluding a historic U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Deal to replace NAFTA.
• Reached a breakthrough agreement with the E.U. to increase U.S. exports.
• Imposed tariffs on foreign steel and aluminum to protect our national security.
• Imposed tariffs on China to level the playing field in response to China’s forced technology transfer, intellectual property theft, and their chronically abusive trade practices.
• Net exports are on track to increase by $59 billion this year.
• Improved vetting and screening for refugees, and switched focus to overseas resettlement.
• Requiring Hospitals to publicly disclose the costs charged and paid by ALL insurance companies to ensure transparency and fair competition.
• Making animal cruelty a Federal felony, praised by the American Humane Society.
• Expanding federal civil rights protections against anti-Semitism, which was duly praised by the President of the Anti-Defamation League.

Now ask yourself, "Who would be against such things, what would motivate them, and why would they want President Trump removed for office?"


| How Not To Teach American History by David Davenport and Gordon Lloyd (Hoover Institution)   


“Given the myriad crises our country now confronts, who would have guessed that among them would be how we teach American history?  Nevertheless, as a new school year begins, the content, presentation and teaching of US history are in the news almost daily.  Should statues honoring civil war figures—at least those from the losing side—or former slaveholders be retained?  Do we need to change the names of streets or buildings if they bear the names of historical figures that do not satisfy present moral or political sensibilities?  Should history texts be rewritten to diminish their emphasis on our flawed heroes while increasing the teaching of racial, ethnic and gender minorities?  In short, should we be about the business of erasing, rewriting, apologizing for, protecting against, knocking down or covering up our history as many have proposed?

The recent controversy over historic murals at George Washington High School in San Francisco presents a microcosm of the problems.  A 1936 painting depicting the life of George Washington shows two features that some found troublesome:  White settlers standing over the body of a Native American and slaves working at Washington’s estate.  Some students, faculty and parents said the mural was racist and offensive.  Others said no, it tells the truth about that era and should be seen.  Still others said, regardless of the historical questions, it is a work of art and should remain.  Washington High graduate, actor Danny Glover, said, “Art has to make us feel uncomfortable.  That’s what art does.”

Initially the school board decided to do away with the mural but after a hue and cry from many—including minority groups and artists—it reversed course and, by a one-vote margin, concluded it would cover them up at a cost of over $600,000.  The sense was that showing the art would traumatize students and others in the community, but that destroying it permanently went too far.    At the root of the debate is whether such depictions are appropriate for learning from our history or, alternatively, whether history must be presented in a way that does not offend.

What happens in the schools constitutes the ground war in the battle over American history, but elites are busily engaged in an air war.  The New York Times joined the battle this month by introducing The 1619 Project, “a major initiative…to reframe the country’s history, understanding 1619 as our true founding.”  The beginning of slavery in 1619 explains everything, including the brutality of American capitalism, says the Times, and it will “publish essays demonstrating that nearly everything that has made America exceptional grew out of slavery.”

Meanwhile, across the country in California, the state school board has proposed a draft ethnic studies curriculum that seeks not just to celebrate the historic contributions of minorities, but to “critique empire and its relationship to white supremacy, racism, patriarchy, cisheteropatriarchy, capitalism, ableism, anthropocentrism and other forms of power and oppression at the intersection of our society.”  That is hardly the way to open a conversation about the historic contribution of ethnic groups.

The bombs are dropping and the guns are firing in the war over America’s history.

Can We Make Sense of This Moment

Why should the teaching of American history have become so controversial at this moment?  Surely one factor is a shift in how we think about students themselves.  For many years, now, the term “helicopter parents” has described a heightened involvement by adults to keep careful watch over their kids, fearful that in this complex age, their child will be left behind. 

A new term, “lawnmower parents,” seems to characterize the current age even better, since these adults now seek to mow down any and every obstacle that might stand in a child’s path. Children are thought of as “snowflakes” who might melt if exposed to too much heat, including the fires of controversy or even criticism.  Taking down murals and rewriting stories of an uncomfortable history becomes part of the strategy of coddling and protecting sensitive kids rather than letting them confront the difficulties of history and make sense of them for themselves, developing judgment and resilience for life.

Another important factor is the movement, begun several decades ago, to demythologize American history.  Howard Zinn led this charge with his People’s History of the United States (1980), a textbook that reveals the selfish motives and cruel actions of America’s traditional heroes, while retelling America’s narrative from the perspective of their victims.  By Zinn’s account, Columbus came to murder natives and steal gold, while the Founders developed a constitutional republic that would protect their slaves and property. 
The counter-narratives continues into modern times, when World War II was about “advancing the imperial interests of the United States,” and the last fifty years were “a capitalistic encouragement of enormous fortunes alongside desperate poverty, a nationalistic acceptance of war and preparations for war.”

In the early going, The People’s History, was assigned by teachers as a supplement or counterpoint to traditional history textbooks.  However, today it has sold over two million copies and has become, as Professor Sam Wineburg of Stanford University has said, “mainstream” and, in many circles, “the dominant narrative.”  One way to read the battle over American history, then, is a conflict between the traditional heroic view and Zinn’s account of resistance.  But it is no longer enough for Zinn’s story to be presented as a counterpoint to the traditional view, allowing students to make their own choices, but Zinn’s disciples now feel the need to eliminate the heroic view and favorable understanding of American history altogether.  We live in a moment when many feel a need to throw out the baby of America’s accomplishments with the bathwater of colonialism.  Zinn’s work presents not merely a counterpoint but a new orthodoxy.

In seeking to understand the current history wars, we might go so far as to say that they have become politics by other means.  American history has been afflicted by presentism, examining our past with 21st century sensibilities and standards.  If colonials owned slaves, for example, our present standards must cause us to reject them, even erase their names from our history.  If a leader was on the wrong side of the Civil War, we may no longer honor them, despite any other accomplishments.  Professor Wineburg calls this “reading the present into the past.”  Since we now find politics in every part of the curriculum—even in biology and art—we should not be surprised to find it in history class.  Indeed, publishers sell very different history textbooks in conservative Texas than they do in liberal California.

Toward Better Teaching of History and Civics

As a starting point, all sides should be able to agree that we have been teaching history and civics poorly.  In the most recent report of the National Educational Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP, or “America’s report card”), only 18% of 8th graders tested as “proficient” or better in American history while a mere 23% were “proficient” or better in government and civics.  Only 1-2% tested as “advanced” in these subjects.   The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation reported last year that only 36% of Americans could pass the US Citizenship Test, including questions about the ratification and provisions of the US Constitution, the participants in World War II and other history basics.  An Annenberg Public Policy Center Study in 2017 reported that 75% of students did not know the three branches of government and 37% could not name one right in the First Amendment.

A number of curriculum experts advocate the more promising approach of teaching students using primary documents, not just textbooks.  The Ashbrook Center in Ohio has trained and retrained thousands of teachers to use primary documents—not just the Constitution and Declaration, but speeches, letters, and other documents of the time—to recreate events and debates in our history.  This engages students more actively than the passive reading of a textbook and invites them to understand history from the perspective of the participants, not just through the political lens of the 21st century.  Teachers report both greater excitement and understanding from the use of primary documents as well as the prospect that students can draw their own conclusions.  Several other curriculum efforts such as the DBQ Project and programs at Berkeley, Stanford and Brown University similarly put primary documents at the center of history teaching.

There is even a new and improved textbook, finally, in American history:  Wilfred M. McClay’s Land of Hope:  An Invitation to the Great American Story (Encounter Books, 2019).  McClay succeeds in delivering an inspiring narrative of American history, without rewriting, whitewashing, avoiding or politicizing.  Author Gordon S. Wood understood the value of such a narrative during, as he put it, “a time of severe partisanship that has infected many accounts of our nation’s past.”  History, in McClay’s hands, is a compelling and hopeful narrative, not a collection of disputed facts and intrusive opinions.

Dare we further propose that another important objective in teaching American history should be to help students not only understand but also love their country and be prepared to serve as well-informed citizens?  The Founders understood that a free republic would only work if an informed citizenry supported it and education was high on their agenda. More recently, President Ronald Reagan, in his farewell message, warned of the need to return the teaching of civics and history to develop “an informed patriotism.”  Sociologist James Loewe, author of Lies My Teacher Told Me, reminds us that, “We aren’t just learning about the past to satisfy our curiosity—we are  learning about the past to do our jobs as Americans.”  Professor Sam Wineburg agrees:  “It is not popular to talk about in an era of identity politics, but history teaching in school has a civic purpose, not only a disciplinary purpose.”


We live in a time when we seem to engage in every possible approach to history except to learn from it.  We seek to erase it, cover it over, topple it down, rewrite it, apologize for it, skip it—but not to put it out there to learn from it.  The evidence suggests students are doing very little learning of history as it is but, with all the bad ways we are presenting history, we should not be surprised.  It is time we return to an understanding that history and civics are essential underpinnings for good citizenship, and that teaching them includes, most assuredly, the basics but also an appreciation of one’s country and a willingness to be prepared to serve it.”

Davenport is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution.  Lloyd is a senior fellow at the Ashbrook Center and Dockson Professor Emeritus at the Pepperdine School of Public Policy


Uma interessante lição de História que veio do Brasil    



Como o Saber não ocupa lugar, o que aqui se transcreve, textualmente, também poderá interessar a Portugal que, além de estar a perder a Língua Materna, está a perder também a sua História.


A História que se ensina nas escolas brasileiras está muito mal contada. Em Portugal, a História está posta de canto. Estes apontamentos valem muito mais do que tudo o que se (mal) ensina, por lá e por cá.


Aproveitemos a lição, não só de História, mas também do Português, dito Brasileiro, assinalado a negrito. É que uns e outros ainda têm muito, muito o que aprender.


Isabel A. Ferreira



Dom Pedro II – Imperador do Brasil




Santos Dumont almoçava 3 vezes por semana na casa da Princesa Isabel em Paris.

A ideia do Cristo na montanha do Corcovado partiu da Princesa Isabel.

A família imperial não tinha escravos. Todos os negros eram alforriados e assalariados, em todos os imóveis da família. 


D. Pedro II tentou ao parlamento a abolição da escravatura desde 1848. Uma luta contra os poderosos fazendeiros por 40 anos.

D. Pedro II falava 23 idiomas, sendo que 17 era fluente.

A primeira tradução do clássico árabe “Mil e uma noites” foi feita por D. Pedro II, do árabe arcaico para o português do Brasil.

D. Pedro II doava 50% de sua dotação anual para instituições de caridade e incentivos para educação com ênfase nas ciências e artes.

D. Pedro Augusto Saxe-Coburgo era fã assumido de Chiquinha Gonzaga.

 Princesa Isabel recebia com bastante frequência amigos negros em seu palácio em Laranjeiras para saraus e pequenas festas. Um verdadeiro escândalo para época.

 Na casa de veraneio em Petrópolis, Princesa Isabel ajudava a esconder escravos fugidos e arrecadava numerários para alforriá-los.

Os pequenos filhos da Princesa Isabel possuíam um jornalzinho que circulava em Petrópolis, um jornal totalmente abolicionista.

D. Pedro II recebeu 14 mil votos na Filadélfia para a eleição Presidencial, devido sua popularidade, na época os eleitores podiam votar em qualquer pessoa nas eleições.

Uma senhora milionária do sul, inconformada com a derrota na guerra civil americana, propôs a Pedro II anexar o sul dos Estados Unidos ao Brasil, ele respondeu literalmente com dois “Never!” bem enfáticos.

 Pedro II fez um empréstimo pessoal a um banco europeu para comprar a fazenda que abrange hoje o Parque Nacional da Tijuca. Em uma época que ninguém pensava em ecologia ou desmatamento, Pedro II mandou reflorestar toda a grande fazenda de café com mata atlântica.

Quando D. Pedro II do Brasil subiu ao trono, em 1840, 92% da população brasileira era analfabeta.

Em seu último ano de reinado, em 1889, essa porcentagem era de 56%, devido ao seu grande incentivo a educação, a construção de faculdades e, principalmente, de inúmeras escolas que tinham como modelo o excelente Colégio Pedro II.


A Imperatriz Teresa Cristina cozinhava as próprias refeições diárias da família imperial apenas com a ajuda de uma empregada (paga com o salário de Pedro II).


(1880) O Brasil era a 4º economia do Mundo e o 9º maior Império da história.


✔ (1860-1889) A média do crescimento econômico foi de 8,81% ao ano.


(1880) Eram 14 impostos, atualmente são 98.


(1850-1889) A média da inflação foi de 1,08% ao ano.


(1880) A moeda brasileira tinha o mesmo valor do dólar e da libra esterlina.


(1880) O Brasil tinha a segunda maior e melhor marinha do Mundo, perdendo apenas para a da Inglaterra.


(1860-1889) O Brasil foi o primeiro país da América Latina e o segundo no Mundo a ter ensino especial para deficientes auditivos e deficientes visuais.


(1880) O Brasil foi o maior construtor de estradas de ferro do Mundo, com mais de 26 mil km.


A imprensa era livre tanto para pregar o ideal republicano quanto para falar mal do nosso Imperador.

"Diplomatas europeus e outros observadores estranhavam a liberdade dos jornais brasileiros" conta o historiador José Murilo de Carvalho. Mesmo diante desses ataques, D. Pedro II se colocava contra a censura. "Imprensa se combate com imprensa", dizia.


O Maestro e Compositor Carlos Gomes, de “O Guarani” foi sustentado por Pedro II até atingir grande sucesso mundial.


Pedro II mandou acabar com a guarda chamada Dragões da Independência por achar desperdício de dinheiro público. Com a república a guarda voltou a existir.


Em 1887, Pedro II recebeu os diplomas honorários de Botânica e Astronomia pela Universidade de Cambridge.


A mídia ridicularizava a figura de Pedro II por usar roupas extremamente simples, e o descaso no cuidado e manutenção dos palácios da Quinta da Boa Vista e Petrópolis. Pedro II não admitia tirar dinheiro do governo para tais futilidades. Alvo de charges quase diárias nos jornais, mantinha a total liberdade de expressão e nenhuma censura.


D. Pedro II andava pelas ruas de Paris em seu exílio sempre com um saco de veludo ao bolso com um pouco de areia da praia de Copacabana. Foi enterrado com ele.»


Fonte: Biblioteca Nacional RJ, IMS RJ, Diário de Pedro II, Acervo Museu Imperial de Petrópolis RJ, IHGB, FGV, Museu Nacional RJ, Bibliografia de José Murilo de Carvalho.




Origem do texto:



Seoul Nightlife: Where to Party in Seoul?   

Note: This Seoul nightlife review was written by Marc, an Italian expatriate who has lived over 8 years in the city.

For a foreigner, Seoul nightlife is easy to map. There are three main party areas where you can go out after dark:
- Itaewon (foreigner area)
- Gangnam (upscale area)
- Hongdae (student area)

Let's review each of them in details:

Seoul Nightlife Areas + Hotels

Itaewon nightlife map (click on it to open it - best viewed on laptop)
Recommended hotels near Itaewon nightlife:
Hamilton Hotel (US$105 per night)
Imperial Palace Boutique Hotel (US$110 per night) - Same complex as Made Club
Historically, the area near Itaewon metro station was the first in Seoul where foreigners (mostly U.S. military) would go to drink and party. It has remained popular until today, especially among tourists, English teachers, soldiers, businessmen, expats, and diplomats.

Once a gritty neighborhood, it has changed a lot over the past 10 years. While it isn't particularly pretty, it has become much more trendy with dozens of upscale shops, hipster coffee shops, and cool bars.

It is considered the most foreigner-friendly area in Seoul. In particular, there are many Western-owned pubs, such as Wolfhound Pub (Irish), Route 66 (American), Rocky Mountain (Canadian), Fat Albert (Canadian), and Sam Ryan's Sports Pub (Canadian-Australian). Coincidentally, due to the presence of Seoul's Central Mosque nearby, Itaewon also has a high number of migrant workers from Muslim countries (especially from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia).

Despite this, most people you'll encounter in Itaewon are Koreans (at least 80%). Among them, a few may be interested in chatting with foreigners to improve their English or to make new friends.

The busiest nights in Itaewon are from Thursdays to Saturdays. On weekdays, it is not as happening, but still, it is usually more crowded than anywhere else in the city.

If you can afford to spend some money, I'd recommend starting your night out in the fancy Korean BBQ restaurant Maple Tree House (if you are on a budget, don't worry as you also have much cheaper options, including some kebab joints).

After eating, you can crawl from bar to bars easily as they are all within walking distance to each other (if you are alone, you may want to join a pub crawl like Thirsty Thursdays). Another good thing about Itaewon is that clubs will rarely refuse foreigners (unfortunately, this can be quite common in Gangnam).

Overview of clubs and bars in Itaewon
Many of the popular venues (like GlamProst, Boombar, or the Fountain) are located on the road Itaewon-ro 27-ga-gil, just behind Hamilton Hotel (Exit 1 of Itaewon Station). You may also want to check Soul Train and the Gold Bar - which are low-key but fun places. Club Made attracts an almost 100% Korean crowd, including some really pretty girls.
Club Made in Itaewon
On the opposite side of the Hamilton hotel (exit 3 and 4 of Itaewon Station), there are other famous spots, such as Bulldog, great for salsa on Saturday, Casa Corona, a newly renovated place which is quite trendy, U.N. Club (popular with the black community), and Soap (young crowd).

In the past few years, many alternative clubs have opened in Itaewon. They attract a local and international crowd who enjoys techno, deep house, trance, dubstep, and any kind of non-commercial music. The current hotspots are Cakeshop, PistilFaustConcrete Bar, and Volnost.

You can end the night out at one of the local Noraebang (there is a famous one close to Exit 4), the Korean-style karaoke rooms.

Gay nightlife
There are also many gay clubs and bars in Itaewon, especially on street 12 Usadan-ro 12-gil (also known as Homo Hill). For instance, Queen, HIM by pulse, and Soho. A bit further away, you can check the well-known Q-bar, which organizes fun shows on the weekend (even if you are not gay, there are many straight people who go there as well).

Prostitution scene
Finally, Itaewon is also infamous for its prostitution scene, especially in the so-called "hooker hill" (alley Usadan-ro 14-gil) where you may be surprised to find hostess bars, karaokes and naughty massage parlors.

Behind Itaewon, on the Namsam hill, the Grand Hyatt Seoul is popular with businessmen, mainly because of its bar called J.J. Mahoney. It is a fun venue with live music and an outside pool in the summer. There are always some freelance prostitutes hanging out around the bar as well.

Gangnam nightlife map (click on it to open it - best viewed on laptop)
Recommended hotels near Gangnam nightlife:
- Glad Live Gangnam (US$85 per night)
- Aiden by Best Western (US$100 per night)
- Hotel Cappuccino (US$102 per night)
Gangnam is the fancy area of Seoul.

Just 40 years ago, it mainly consisted of rice fields, but now it is so expensive than even a small flat can cost you millions of dollars. In Gangnam, the wards Cheongdam and Apgujeong are the most happening.

During weekdays, fewer people are going out in Gangnam compared with Itaewon, but it is similarly popular on weekends. 

New trendy bars open all the time in Gangnam. It is part of the "pali pali" culture (fast-fast, or "hurry up"), an essential concept in Korea: Customers are always looking for something new, meaning businesses often close, then re-open under a different name with a slightly improved concept.

Personally, I don't really enjoy partying in Gangnam as a foreigner for three main reasons:
- The first one is that many clubs can be racist and may deny entry to non-Korean speakers. They may also refuse to let you in if you don't look rich enough or if you are too old (over 30).
- The second one is that the area is more spread out, so it is not as easy as in Itaewon to go from one place to the other.
- The third one is that it can be really expensive to party there. Drinks may cost up to three times as much as in the cheaper venues in Seoul, and you may be requested to book a table in some clubs (with a minimum spend of around US$300).

One of the most exclusive and popular venues in Gangnam is Octagon, which is your typical superclub with two rooms (commercial EDM and Hip-Hop), a select crowd with designer clothes, and plenty of VIP corners.
Sexy bar hostess in Octagon
Another trendy venue is Jay & Jason. This small hip-hop lounge is accessible only if you book a table. Beautiful crowd, with very few foreigners.

Gangnam is also known for its cocktails bars and speakeasies, some of which are considered among the best in Asia. You can check Alice Cheongdam, Le Chamber, or Vault +82.

Hongdae nightlife map (click to open - best viewed on laptop)
Recommended hotels near Hongdae nightlife:
Hotel The-Ore (US$90 per night)
L7 Hongdae by LOTTE (US$150 per night)
Hongdae is the preferred Seoul nightlife area for students (Hongdae is the Korean abbreviation for Hongik University). While the crowd is younger than elsewhere, it is also popular with older people, especially hipsters and some foreigners.

To party in Hongdae, you can go first to the busy exit 9 of Hongik University Station. From there, you can then walk to Eoulmadang-ro street up to Jandari-ro street. Many bars and clubs are located in that area, such as Mike's Cabin (most popular with foreigners), Aura (hip-hop), Made (EDM), FF (Live music), Thursday Party (crowded, part of a chain), Henz (trap music), and Vurt (techno).
Girls clubbing in Made Hongdae
A singular place in Hongdae is the Retrogame bar, co-founded by a Swedish, the perfect mix between videogames, alcohol, and fun!

Other Interesting Areas in Seoul:
If you stay in Seoul for more than a few days, you should also check these three areas:

- Eujiiro (close to Euljiro 3 metro station), a nice neighborhood with many local restaurants and bars, including trendy speakeasies (especially the one called “After Jerk Off”).

- Sajik-dong (Gyeongbokgung Exit 7) also has a few nice upscale bars, such as Cobbler (ask for a smoky cocktail!)

- Ikseon-dong is situated across the touristic neighborhood of Insa-dong. It has chic shops and restaurants. The perfect place for a walk in the afternoon or to grab something to eat in the evening.

Seoul Nightlife Tips:
Bikini nights in Move Club Itaewon
Here are a few things to know before going out in Seoul:

Bring your ID
Your passport or ID will be asked before you enter a club, especially if you look under 19 (the legal age for drinking alcohol in Korea).

Dress Code
Of course, it varies depending on the club/bar you want to go to. As a general rule, though, Koreans pay a lot of attention to their own appearance (and that of others). In any upmarket venue, especially in Gangnam, you will need to dress to impress. For guys, this means that, at the least, you need to wear closed shoes, a shirt, and a pair of pants. For girls, high heels and a skirt are recommended.

Unfortunately, racism is a reality in Korea. If you are dark-skinned, you should try to dress even nicer if you want to avoid being denied entry at a nightclub.

Cost of Partying
Even though Korea is a developed country, I didn't find it so expensive to enjoy Seoul's nightlife.

Typically, you will need to pay between US$10 and US$20 to enter a club (up to US$30 for the best ones like Octagon). This includes your first drink. Then, you can drink Soju for around US$4-5, a bottle of beer for around US$6-8, and a cocktail for US$9-12. A night out will normally cost you less than US$100.

However, if you want to get into the best clubs, the bill will rise sharply as you may be required to book a table. In that case, you'll probably end spending around US$200 for your night.


Iran plane crash: Dartford worker honoured at memorial service for victims   


The victims of the Iran plane crash have been honoured with a memorial service in London.

One of the Britons involved in the tragic accident was Saeed Tahmasebi, from Brentwood, Essex who worked in Dartford.

Saeed Tahmasebi was on board the Ukraine International Airlines flight when it crashed near Tehran
Saeed Tahmasebi was on board the Ukraine International Airlines flight when it crashed near Tehran

Mr Tahmasebi was aboard the Ukranian International Airlines flight when it was 'unintentionally' shot down near Tehran.

All 176 passengers on the Boeing 737-800 aircraft were killed after it plunged into a field outside the Iranian capital. Saeed's name was one of three identified as travelling on a British passport.

Identities of passengers appeared on an unofficial list posted on Facebook by a Ukrainian blogger and later confirmed by The Telegraph via contact with neighbours, friends and relatives.

Iran has since admitted it shot the plane down "in error" amid rising tensions with the US, prompting protests across the county.

His brother-in-law, Amir Vaheat, 42, told The Times Saeed was on board with his wife, adding the newlywed couple had travelled to Iran to have a ceremony there.

He said: “We spoke to him when he was boarding so we knew he was on the flight, then at about 5.30am this morning UK time we heard the plane had crashed.

“My wife is going crazy, we cannot believe it. Saeed was such a nice man. All his friends are coming round trying to help, but it is too much for words.”

Saeed is understood to have been studying at Imperial College before travelling to Iran in early December.

The PHD student moved to the UK in 2005 to undertake study programmes in civil and structural engineering at the Universities of Greenwich and Surrey following the completion of a bachelors in Tehran.

His Imperial College profile lists his achievements in a broad range of projects including high rise hotels and residential rails, airports and Ministry of Defence installations, both in the UK and abroad.

In 2017 Saeed landed a job as an engineer at construction firm Laing O'Rourke in Crossways Boulevard, Dartford, having worked in the trade for more than 12 years.

The company said the employee was a "popular and well respected engineer" who would be missed by many of his colleagues.

A spokesman for Laing O'Rourke said: “Everyone here is shocked and saddened by this very tragic news.

"Our thoughts are with his family and friends at this most difficult time and we will do all we can to support them through it.”

The university where Saeed studied alongside his work commitments also expressed deep sadness at the death of a man described as "warm, humble and generous".

A spokesman for Imperial College London said: "Saeed Tahmasebi Khademasadi was a brilliant engineer with a bright future.

"His contributions to systems engineering earned respect from everyone who dealt with him and will benefit society for years to come.

"Our thoughts and sincere condolences are with Saeed’s family, friends and colleagues, as well as all those affected by this tragedy.”

A spokesman from Greenwich University added: "We are deeply saddened to hear about the news of Saeed Tahmasebi following the Iran plane crash. Mr Tahmasebi studied civil engineering at the university between 2005 and 2007 at the Medway campus."

Read more: All the latest news from Dartford


11 Mar 2020 14:00 : RSS Merseyside - Pigeon-holes and mustard seeds: Growing capacity to use data for society   


The RSS Merseyside Local Group welcomes President of the Royal Statistical Society Prof. Deborah Ashby from Imperial College London to deliver the talk "Pigeon-holes and mustard seeds: Growing capacity to use data for society". 

The Royal Statistical Society was founded to address social problems ‘through the collection and classification of facts’, leading to many developments in the collection of data, the development of methods for analysing them, and the development of statistics as a profession. Nearly 200 years later an explosion in computational power has led, in turn, to an explosion in data. We outline the challenges and the actions needed to exploit that data for the public good, and to address the step change in statistical skills and capacity development necessary to enable our vision of a world where data are at the heart of understanding and decision-making.

14.00-15.00 Talk

15.00-15.30 Questions, networking and refreshment


More information about this event is available at 

Please register for this event here: 

The event will be held in Lecture Theatre 1 in the Life Sciences building on the University of Liverpool campus (building 215 in gridsquare F8 on campus map


Bolivian Fascist Coup Regime Renames Military School After Che Guevara Assassins   

In 2016, the Bolivian government created in the military academy called the “anti-imperialist school.” The government, at the time, was controlled by the Movement for Socialism, which is a political party that came to power through support and acceptance by the social movements in Bolivia. The Pink Tide period in Latin America, which saw the rise of left wing governments who came to power through bourgeois elections, was a special period for the hemisphere, and for revolutionary movements around the world.

โลกกังวลการแพร่ระบาดไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ (2019-nCoV)   


เมื่อวานนี้ (20 ม.ค. 63) ผู้เชี่ยวชาญจีนยืนยันว่า เชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ที่ทำให้เกิดอาการปอดอักเสบ สามารถติดต่อจากคนสู่คนได้ หลังจากการเก็บรวบรวมข้อมูลในเมืองอู่ฮั่น มณฑลหูเป่ย ทางภาคกลางของจีนซึ่งเป็นแหล่งแพร่ระบาด ตั้งแต่เดือนธันวาคมปีที่แล้ว 

รู้จักไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ (2019-nCoV)

Arnaud Fontanet ผู้อำนวยการฝ่ายระบาดวิทยาแห่ง Paris’ Institut Paster ประเทศฝรั่งเศส ระบุว่า เชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ถือเป็นสายพันธุ์ที่ 7 ที่ระบาดสู่คน โดยผู้ติดเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่จะมีไข้ ไอ หายใจลำบาก รวมทั้งท้องเสีย

นอกจากนี้ยังระบุว่า เชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่นั้นมีลักษณะทางพันธุกรรมคล้ายไวรัสที่ก่อให้เกิดโรคทางเดินหายใจเฉียบพลันรุนแรง (SARS) มากถึง 80% การแพร่ระบาดของโรค SARS เมื่อปี 2545 - 2546 ส่งผลให้มีผู้เสียชีวิตในจีนแผ่นดินใหญ่มากถึง 349 คน ส่วนฮ่องกงมีผู้เสียชีวิต 299 คน


เจ้าหน้าที่สาธารณสุขเมืองอู่ฮั่นพบผู้ติดเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่เพิ่มอีก 139 คน เมื่อช่วงสุดสัปดาห์ที่ผ่านมา ทำให้ขณะนี้มีผู้ติดเชื้อในเมืองอู่ฮั่น 198 คน และมีผู้เสียชีวิตอย่างน้อย 3 คน นอกจากนี้ยังพบผู้ติดเชื้อในกรุงปักกิ่ง 2 คน และนครเซินเจิ้น มณฑลกวางตุ้งอีก 1 คน ทำให้จำนวนผู้ติดเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ในจีนสูงถึง 201 คน (ข้อมูล ณ วันที่ 20 ม.ค. 63) 

จนถึงขณะนี้พบผู้ติดเชื้อนอกแผ่นดินจีนรวม 4 คนซึ่งเป็นชาวจีนที่มีประวัติการเดินทางมาจากเมืองอู่ฮั่น

13 ม.ค. พบผู้ติดเชื้อคนแรกในไทย

16 ม.ค. พบผู้ติดเชื้อคนแรกในญี่ปุ่น

17 ม.ค. พบผู้ติดเชื้อคนที่ 2 ในไทย

20 ม.ค. พบผู้ติดเชื้อคนแรกในเกาหลีใต้


สถานการณ์การแพร่ระบาดของเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ในช่วงเทศกาลตรุษจีนสร้างความกังวลใจอย่างมาก เนื่องจากเมืองอู่ฮั่นถือเป็นศูนย์กลางการคมนาคมขนาดใหญ่ของจีนและมีประชากรอาศัยอยู่มากถึง 11 ล้านคน


หน่วยงานสาธารณสุขสั่งปิดตลาดค้าส่งอาหารทะเลขนาดใหญ่ในเมืองอู่ฮั่น ตั้งแต่วันที่ 1 ม.ค. ที่ผ่านมา เพื่อทำความสะอาดและควบคุมไม่ให้เชื้อแพร่ระบาดเป็นวงกว้าง เนื่องจากผู้ติดเชื้อบางส่วนมีประวัติเชื่อมโยงกับตลาดแห่งนี้ นอกจากนี้ยังคัดแยกคนในครอบครัวผู้ติดเชื้อไว้เพื่อสังเกตอาการและเปิดให้ผู้มีอาการในกลุ่มเสี่ยงลงทะเบียนเพื่อเตรียมความพร้อมช่วงเทศกาลตรุษจีนในสัปดาห์หน้า


ผู้ติดเชื้อในจีนอาจทะลุ 1,700 คน

ด้าน Neil M. Ferguson นักวิทยาศาสตร์จากศูนย์ MRC เพื่อการวินิจฉัยโรคระบาดทั่วโลกแห่งมหาวิทยาลัยอิมพีเรียล คอลเลจ ลอนดอน สหราชอาณาจักร เผยแพร่บทความ “Estimating the potential total number of novel Coronavirus cases in Wuhan City, China” ประเมินว่า จนถึงวันที่ 12 ม.ค. 63 น่าจะมีผู้ติดเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ในเมืองอู่ฮั่นมากถึง 1,723 คน [1] สมมติฐานที่คณะนักวิทยาศาสตร์ใช้ในการคำนวณตัวเลขประมาณการของผู้ติดเชื้อ ได้แก่

1. แบบจำลองพฤติกรรมการแพร่ระบาดของเชื้อไวรัส

2. จำนวนผู้ใช้บริการสนามบินนานาชาติในเมืองอู่ฮั่น

3. ช่วงเวลาของการแพร่ระบาดและระยะฟักตัวของโรค

บทความนี้สรุปว่า การแพร่ระบาดของเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่อาจทำให้มีผู้ติดเชื้อที่มีอาการปานกลางหรืออาการรุนแรงเป็นจำนวนมากกว่าข้อมูลจากหน่วยงานภาครัฐ นอกจากนี้ยังแนะนำให้ขยายพื้นที่การตรวจสอบผู้ติดเชื้อปอดอักเสบหรือโรคติดต่อในระบบทางเดินหายใจขั้นรุนแรงให้ครอบคลุมพื้นที่ในเมืองอู่ฮั่นและเมืองใกล้เคียงอื่น ๆ


Fontanet เตือนว่า เชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่อาจกลายพันธุ์และทวีความรุนแรงมากขึ้นได้ แม้ว่าในขณะนี้เชื้อไวรัสยังมีอันตรายน้อยกว่าโรค SARS และยังไม่มีหลักฐานชี้ชัดว่า เชื้อไวรัสดังกล่าวจะกลายพันธุ์ก็ตาม เนื่องจากการแพร่ระบาดเพิ่งเกิดขึ้นได้ไม่นาน 

Raina MacIntyre อาจารย์ด้านความปลอดภัยทางชีวภาพแห่งมหาวิทยาลัยนิวเซาท์เวลส์ ประเทศออสเตรเลีย ระบุว่า การควบคุมการแพร่ระบาดของเชื้อไวรัสโคโรนาสายพันธุ์ใหม่ที่ดีที่สุดคือการเผยแพร่ข้อมูลเกี่ยวกับแหล่งที่มาของเชื้อไวรัสชนิดนี้อย่างตรงไปตรงมา


พงศธัช สุขพงษ์ ผู้สื่อข่าวไทยพีบีเอส 





Session: Twilight Imperium (Fourth Edition):: The rise and fall (5 player game)   


by mljeko

One fact is little known; whenever a game is played, its story is made real in an alternate universe.

The stirring. Five major races accumulated enough resources and enough ambition to take on a coveted position of emperor. The Barony of Letnev was the most eager, and was first to take control of Mecatol Rex, the old seat of power. Utilising their ability to hold fleets at little cost, they dried up their resources (zero command, fleet and strategy tokens). In doing so though, they gathered a lot of support from the galaxy, and were on their way to become a new imperial race unchallenged.

However, talk of the great Letnev infuriated other races. They started gathering fleets around Mecatol Rex, like wasps over fruit. The first to strike, although not on Mecatol Rex, was Arborec. A single weed entity that takes little nutrient to grow over planets. Their attack was succesfull in earning them support from a few smaller rogue races, but it did nothing to stifle the power or popularity of Letnev. In fact, it even helped them, as retribution that incurred was met with much approval. Clever Letnev even filmed the event, and especially their sharp yellow flagship cutting through the blue plants, it was a propaganda success. They were now one step from victory, and in their hubris, started already tailoring imperial robes.

But in order to get there they needed to acknowledge Nekro Virus, a truly alien race of black machines. Nekro namely had a chance to attack Letnev's flagship before it could be sent to defeat Arborec, but backed out of it as the Barony agreed to cast some of their political sway in their direction. The Virus was not very popular and seized the opportunity, but will ultimately get the short end of the stick.

Seeing the events unfold, the plotting Yssaril Tribes, a band of thieves, decided to take action. First they took over Mecatol Rex, but this would not be enough to curb Letnev. They quickly realised that this didn't put a damper on the popularity of "vampires" (Letnev live underground and dislike light). It was time for them to use some of those resources they hoarded all of the game. The popularity of Letnev was too great, the only way to silence their supporters was to eliminate the whole race altogether, and who better than a Tribe of trained assassins. It was a swift affair, 1, 2, 3, and the Letnev were no more. They met the fate of Lazax, the former imperial race, but before even touching the crown. A would be warning for any race...

Not for Sardakk N'orr though. Other than a few skirmishes, they've been mostly keeping for themselves, slowly growing their number, like a true insectoid race. The blood of a falling race though, changed a quite hum of their collective into a deafening buzz. They helped the green assassins by eradicating a group of fleeing Letnev, but then imediately took over Mecatol Rex, as Yssaril were unable to keep a force there, having diverted of all their attention towards the genocide. What followed was a quick rise of insects' popularity. Galaxy was tired at this point of war and scheming and welcoming of a race that could bring stability. The writing was on the wall.

Nekro Virus also tried to profit from the vacuum left by Letnev, but their attempts at gaining some of their popularity were not met with success. Yssarill were advertising their success in eradicating "vampires" by infomercials of their flagship over Arc Prime, enemies' home planet. Thus the Virus attacked war weakend Tribe, hoping to destroy their flagship and thus spin the narative in their direction, but slippery assassins kept running away, and Nekro couldn't catch them despite all of their best war effort. Garnering support by attacking Sardakk N'orr also failed and the race run out of options.

Sardakk N'orr were all but sitting on the throne, with a huge force on Mecatol. Minor Arborec and Nekro forces attacked them in a suicidal last ditch effort to stop the coronation but it was far too late.

We live now under a soothing hum of the Mother Queen.

Session: Twilight Imperium (Fourth Edition):: S2 Episode 6 – "Snakes. Why did it have to be snakes?"   


by GrumblingGamer

Oh boy, did I neglect TI and session reporting in the second half of 2019; this was actually our 8th game in 2019, but I was too busy/lazy to write proper reports for the other two. Which is really a shame, because one game featured three newbies and a vet playing Winnu due to a lost bet; but after all this time, my notes do not make much sense anymore, so a session report is out of the question – sadly.

Even this one took quite some time to finish; the holidays were a very busy time, I guess.

So here we go, folks; the last report of 2019 from me; I'll try to do better 2020.

Here links to the games so far in Season 2019:

Episode 1: Great Balls on Fire

Episode 2: Deals you can't refuse

Episode 3: Popularity contest or Fight for Survival)

Episode 4: Dogpiling Done Wrong

Episode 5: Nightmare at 600.000 feet

Utilised Special/House Rules:

We opted for a "quick start" – I pregenerated multiple maps (with the awesome map generator found here: TI4 Map Generator – again, thanks to Ackbar's Revenge!) and my players could vote on one. The result can be seen below.

We randomly assigned the Speaker counter and the players to starting locations, so everyone knew his location and how far away he was from the Speaker (which of course helped with the race selection tremendously).

Hacan: I had the choice between Yin (meh) and Hacan, and of course the cats were an offer I could not refuse.
L1Z1X: Sebastian Sch, ready to reclaim the throne of Mecatol Rex with the only rightful successors to the Lazax.
Nekro Virus: Sebastian H., trying his hand at the Nekro for the first time and eager to gobble up all that tech!
Naalu: Christoph, our top player, picking the snake-ladies ("I'm done losing due to Initiative order scoring").
Barony of Letnev: Stefan leading another Dreadnought race into the fray.
Ghosts of Creuss: Georg, a rare guest, managed to negotiate a full day off from both job and family related duties; after fielding the Naalu in S2E5, he decided to support the Ghost's claim for the throne.

The Game:

Starting Positions:

Round 1:
"That... that is not possible. Not here, not now! No. NO! We destroyed them all! We purged them! If they are here and... by the maker, we have to warn <static crackle>...errrr... errr.... ERROR! ERROR! ERROR!"
-recovered Black Box in orbit over Starpoint, presumably originating from L1Z1X scout ship

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/7) > L1Z1X (1) > Ghosts of Creuss (3) > Hacan (4) > Nekro Virus (5) > Barony of Letnev (6)

Fairly standard expansion politics on Round 1; however, the Hacan immediately fortified Lodor with a PDS and a Space Dock as they added it to their empire (1); due to the wormhole connecting the system to Nekro Virus space and the presence of the Ghosts on the table, the space cats were getting paranoid early on. The Nekro Virus, in return, surprised their L1Z1X neighbours not only by being alive, but by deploying a duo of Dreadnoughts in the Starpoint/New Albion system, cleverly utilizing a "Flank Speed" Action Card and deciding the inevitable border conflict about that strategically vital system in their favor before it even started.

Despite not being able to execute the Trade strategy, the Hacan bought up three trade agreements with their commodities (offering "loans at excellent conditions!"), fueling the Barony of Letnev, Ghosts of Creuss and L1Z1X with Trade Goods.

Finally, the Nekro Virus and the Naalu exchanged their "Support for the Throne"-Promissory Notes.

State of the Board, end of Round 1:


Round 2:
"Welcome to Channel 42's "The News-Parts you need to Know", with me, your beloved Newsdroid XI5-74! Civil Unrest sweeps the galaxy, Mecatol Rex finally occupied again, suspicions of bribery amidst the election of the new Council Speaker, and border disputes between the L1Z1X and the Nekro Virus – but really, who cares about that when the stock market takes off like a Creuss-Cruiser through a wormhole? The Hacan are back in business, and galactic trade has not seen such wealth since the days of the old Lazax Empire! Why, my personal portfolio almost doubled overnight! So please, go and spend! Invest all your money on Hacan goods and securities! And in case you do not have any savings to spend, I've heard the Hacan also offer various loan packages at affordable interest rates! What could you possibly lose?
This was a sponsored message from the new owners of our Channel, HacanCorp – Creating Demand where there is none!"
-Channel 42 Newscast"

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/1) > Nekro Virus (3) > Barony of Letnev (4) > Hacan (5) > L1Z1X (6) > Ghosts of Creuss (7)

The Nekro Virus played an "Uprising"-Action Card, announcing its intention to target on one of the Ressource-3 planets in play. The Barony of Letnev, Hacan and Ghosts of Creuss holding these were offered a choice – anyone paying one TG could pick one of the others as a target, otherwise the victim would be decided randomly. This, of course, caused some unrest among the three players - not only would the Nekro Virus gain 4 TG out of this maneuver, it would also sour the relations between the three immediate neighbours. As such, all three did not agree to this proposal, and a die roll decided that a planet of the Ghosts of Creuss fell victim to the uprising.

The Hacan were generously allowing everyone from whom they held a Trade Agreement to refresh; however instead of "cashing in", they suggested a favorable (for them!) trade of commodities instead, prolonging the "loan" for mutual advantage.

The Nekro Virus then offered the Hacan the Speaker Token for 4TG, and the space cats bought their place at the top of the council. The Nekro Virus tried to smooth over their relations with the Ghosts of Creuss, paying 3 TG as reparations for their Uprising earlier on.

The Ghosts of Creuss took Mecatol Rex unopposed (1), securing their first VP.

The L1Z1X spread their fleets widely, apparently following some hidden Agenda, however, the Nekro Virus saw a chance to gobble up another Tech AND interfere with their old enemies plans, and dispatched a Dreadnought against a lone L1Z1X destroyer – and blocking the L1Z1X access to Mecatol Rex at the same time (2).

In the Agenda Phase, the planet Rarron, held by the Naalu, was elected as "Demilitarized Zone" (3); the planet Corneeq, held by the Barony of Letnev, was chosen as "Senate Sanctuary" (4).

State of the Board, end of Round 2:


Round 3:
„<Container Scan complete. Container Contents:>
<assorted mechanical parts>
<fusion reactor, dissassembled>
<class 4-drive, dissassembled>
<multiple starship weapons, dissassembled>
<assorted hull parts>
<instruction manual "Build your own Destroyer-class vessel! In 97.450 easy to follow steps!">
<fruit basket>
<greeting card with a picture of a sad looking feline creature <analysis: identified as "kitten">: "We are sorry. No hard feelings? XoXoX – your Hacan best buddies">"
-scan log of a cargo container delivered to L1Z1X homeworld

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/7) > L1Z1X (1) > Barony of Letnev (3) > Hacan (5) > Nekro Virus (6) > Ghosts of Creuss (8)

The round started with every single Strategy Card being played (with the exception of Warfare, naturally).

One of the first "real" actions was the L1Z1X trying to further spread their fleet to establish control over the region; one Destroyer was sent into the asteroid field next to the Hacan homeworld; however, the newly installed PDS2-systems on Lodor and Arretze opened fire, and destroyed the interloping vessel with well-aimed shots (1), adding more debris to the asteroid field. With a slightly embarassed look, the Hacan-player revealed the "Turn their fleets to dust"-Secret Objective he just got this round, and wordlessly handed the L1Z1X player a Trade Good.

The L1Z1X tried again, and sent an expeditionary Cruiser into Nekro-held space instead, finally able to score the "Control the Region"-Secret Objective in the Status Phase despite earlier Hacan meddling.

The Barony meanwhile was less subtle in the acquisition of power and influence, and staged an all-out attack on the Naalu-held system of Corneeq/Resculon (2), taking the entire system for themself.

The Nekro Virus attempted to take Mecatol Rex, easily brushing aside the Ghosts fleet in orbit; however, the landing of invasion forces was delayed by a well-timed "Parley"-Action Card.

In the Agenda Phase, "Unconventional Measures" was voted on. As second Agenda, the Council had to decide on the "Prophecy of Ixth"; sensing an easy way to bolster their defenses, the Hacan offered generous bribes ("Ceasefire" to the Ghosts, "Support for the Throne" to the Barony), and was subsequently awarded that Agenda.

State of the Board, end of Round 3:


Round 4:
++CATNIP: So, again, how could we let this happen? Whose fault is this?++
++ScalyLady: It wassss not our turn to ssssend asssssasss.... asssssasssssss... killersss.++
++Definitely_not_a_letnev_hacker: Don't look at us, Catnip. The Baron... I mean, Big Fuzz ordered the elimination last time!++
++Lazaxfan.01: I do believe it was Spookystuffs turn. The minutes of last meeting are clear on this.++
++Spookystuff: Oh! You are right! I guess we have... slipped up! So sorry ;-) ++
++Spookystuff: Wrong Emote. Meant 8-( ++
++CATNIP: So... Creuss Intelligence should have assassinated the next messiah? Who turned out to be Creuss? Am I the only one who smells a conflict of interest here?++
++Definitely_not_a_letnev_hacker: No real names, man! We gotta use our code names, so that people don't know who we are!++
++ScalyLady: There issss no one elsssse here! And WE know who everyone isssss! That'sss our jobsssss!++
++CATNIP: Our job is to stop stuff like messianic figures garnering fanatic support from happening! Our ONLY job!++
++Lazaxfan.01: Alright, then. Can I bring up something else that's been bugging me since forever? How come ScalyLady has her lissssp even when she types?++
-Unknown Chat protocol, published on, later re-classified as "fake news"

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/8) > Nekro Virus (1) > L1Z1X (3) > Ghosts of Creuss (4) > Hacan (5) > Barony of Letnev (7)

The Ghosts of Creuss decided to secure their holdings on Mecatol Rex against the orbiting Nekro Virus fleet by playing a "Signal Jamming"-Action Card, forcing the fleet to remain impassive this turn (1).

The Hacan and the Ghosts of Creuss had agreed during Round 1 already to share the Arnor/Lor system and distribute the planets; however, the system has always been occupied by a Ghost-fleet – until now. After insistent whining of the Hacan, the Ghost fleet (consisting of 2 Destroyers) retreated through the far side of the Alpha Wormhole, deep into Nekro Virus territory- apparently the Ghosts and the Nekro had come to an agreement of their own, with the Nekro allowing the Ghosts to occupy some planets in their pie slice. The Hacan immediately pounced on that opportunity, adding the planet Lor to their ever growing portfolio.

However, the Nekro Virus, seeing as the Ghost fleet did not contain 1) any transports and 2) didn't actually fly into any planetary system, launched an attack on the two Ghost Destroyers, sending their flagship, one transport (carrying Fighters and Ground Forces) and one Dreadnought into the system, utterly devastating the small Ghost fleet, but damaging the Dreadnought severely (2).

During the next turn of the Hacan, the cats retaliated for their allies, opening fire with their Lodor-based and Graviton-Laser-System guided PDS batteries through the Alpha-wormhole, finishing off the damaged Dreadnought of the Nekro Virus (2).

The L1Z1X enacted a bold move, and took the Starpoint/New Albion system from the Nekro Virus, who allowed themselves a weakness in their defenses (3).

Finally, the Ghosts of Creuss saw the "Rise of the Messiah" Action Card, reinforcing their holdings with new Ground Forces, which was remarkably Un-sabotaged.

In the Agenda Phase, "Compensated Disarmement" was voted on, and a "Research Team-Biotics" was dispatched to Wellon (4).

State of the Board, end of Round 4:


Round 5:
"Acid rains, toxic storms, flesh eating bacteria, self-replicating nano machines preying on each other – Nothing on Starpoint that won't try to kill you! A real Australia!"
"...what's an Australia?"
"A human fairy tale. Don't worry, Australia ain't real. It can't hurt you. Unlike Starpoint."
"No wonder the Council elected it for compulsory Terraforming."
"Actually, they finished terraforming the planet last month."
"Wait, what? They are left with... THAT... after a Terraforming? How did it look before?"
"Less flesh-eating bacteria, for starters. No nano machines, too. In hindsight, awarding that Terraforming-contract to the Nekro Virus might have been a bad decision...."
-discussion overheard aboard the Hacan Long Distance Trader "Bright Red Dot"

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/3) > L1Z1X (1) > Nekro Virus (2) > Ghosts of Creuss (4) > Barony of Letnev (6) > Hacan (7)

Round 5 devolved into a slugfest, as old scores were settled and opportunities exploited.

The Naalu were acting first (of course!), and attacked Bereg/Lirta IV, scoring an easy victory against a small Barony fleet, allowing them to score "Spark a Rebellion" (1).

The Nekro Virus in the meantime reconquered its lost border territories and returned with a massed fleet to Starpoint/New Albion , kicking out the L1Z1X who only took the system last turn (2).

The Nekro Virus were in "aggressive expansion"-mode, and sent another fleet into the Naalu.held Corneeq/Resculon system, sacrificing the Support for the Throne the Naalu gifted them in Round 1 for some sinister machinations (3).

However, the rapid expansion left the Nekro Virus vulnerable to attacks, and the Barony of Letnev seized this opportunity, and sent a fleet towards Arinam/Meer, taking the undefended system from the Virus (4).

In the Agenda Phase, "Publicise Weapon Schematics" was passed; a vote on "Research Team-Cybernetics" was however vetoed by the Nekro Virus (raising many procedural questions!). Instead, the Council agreed on a "Terraforming Initiative" on the currently Nekro-held Starpoint.

State of the Board, end of Round 5:


Round 6:

Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/1) > Barony of Letnev (3) > Hacan (5) > L1Z1X (6) > Nekro Virus (7) > Ghosts of Creuss (8)

The factions were all within 2 Vps of each other going into Round 6; with both the Naalu and the Barony of Letnev leading the field at 6 VP – already in possible striking range for the win in this round!

The Naalu seized the opportunity, and sent the small task force orbiting Lirta IV/Bereg, consisting of a Dreadnought and a Destroyer, to the Mellon/Zohbat system, unleashing a deadly orbital barrage on the lone Ghosts of Creuss Ground Force garrisoned on Zohbat, wiping it out completely and scoring the "Make an Example of their World"-Secret Objective. However, the joy of the Naalu was short lived, as a massive Barony-fleet caught up with the task force, and obliterated it entirely (1).

The confrontation between the two frontrunners Naalu and Barony of Letnev was heating further up, as the Barony attacked the Naalu-held Sakular/Lazar system, conquering Sakulag; however, the valiant Naalu-defenders stationed on Lazar held fast against a 2:1 superiority of the invading Barony storm troopers (2).

The Hacan bartered with their close neighbours, the Ghosts of Creuss, and soon a Creuss IFF-wormhole B opened over Lodor, allowing the Hacan gunners on the PDS systems to target many more systems – and allowing the Hacan to score "Become the Gatekeeper"-Secret Objective during the Status Phase (3).

The Barony of Letnev tried to cripple the Command-Counter depleted Ghosts of Creuss by playing the "Insubordination"-Action Card; however, the Hacan were willing to play "Sabotage" – for the cheap, cheap price of a "Support for the Throne". Despite this being a non-binding deal, the honorable Ghosts kept their end of the bargain.

The Nekro Virus attacked the L1Z1X held Wellon system; however, the L1Z1X fleet escaped certain destruction utilizing "Skilled Retreat" (4).

Despite being under severe pressure from the Nekro, the L1Z1X could still muster enough strength to attack and take over Mecatol Rex, infiltrating the PDS-systems installed by the Ghosts of Creuss (5).

In the Agenda Phase, "Wormhole Research" was passed, allowing for some added tech research at the cost of many fleets; the Hacan used this opportunity to research "Quantum Datahub Node"[/], however, at 3 TG they could not utilize this ability next round.
A "Minister of Science" was voted in as second Agenda.

State of the Board, end of Round 6:


Round 7:
"Thssssings wil change around here! We have great many planssss, ssstarting with thissss dreadful interior desssssign...."
-Imperatrix Ssss'vrula the Firssssst, adressing the Council after her election

Round 7 was set out to be a tight and close race to the finish line; three races were at 9 Victory points (Naalu, Hacan, Ghosts of Creuss, closely followed by the Barony of Letnev at 8 VP. It was clear that the Strategy Phase might already decide the outcome of the game, especially since the Naalu had the clear advantage when it came to scoring order in the Status Phase. The Barony of Letnev picked Imperial, the Hacan (me!) picked Leadership – only to be informed by the Naalu player AFTER the pick that Hacan could have chosen construction (which had a TG on it), and have enough TG to actually used Quantum Datahub Node to trade Imperial from the Barony.

Well, damn. Anyway, we ended up with the following Initiative Order:
Naalu (0/5) > Hacan (1) > Ghosts of Creuss (2) > L1Z1X (4) > Nekro Virus (6) > Barony of Letnev (8)

Round 7 saw much action; the Barony of Letnev could not take Mecatol Rex in their turn or score 2 VP to win the game, and no faction managed to mount a serious attack on the Naalu home world, so naturally, the Naalu managed to score first, bringing their score with a stage 2 objective up to 11, winning them the game!

State of the Board, end of Round 7:


Final Score:
Naalu – 11 VP
Barony of Letnev – 9 VP
Ghosts of Creuss – 9 VP
Hacan – 9 VP
L1Z1X – 6 VP
Nekro Virus – 6 VP

Lessons Learned/Summary:
I love playing Hacan! My second game with them, and they play really well for me. I like the deal-making aspect of the game, and the social interaction that goes along. I try to play my Hacan fair; 1 TG profit per trade is perfectly fine for me, and I stick to all dealings. I consistently take Trade to keep money in the economy. The only thing I expect is to get the Trade Agreements from everyone; instead of cashing them in, I offer a prolongation by making a – binding – advantageous deal, replacing the newly gained Commodities with Trade Goods at a small cost.
That alone gives power – people know I reliably provide them with Trade Goods, at fair and predictable conditions, and in case they attack me, they have to suffer clear economic consequences – including me bankrolling their other opponents and cashing in the Trade Agreements next opportunity.
In the end, Hacan have the power – more so than any other race – to fuel the game. Since they can trade with everyone, they are most likely to refresh everyone's commodities starting with Round 1, meaning there are a lot of ressources in the game, leading to bigger fleets, more Command Counters, more Technologies... ideally, my goal is that everyone should be happy seeing me as a Hacan player on the table.

In this particular game, I had a chance at winning, but screwed up in selecting the wrong Strategy Card Round 7. If I would have picked Construction, I would have had 3 Tgs – enough to activate Quantum Datahub Node, and lay my fingers on Imperial. Sure, my homesystem might have been easy pickings for the L1Z1X or Ghosts, but that would have been at the very least a chance at winning. But I was too tired to notice, I stupid fool! Many thanks to the Naalu player for pointing my mistake out; he definitely has more table awareness than I do, and I can learn a great many things from him. A deserved win in either case for him!

Well, I'll get him next time!

Session: España 20: Volume 1:: Los Ariplies - Death in the Dust   


by napgeorge

This is my second battle of the Peninsula Campaign of the Napoleonic Wars. Today we visit Arapiles (Salamanca) on 21 July 1812, Wellington vs Marmont. This is the first N20 game (besides Waterloo) I have played which includes the Thin Red Line. I am playing with all optional rules, as well as all the rules from the expansion.

C’est la Guerre – Wellington choses 4 and retains Touring Bivouacs, Breaking Contact and Quelle Folie. Marmot choses 3, keeping What is Luck? and It’s a Trap.

Morale: A8F7, will update by turn when it starts to change.

Turn 1 (21 July 1812 Morning) – No Random events entire first turn

Allied: Continuing the march towards Los Aripiles.

French: Marmont pushes the troops towards La Pena.

Turn 2 (21 July 1812 Midday)

Allied: Spanish Clergy – no effect (powerful card if fog of war rules used, cannot do with solo play). Continuing to parallel the French, some forces towards Santa Maria.

French: Intel gathering (Inspired leadership next card, will not have an effect). We continue to march, a long line of dust sucked up by Bonet in the rear.

Turn 3 (21 July 1812Afternoon)

Allied: Inspired Leadership, no use this turn. We continue our march, closing with the French.

French: Square and Volley, no use this turn. Curto will screen the British coming from Santa Maria to keep the road clear for the infantry to better deploy. The entire Army is on the march.

Turn 4 (21 July 1812 Dusk)

Allied: Watch and Wait – reshuffle. Inspiring Words C’est La Guerre card drawn replaces Breaking Contact. The head of the column reaches Las Torres. Cole engages Curto (cost of 1 Morale Point we hope to make up the Touring the Bivouacs card on the night turn) who disengages. Cole does not maintain contact.

French: Requisitioned horses, allied player choses Boyer to suffer the penalties. Boyer swings out of the line of march to cover the flank, the infantry continues their slog.

Morale: A7F7

Turn 5 (21 July 1812 Evening)

Allied: Let Them Loose! The thin red line continues to move, the head of column reaching Los Aripiles. Cole moves on Curto with the Let Them Loose! bonus in play, the cavalry withdraws, Cole maintaining contact. (Cole does not exert a ZOC due to this move, so Curto will not be forced to attack, since they are not in a ZOC. Nice layer, first time I have used maintain contact.)

French: Vive L’Emperuer. The army settles around La Pena. Curto, Boyer and Clausel (using the Vive L’Emperuer card to commit without cost) strike at the exposed Cole. Neither side commits reserves, an exchange results, trading the cavalry for the infantry.

Disaster for the French cavalry, hoping to rally them next turn. Since Clausel could have advanced there is no penalty for the guard.

Morale: A6F5

Turn 6 (21 July 1812 Night)

Allied: Imperial Eagle captured (no effect, night turn will have no combat, thus will have no routs) Touring the Bivoacs card yields a bonus morale point which is spent to try to rally Cole, who rallies to Cadre in Los Ariplies (using the Additional Rally Location Rules).

French: Intel gathering (moot due to reshuffle due at end of night turn). Morale point gained spent to offset the one morale point penalty the French suffer the entire game. Joseph arrives on a roll of 3. Rolled two ones for the rally attempts, Boyer and Curto both eliminated, the French cavalry is gone.

Morale: A8F6

Turn 7 (22 July 1812 Morning)

Allied: Crescendo of Drums (good card, no way to use this turn). Wellington begins his approach to the French defenses.

French: Command Confusion (no effect). Marmont shuffles the defenders, building a strong defensive line, Joseph continues his approach. The Armee du Nord does not arrive.

Morale: A8F6

Turn 8 (22 July 1812 Midday)

Allied: By God That Will Do! Is offset by What is Luck played by French, who chose Crescendo of Drums card (which has no effect this turn). The Allied army approaches the awaiting French.

French: Intel gathering (KGL card is coming). The Armee du Nord does not arrive. The French stretch their lines to protect their flanks. Marmont, worried about the flanking cavalry, strikes at the British left before Wellington can solidify his lines hoping to force their recall.

Sarrut and Bonet attack Alten with Wellington committing reserves (+3 battle), an exchange results with Alten and Bonet removed.

Brennier attacks D’Espana, reserves not committed (waver passes) an Engaged results.


Turn 9 (22 July 1812 Afternoon)

Allied: King’s German Legion. Taking a gamble not garrisioning Salamanca or the northern LOC. If the Armee du Nord arrives there will be a morale hit at night. Such is the cost of war. We continue to approach the French forcing them to stretch their lines. D’Espana (waver passed) must attack, no reserves for either and rout 3 hexes costing a morale point

French: Vive L’Empereur (free morale spend). Armee du Nord arrives! There is a temptation to strike at D’Espana but that could only lead to a loss on the upcoming turn, so we contract into our lines. The morale point is spent to force march Joseph.

Morale: A6F6

Turn 10 (22 July 1812 Dusk)

Allied: Let Them Loose! at this point we will suffer the predations of the Armee du Nord. The French can use the unit to take a morale point at night, or fall on our rear, but cannot do both. Either option is annoying, but neither shall be fatal to us. We will send the cavalry after them. Continuing our approach.

French: Independent batteries. Maucune comes off of La Pena and strikes Leith at the apex of the British line. Reserves not committed. (Using tactics cards, I have forgotten in earlier battles. F:Feint A: Fall Back results in a DW to which Wellington plays Quelle Folie! to convert to an engage avoiding a leader casualty check.

Morale: A6F6

Turn 11 (22 July 1812 Evening)

Allied: Imperial Eagle captured. Wellington strikes. Hope and Campbell attack Ferey, with the French committing reserves +3 (A:Feint F:Cordon resulting in an Engaged result, no CRT). The French player now plays “It’s a Trap” to have Maucune reaction attack the cadre adjacent to it and Leith, no reserves (Cards F: Outflank A:Hold, no cav so no effect) routing the cadre and costing a morale point. Wellington absorbs Bradford and commits reserves, the French do likewise+1 (Cards A: Feint F:Cordon results in an Engaged).

Side note: The tactics cards can really effect things. There have been two times this game when an aggressive draw would have led to more desirable outcomes for the attacker. With a real life opponent this is known and then you would have to factor how your opponent sees the situation; will they be cautious and minimize risk, or counter your move, increasing risk and reward if they are wrong? Nicely constructed system, it is obvious a lot of thought and trial went into it.

French: Act with Boldness(nice draw right before a night turn). Brennier comes off of La Pena to flank Wellington using the extra movement point. Clausel in committed on the left and Joseph strikes at Pack, no reserves +1 out of command (Cards F:Charge A: Fall Back, both disordered) Joseph withdraws on a roll of 1. Clausel attacks Hope, no reserves +1 (Cards F:Charge A:Hold, disordering the attackers) a DW results. Ferey attacks Cambell, no reserves -2 (Cards F: Charge A:Counterattack disorders both) the French rout five hexes. Wellington now plays his special ability and has Leith react countercharging Brennier, no reserves +1 (Cards A: Advance F: Envelop cav result, no effect) DW result. Maucune attacks +0, no reserves (Cards F:Outflank A:Hold, cav result, no effect) Maucune withdraws, the thin Red line holding.

Morale: A4F2

Turn 12 (22 July 1812 Night)

Allied: Caution (no effect). Inspiring words played to remove fatigue. With Salamanca occupied there is no morale point gain. We will simply bottle the Armee du Nord up on that side of the river. Alten rallies to cadre.

French: New Opportunity (no effect). One morale gain. There is a temptation to occupy the vacant Lesser Arapil, but with only 3 morale we cannot afford to lose a unit. We will reset our lines and recover. Bonet fails to rally due to the -1 drm for this scenario for the French.

Photos do not show rallied units.

Morale: A4F3

Turn 13 (23 July 1812 Morning)

Surveying the field, there are currently several opportunities for the French to strike to advantage against Coalition Corps. Wellington orders a general withdrawal being ahead in morale and retiring to better ground. The cavalry is recalled from the far left to provide countercharging ability for the defenders.

Allied: Temper of Bayonets! Nice card, but no attacks planned. The British form their “Thin Red Line.”

French: Requisitioned Horses, delicious irony, the cavalry is long gone. There are no truly exposed British units. We will maneuver awaiting a favorable card draw and attack when the odds seem best. Sarrut approaches the dragoons who withdraw, Sarrut maintaining contact, some bait for the Duke.

Morale: A4F3

Turn 14 (23 July 1812 Midday)

Allied: Imperial Eagle Captured. Given the card and the exposed position of Sarrut, the army advances. One precious morale point is spent to commit Packenham.

Dragoons, D’Espana (waver passed), Pack and Peckenham attack out of command at +4 (Cards A:Feint F:Counterattack disordering the attackers) an exchange is rolled, one French loss and two British losses (taking out Peckenham would have cost two points also, one for the unit, one for no “guard” advance possibility), disaster. British morale 1, French 2.

French: Command confusion, making the decision to attack or stand fast moot, cannot attack. With the one morale gain we will center on defending, forcing the British to come to us.

Morale: A1F2

Turn 15 (23 July 1812 Afternoon)

Allied: D’Espana nerve (no effect). Considerations are can we take twoFrench LOCs with a cavalry units, and only the Cotton unit can reach the Armee du Nord LOC, Dragoons will be a hex short. We must maneuver to attack, but can commit the guard for free. Cotton heads for the main battle, giving the Armee du Nord the option to chase or sit in Salamanca on a morale point.

French: Vive L’Empereur costless morale point. There is a temptation to pull back one more hex to stay out of striking range, but that puts our objective Calvarrasa de Arriba in the front lines, so we defer. Armee du Nord strikes at Cotton, using the Vive :L’Empereur to commit reserves and avoid the out of command penalty, no reserves (Cards F:Advance A: Cordon, no effect), Armee du Nord routs two hexes.

Morale: A1F2

Turn 16 (23 July 1812 Dusk)

Allied: Crescendo of Doom – D’Espana will rally in Los Aripiles (rules decision here, since the opponent choses if two weakest units tie and the Independent Brigades cannot rally, that leaves Alten and D’Espana, both two factor units, obviously the French will rally the more brittle and panic prone unit.) We advance and maneuver for an evening assault to decide this battle.

French: Independent batteries. I loathe ceding the initiative. Wellington will strike next turn to beat darkness, but is one away from defeat. We shall pick our spot and use the card. The line contracts, the right is pulled towards Calavarrasa de Arriba out of range of Peckenham. Joseph with the addition from the card and Maucune attack Leith. Wellington orders a countercharge by Leith on Maucune +0 (Cards A: Advance F: Envelop, cav result is moot), Macune is forced to withdraw. Joseph goes in and the French commit reserves making it a +3 battle with the Independent batteries random event (Cards F: Advance F: Fall Back, disordering both units) an exchange is rolled, so morale remains at 1 each. A good gamble with a pretty good chance of ending the battle, fails.

Morale: A1F1

Turn 17 (23 July 1812 Evening)

Allied: Let Them Loose! With morale tied, it is back on the French to be the aggresors. We will burrow into defensive positions and make them come at us.

French: Doubt and Indecision, moot with only one morale point. Sending Armee du Nord back towards Salamanca, hoping for a card allowing an extra hex move at night, which could win the game. Macune strikes at Clinton again, with Marmont leading personally, no reserves available (Cards F:Feint, A: Cordon, resulting in an Engaged result, no good)

Morale: A1F1

Turn 18 (23 July 1812 Night)

Allied: By God That Will Do! Macune retrogrades. Night turn. Alten rallies. Salamanca is in our hands so our morale increases by 1.

French: Intel gathering, moot this is last turn. Armee du Nord takes Salamanca half a turn too late. Joseph rallies to a cadre. The battle is a draw, better than the historic result for the French, but not at all satisfying.


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Giancarlo Esposito teases what Moff Gideon wants with Baby Yoda   

Sure, we all want our very own Baby Yoda because he&#39;s cute as shit (as well as handy in the event of a Mudhorn attack), but just why does Moff Gideon (Giancarlo Esposito) want to get his hands on the adorable child? Although the Imperial didn&#39;t appear until late in the series, his desire to obtain the child fueled much of the storyline, and IGN asked the actor at the… Read More...

LLL Demostration in Berlin 12 january 2020   

Luxemburg Liebknecht Lenin Demonstration 2020 08

On this years January 12th, as every year, thousands gathered to commemorate the leaders and founders of the German Communist Party who were murdered by the reaction and the great Lenin.

This year the Internationalist Collective Berlin organized a block that was marked by the need for a new international organization that unites the communists. Revolutionaries from different countries and from many cities of the FRG took part in this block. It was a special pleasure for all the comrades involved to see a flag of the Irish Republican revolutionary movement waving in the middle of the block.
The block appeared disciplined and combative. There were many slogans, such as „Only the masses grasping the gun creates socialism!“ or “Death to imperialism! People's War until Communism!”
Luxemburg Liebknecht Lenin Demonstration 2020 11

An important expression of proletarian internationalism was the close alliance between the bloc of the Internationalist Collective Berlin and the comrades of the TKP/ML, who are waging a fierce and consistent struggle to smash the right liquidationism in the communist movement in Turkey. The principled attitude, the fighting spirit and the determination to serve the proletarian world revolution, which the comrades of the TKP / ML showed, is in a country like Germany, in which legalism and tailism after the MLPD-Revisionists has been a characteristic of the revolutionary movement from Turkey for decades, is a strengthening, fresh, red wind that is promising for the future


El año que comienza augura grandes luchas contra el capitalismo mundial   



PERÚ: Declaración del Movimiento Popular Perú sobre las elecciones parlamentarias de 26 de enero del 2020   



¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

Ante las próximas elecciones parlamentarias extraordinarias del 26 de enero de 2020, convocadas por el gobierno fascista, genocida y vendepatria de Vizcarra para buscar su "legitimación," partiendo de lo establecido por el Presidente Gonzalo y el PCP y del contexto que en que éstas se desarrollan, emitimos el siguiente pronunciamiento:

"SOBRE LAS ELECCIONES. Marx destacó: 'A los oprimidas se les autoriza para decidir una vez cada varios años; qué miembros de la clase opresora han de representarlos y aplastarlos en el parlamento!. Esto es más válido aún tratándose de elecciones para sancionar cartas constitucionales. Así, si las elecciones son el orden regular de renovación de los gobiernos en las dictaduras burguesas de las sociedades capitalistas, incluidas las más democráticas que se pueda imaginar, el medio normal de su funcionamiento político para la preservación y el desarrollo del capitalismo; en los estados terrateniente-burocráticos, como los de América Latina, cuando han cumplido su función de cambio de gobiernos y en los momentos en que más han respetado las normas del sistema demoburgués, las elecciones sólo han sido instrumento de dominio de terratenientes feudales y grandes capitalistas, ya se trate de una periódica renovación, como en Colombia en los últimos años, o del término de un gobierno militar como en Argentina, también en los últimos años, para tomar un ejemplo de los muchos en que es pródiga nuestra América.

En el país fácilmente se comprueba lo dicho. Aun que con importantes interrupciones de los periódicos procesos electorales por gobiernos militares, especialmente interrupciones ligadas, por un lado al desarrollo de la lucha popular y, por otro, a las contradicciones entre terratenientes feudales y gran burguesía y entre la burguesía compradora y la burguesía burocrática y, resaltando que los propios gobiernos militares han servido a implementar elecciones ya sea para regularizar su propia situación, terminar su gobierno o garantizarlas, las elecciones en el Perú han servido para preservar o desarrollar el Estado Peruano, la república formal, la dictadura de terratenientes feudales y grandes burgueses. Así las elecciones han sido, como no podía ser de otro modo dentro del orden social imperante, un instrumento en manos de la burguesía compradora primero y después de la burguesía burocrática. Esto ha sido lo principal en los procesos electorales del estado peruano en este siglo y es lo que ha determinado el carácter de clase de las elecciones en el país.

Estas cuestiones fundamentales nos plantean:

1) El Estado Peruano es terrateniente-burocrático, una dictadura de terratenientes feudales y de grandes burgueses bajo control del imperialismo norteamericano; contra éste, el pueblo lucha por la construcción de un Estado de nueva democracia que requiere la destrucción del viejo orden existente.

2) El Estado Peruano, como todo Estado, se sustenta, defiende y desarrolla utilizando la violencia; frente a ésta el pueblo necesita de la violencia revolucionaria siguiendo el camino de cercar las ciudades desde el campo.

3) Las elecciones son un medio de dominación de terratenientes y grandes burgueses; no son para el pueblo instrumento de transformación ni medio para derrocar el poder de los dominantes, de ahí la justa orientación de usarlas sólo con fines de agitación y propaganda."

Todo lo dicho por el Parttido en 19789 es plenamente válido. Ahora veamos la particularidad de las elecciones reaccionarias para recambio de representantes al parlamento reaccionario.

La constitución fascista de 1993, producto del llamado "autogolpe" de Fujimori, supedita al parlamento al ejecutivo  y sobre éste último el presidente, en este caso el fascista Vizcarra, tiene poder absoluto. Así, cuando el parlamento sometido en la estructura constitucional del viejo Estado no cumple su función constitucional de perfumar los pedos del presidente, este lo manda cerrar.

Para el 26 de enero el fascista, geniocida y vendepatria Vizcarra ha convocado "nuevamente a las urnas para elegir un Congreso que deberá estar en funciones hasta julio del 2021. Esta es la segunda vez que se llama de modo extraordinario a votar porque así lo decidió él, Vizcarra. Primero fue el 9 de diciembre del 2018 en un referéndum pretextando una reforma política ante su carencia de mayoría parlamentaria, buscando de esta manera legitimar su gobierno salido de un golpe de estado palaciego con apoyo de la misma mayoría parlamentaria aprofujimorista.

En septiembre pasado disolvió el congreso "de manera fáctica" porque ‘interpretó’ que se le había denegado la confianza en cuanto a su iniciativa en relación al remplazo de los miembros del Tribunal Constitucional, cuando se producía la votación parlamentaria sobre esta materia. Como estaba cantado, llevaba las de perder en la elección de los miembros del TC mando cerrar el congreso por la policia. Golpe de estado que le ha permitido asumir los poderes ejecutivos y legislativos, además del pleno sometimiento del judicial y fiscal. Ahora esos funcionarios del TC, que de esta manera se han visto beneficiados con la ampliación de su mandato están en camino de sacralizar con un "de conformidad constitucional" el golpe de estado. ¡Y, no podría ser de otra manera! Y sí pese a todo no fuere así, estamos seguros que el fascista Vizcarra con el aval de las fuerzas armadas genocidas, el apoyo de los grandes medios de comunicación y del gran titiritero, el imperialismo yanqui, desconocería la resolución de "no conformidad constitucional" y mandaría cerrar también a este TC, pretextando posiblemente su "lucha contra la corrupción".

Una comentarista de la reacción ha resumido el carácter de estas elecciones parlamentarias del 26 de enero de 2020, así: "A propósito del nuevo Congreso, una vez que este se elija, ¿ya se sabe cuándo se instala? ¿Quienes aspiran a integrar el nuevo Legislativo tienen esto claro? En buena cuenta: ¿tienen idea de cuándo empezarán sus funciones como parlamentarios y cuándo las concluirán?"

Queda totalemente desenmascarada la farsa reaccionria para tratar de legitimar la medida de cierre del parlamento reaccionario (el chiquero de la plaza Bolívar), el golpe de estado de Vizcarra y abrirse la posibilidad de un nuevo mandato dentro del plan reaccionario del "Bicentenario".

Desde 1980 a la fecha las elecciones reaccionarias persiguen la llamada "legitimación" como un objetivo político de la guerra contrasubversiva, en su forma conocida como "guerra de baja intensidad" , en tanto busca gobiernos salidos de elecciones como medio de "darles legitimidad" y "autoridad" reconocida por el pueblo. Así las elecciones son, pues, un instrumento de la guerra contrarrevolucionaria.

Dentro de este contexto y viendo la perspectiva es que consideramos estas elecciones parlamentarias del 26 de enero de 2020 y teniendo en cuenta la experiencia de cuatro décadas: La voz de orden es simple y concreta: ¡NO VOTAR! ¡COMBATIR Y RESISTIR!











Enero de 2020


Philippines - maximum support to mass' struggle against fascist-proimperialist Duterte regime!   


Brisez l’illusion de la démocratie et préparez-vous à un Duterte plus brutal et plus virulent

Le Parti Communiste des Philippines appelle le peuple, en particulier ceux qui en ont marre et sont enragés par la corruption, les crimes et les pantins de Rodrigo Duterte, à briser l’illusion de démocratie créée par la victoire de son régime aux élections de mi-mandat et à se préparer à un règne plus brutal et virulent.
Les élections de mi-mandat sont faussement présentées comme une énorme manifestation de soutien à Duterte. Mais cela ne convainc personne, car tout le monde sait que les candidats de Duterte ont gagné, tout simplement car il a utilisé la Commission des élections pour pirater les résultats des machines à voter et à décompter les voix. Il n’y aura jamais assez de révisionnisme historique, posture machiste ou de lèche-bottes pour élire des gens comme Imee Marcos, Bato dela Rosa et Bong Go au Sénat.

Duterte profitera de sa victoire illusoire pour pousser plus loin sa politique brutale et virulente. Il est sur le point d’ordonner à ses nouveaux pantins de faire passer son faux fédéralisme par le biais d’un changement de la charte qui le placerait à la tête de l’État aussi longtemps qu’il le voudrait ou tant que sa santé le permettrait. Outre son ambition primordiale de devenir un dictateur haï, le changement de la charte prevoit d’« ouvrir l’économie et le pays aux investisseurs étrangers » – un euphémisme pour en réalité vendre les ressources marines, terrestres et en main-d’œuvre du pays au plus offrant.
Il a dirigé le pays par une terreur ouverte à Mindanao et dans les campagnes, et par des menaces, des meurtres et des actes d’intimidation ailleurs. Sa victoire illusoire l’encouragera à continuer de le faire et plus encore. Il poussera la société philippine davantage vers un État fasciste en rétablissant la peine de mort, en abaissant l’âge minimum de la responsabilité pénale et en exigeant que les citoyens soit formés et servent finalement l’armée.
Les semaines qui précèdent sa quatrième adresse sur l’état de la nation devraient servir à renforcer la volonté du peuple de résister au fascisme de Duterte, celui qui ne sert que lui-même, ses alliés privilégiés et ses maîtres fantoches.
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viva l'Asamblea Estatal de la Ciudad de Oaxaca Rebelde Mexico   

Estimados camaradas.

Está en puerta nuestra Asamblea Estatal, el próximo 19/01/20 en la Ciudad de Oaxaca Rebelde, México.

Dentro de la vida interna de nuestra organización, este es un importante ejercicio democrático donde las delegadas y delegados provenientes de las diversas regiones geográficas y organizaciones que conformamos la Corriente de Pueblo Sol Rojo, se dan cita para discutir y definir el Plan de Trabajo, Plan de Acción y Plan General de Combate y Lucha para este año que inicia, dentro del contexto actual de lucha de clases, asidos en el camino de la Revolución de Nueva Democracia, ininterrumpida hacia el Socialismo en México.
Compartimos con ustedes nuestro cartel-convocatoria, y aprovechamos la ocasión para saludar las luchas del proletariado y los pueblos en contra del imperialismo y por la revolución proletaria mundial.

¡Proletarios y pueblos oprimidos del mundo, uníos!
¡Viva el internacionalismo proletario!

¡Salvo el poder, todo es ilusión!
¡Somos la chispa que enciende la pradera!
¡Con el Sol Rojo, el pueblo vencerá!
¡Que los trabajadores gobiernen la patria!
Corriente del Pueblo Sol Rojo

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