Next Page: 25

Casa En Arriendo En Bogota Cedritos ARHC 191648   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda casa 3 niveles muy linda. Excelentes acabados, amplios espacios,cuatro habitaciones inmensa cocina con comedor auxiliar muy soleada e iluminada. Ideal para tu familia, o para convertirla en tu negocio:...
5 habitaciones 5 baños 270 m² 15.925 COP/m²
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Bogota Via A La Calera ARHC 191565   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda Hermosa Casa Amoblada Via La Calera, muy cerca del peaje los Patios. El sueno de vivir fuera de la Ciudad pero a solo un paso de Bogota, una Vida Tranquila para usted y su familia. Colegios, Supermercados y...
2 habitaciones 3 baños 141 m² 19.858 COP/m² desde bancos
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Silvania Vereda Panama ARHC 191554   

Rentahouse capital Colombia arrienda hermosa Casa Campestre en excelente conjunto privado en Chinauta Condominio Las Piramides, equipado con canchas de tenis, futbol, basquet, voley, piscinas entre otros, la casa es de espacios abiertos y...
6 habitaciones 4 baños 810 m² 6.790 COP/m² piscina
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Bogota Rincon Del Chico ARHC 191496   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda Amplia y comoda Casa en excelente ubicacion al transporte publico. Se ubica en conjunto cerrado con vigilancia y acceso controlado, el cual posee parqueadero para visitantes, cancha de tenis, cancha de futbol,...
3 habitaciones 3 baños 75 m² 22.666 COP/m² bien comunicado garage jardín tenis
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Bogota San Jose De Bavaria ARHC 191467   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda Hermosa casa en San Jose De Bavaria,Cuenta con un excelente Espacio, Para la imaginacion Y la comodidad De su Familia, Cuenta Con Buena Iluminacion,y una buena vista del Area Contactanos YA!
4 habitaciones 5 baños 400 m² 22.500 COP/m²
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Bogota Suba Urbano ARHC 191452   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda Hermosa Casa en condominio exclusivo, seguridad, amplios espacios para el disfrute de la familia, areas verdes, iluminacion natural, amplios jardines, vigilancia privada 24 horas. Contactanos YA!
3 habitaciones 6 baños 400 m² 25.000 COP/m²
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Chia Tiquiza ARHC 191378   

Rentahouse Capital Colombia Arrienda Preciosa cabaña replica de la casa de Iam Fleming ( 007),Amplios jardines, arboles frutales, zona verde y parqueadero. ideal para celebraciones,con un encanto particular, nos ofrece calidez y abrigo con sus...
3 baños 300 m² 19.666 COP/m²
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa En Arriendo En Cajica Vereda Canelon ARHC 191339   

Rentahouse Capital colombia Arrienda bella casa esquinera de diseño exclusivo en condominio campestre con club house, iluminada con grandes ventanales,parques infantiles y zona de mascotas, vigilancia permanente
4 habitaciones 5 baños 210 m² 2.457 COP/m²
Thu, 23 Jan 2020 08:45:01 -0500

Casa Local En Arriendo En Medellin Barrio Colombia Apyp 4279   

Apartamento en arriendo segundo piso en el barrio Colombia para comercio, cuenta con un área privada de 70M2;1 alcoba, 1 baño, cocina, piso en baldosa,balcón. Ubicado cerca a la Av las vegas, av el poblado sector comercial. Visítenos en...
1 habitación 1 baño 70 m² 25.714 COP/m²
Tue, 21 Jan 2020 10:16:32 -0500

Colombia – Dueños y responsables de EPS podrían responder con su partimonio   


La Senadora Laura Fortich propone que dueños y responsables de EPS deban responder con su patrimonio, cuando la entidad quiebre. La senadora miembro del Partido Liberal Laura Fortich presentó un proyecto que pretende mejorar la situación financiera de las IPS. Uno de los ejes centrales del proyecto de Fortich es que las liquidaciones de las […]

La entrada Colombia – Dueños y responsables de EPS podrían responder con su partimonio aparece primero en Diario Jurídico.


Colombia/Venezuela: Armed Groups Control Lives at Border   


Armed groups use brutal violence to control peoples’ daily lives in the eastern Colombian province of Arauca and the neighboring Venezuelan state of Apure.


“The Guerrillas Are the Police”   



In the eastern Colombian province of Arauca and the neighboring Venezuelan state of Apure, non-state armed groups use violence to control peoples’ daily lives. They impose their own rules, and to enforce compliance they threaten civilians on both sides of the border, subjecting those who do not obey to punishments ranging from fines to forced labor to killings. Residents live in fear.

Human Rights Watch visited Arauca in August 2019, documenting a range of abuses on both sides of the border. We interviewed 105 people, including community leaders, victims of abuses and their relatives, humanitarian actors, human rights officials, judicial officials, and journalists. We sent information requests to Colombian and Venezuelan authorities, and consulted an array of sources and documents.

We found that armed groups on both sides of the border exercise control through threats, kidnappings, forced labor, child recruitment, and murder. In Arauca, armed groups have also planted landmines and perpetrated sexual violence, among other abuses.

Colombia/Venezuela: Armed Groups Control Lives at Border

Killings, Forced Labor, Child Recruitment

Two armed groups impose social control over the residents of Arauca: the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional, ELN), a guerrilla group formed in the 1960s, and the “Martín Villa 10th Front” dissident group, which emerged from the demobilized Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP or FARC) after the 2016 peace accord, and sometimes identifies itself as FARC-EP.

These two groups also operate in Venezuela’s Apure state, where the Patriotic Forces of National Liberation (Fuerzas Patrióticas de Liberación Nacional, FPLN) operate as well. This group, whose origins date back to the 1990s, reportedly has a close relationship with Venezuelan authorities in Apure.

The armed groups in both countries have established and brutally enforce on civilians a wide range of rules normally associated with criminal laws enacted and enforced by governments. Members of armed groups do not hold themselves to the same standards. These include curfews; prohibitions on rape, theft, and murder; and regulations governing everyday activities such as fishing, debt payment, and closing times for bars. In some areas, the groups forbid wearing helmets while riding motorcycles, so that fighters can see travelers’ faces. The groups extort money from residents who carry out virtually any type of economic activity.

Some of the armed groups’ rules are included in a 2013 manual of “Unified Rules of Conduct and Coexistence,” which the FARC and ELN created before the 2016 peace accord. Fighters communicate other rules through megaphones or signs posted along roads.

As part of their strategy to control the social, political, and economic life of Arauca, the groups have in recent years increasingly committed unlawful killings, including against human rights defenders and community leaders. In 2015, when the FARC declared a ceasefire to advance peace talks, the government recorded 96 homicides in Arauca. Since then, homicides have gone up, reaching 161 between January and late-November 2019. Armed groups are responsible for the majority of these homicides, according to Colombia’s Institute of Forensic Science and the Human Rights Ombudsperson’s Office.

Human Rights Watch has also received credible allegations of killings by armed groups in Apure, but Venezuelan authorities have not released reliable, comprehensive statistics on killings there.

In 2019, at least 16 bodies of civilians found in Arauca had scrawled scraps of paper on them announcing the supposed “justification” for the killing. The texts accused the murdered victims of being “informants,” “rapists,” “drug dealers,” or “thieves,” for example. Often, the papers were signed “FARC-EP,” suggesting that the Martín Villa 10th Front FARC dissident group claimed responsibility. Residents reported similar killings in 2018.

Armed groups in Arauca and Apure also punish residents with forced labor, requiring them to work for free, sometimes for months, farming, cleaning roads, or cooking in the armed groups’ camps, which are often in Venezuela. Human Rights Watch documented at least two cases of forced labor and received credible allegations of three additional cases. Humanitarian actors, human rights officials, residents, and victims told Human Rights Watch that coerced labor is a common punishment for even minor infractions.

The ELN and FARC dissident group also recruit Colombian and Venezuelan children in both Arauca and Apure, according to human rights officials, humanitarian actors, and residents. Armed groups often offer payment, motorcycles, and guns to children to lure them to join. Girls who escaped from armed groups’ ranks have reported members of the groups committing sexual violence against them, including rape and forced abortion.

Some 44,000 Venezuelans live in Arauca, most having arrived since 2015, fleeing the devastating humanitarian, political, and economic crisis in their home country. Venezuelans in Arauca often live in precarious economic conditions, sleeping on the street or forming makeshift settlements, struggling to earn money, and lacking access to public services such as comprehensive health care. Thousands have also set out on foot from the border region, hoping to reach destinations such as Bogotá, Colombia’s capital. They are often unaware of the dangers along the way, including predation by armed groups.

Venezuelans, many of whom arrive in Arauca from areas without armed groups and who are ignorant of the armed groups’ “rules,” have numbered among the murder victims. Between January and November 2019, the Colombian National Police recorded 30 Venezuelans killed in Arauca. Community leaders, humanitarian workers, and human rights officials told Human Rights Watch that armed groups murdered many of them for violating the “rules.”

Venezuelans have also suffered abuses that are not directly associated with armed groups. Many women are sexually exploited and coerced to sell sex, and often face additional violence. Humanitarian actors have reported cases of human trafficking. Xenophobia in Arauca is notably prevalent and has led to cases of violence against Venezuelans, who are often blamed by local residents for crimes committed there.

Colombian authorities have tried to wrest power from armed groups in Arauca, principally by deploying the military. Several of the military units on duty in Arauca, though, are dedicated to protecting oil infrastructure, which armed groups often attack. In parts of the province, protection of residents is almost entirely lacking.

Security forces are especially ineffective in the countryside. Police presence is often limited to certain urban areas while much of the army presence in rural areas is focused on oil infrastructure. As one police official told Human Rights Watch, in the remaining areas the guerrillas “are the police.”

Protection for human rights defenders, community leaders, and others particularly at risk of attack by armed groups has been limited. Colombia’s National Protection Unit (Unidad Nacional de Protección, UNP) has only one official in Arauca, who is in charge of assigning protection schemes for people at risk. This generates delays and makes it hard to carry out thorough and timely risk assessments. The UNP in Arauca does not itself have protection, or even a car, so is rarely able to visit rural areas.

Security forces in Arauca have also been involved in serious abuses. In one incident in March 2018, soldiers opened fire on four civilians who had gone hunting, killing one of them.

Armed groups appear to feel much freer to operate in Venezuela than they do in Colombia. Groups have at times taken victims kidnapped in Arauca to camps and other facilities they maintain in Venezuela. Rather than combatting them, Venezuelan security forces, as well as local authorities, have colluded with them in at least some cases, according to multiple sources we interviewed, including Apure residents, community leaders, journalists, and humanitarian actors.

Impunity for abuses remains the norm. In Arauca, the Colombian Attorney General’s Office has secured convictions for only eight killings committed since 2017, out of a total of more than 400 now under investigation. None of the eight convictions was of a member of an armed group. Since 2017, the office has not charged, let alone convicted, any member of an armed group for rape, threats, extortion, child recruitment, forced displacement, or the criminal offense of “forcible disappearance,” which under Colombian law covers abductions and involuntary disappearances carried out by armed groups.

The Venezuelan government did not respond to an information request from Human Rights Watch regarding the status of investigations into alleged abuses in Apure. The lack of judicial independence in Venezuela, coupled with widespread fear of reporting crimes, strongly suggests there is little, if any, accountability for crimes committed by armed groups in Apure. Given our sources’ testimony that local authorities and security forces in Apure tolerate and often collude with armed groups, there is no reason to believe that serious investigations into abuses by armed groups have been conducted or will be in the near future.

The implementation of two policies announced in recent years by the Colombian government could decisively influence the human rights situation in Arauca.

In four municipalities of Arauca, the national government has committed to implementing a “Territorial Development Program” (Programas de Desarrollo con Enfoque Territorial, PDET), an initiative created by the peace agreement with the FARC.

As part of the PDET, residents of the four Arauca municipalities have already participated in designing projects to increase accountability, improve protection for community activists, and address the poverty and lack of educational opportunities that have, for years, made it easier for armed groups to thrive. Implementation of the projects in Arauca could help undermine armed groups’ power and prevent human rights abuses.

On the enforcement side, the government announced in August 2019 a “Strategic Zone of Comprehensive Intervention” (Zona Estratégica de Intervención Integral) for Arauca, which is currently being designed. In such zones, authorities commit to deploying the military alongside police to dismantle armed groups and improve security. Simultaneously, the government aims, in safer parts of these areas, to improve access to public services and strengthen civilian, including judicial, institutions.

Our research suggests that the situation in Arauca is unlikely to improve if the Colombian government continues to focus its strategy on deploying the military without simultaneously strengthening the justice system, improving protection for the population, and taking steps to ensure adequate access to economic and educational opportunities and public services. Conversely, thorough implementation of PDET provisions—especially those related to strengthening the judiciary, protecting community activists, and providing economic and educational opportunities—could help undermine armed groups’ power and prevent further human rights abuses in Arauca.

Increased international pressure on the government of Nicolás Maduro remains key to preventing abuses and ensuring accountability in Venezuela. A United Nations fact-finding mission created in September to investigate human rights violations in Venezuela should scrutinize abuses committed by armed groups in Venezuela with the tolerance or connivance of security forces. Relying on findings by the UN fact-finding mission and other credible sources, international organizations and foreign governments—in the Americas and Europe—should impose targeted sanctions, such as asset freezes and travel bans, on senior Venezuelan officials who have been complicit in abuses by armed groups.


To the Administration of President Iván Duque of Colombia:

To prevent abuses, protect people at risk, and support accountability:

  • Include in the policy for the Strategic Zones of Comprehensive Intervention in Arauca a rights-respecting strategy for security forces to protect locals from armed groups, and a plan to remove landmines, starting with the villages covered by the policy.
  • Provide greater support to ensure security and protection for prosecutors and investigators in Arauca.
  • Strengthen the National Protection Unit in Arauca with more personnel, including as part of the implementation of the so-called “Territorial Development Programs” (PDET).
  • Design and implement a plan to prevent child recruitment in Arauca of both Colombians and Venezuelans, and strengthen existing prevention mechanisms in the province, including by ensuring access to education.
  • Create a policy that allows members of FARC dissident groups to demobilize and join the individual reintegration program.
  • Work with the municipal and provincial governments to ensure that survivors of sexual violence receive the aid and protection to which they are entitled under Colombian law.
  • Monitor failures to implement current laws and policies related to gender-based violence in Colombia, with a particular focus on sexual violence perpetrated by armed actors.
  • Ensure that the PDET is promptly and fully implemented in Arauca.

To protect the rights of Venezuelans fleeing from the crisis in their country:

  • Carry out anti-xenophobia campaigns in Arauca, working with local authorities, civil society groups, and the local population.
  • Direct the police in Arauca to take steps to protect Venezuelans who are subject to assault, kidnapping, extortion, child recruitment, rape, murder and other crimes, and hold to account authorities who fail in their duty to enforce the law against those who prey upon Venezuelans.
  • Carry out a comprehensive assessment to determine the total number of Venezuelans living in Arauca and their needs.

To the Colombian Attorney General’s Office:

  • Increase the number of prosecutors and investigators working in Arauca on cases related to the armed conflict, including homicides, sexual violence, child recruitment, extortion, and threats against human rights defenders and local officials.
  • Increase the number of prosecutors and investigators in Arauca working on corruption and collusion between local governments and armed groups.
  • Ensure protection for all prosecutors and investigators in Arauca and provide them with adequate resources to carry out their work.
  • Create a special unit to investigate possible cases of human trafficking into sexual exploitation and violence and coercion against both sex workers and people forced to sell sex, including Venezuelan women and girls.

To UN Agencies:

  • Design and implement plans that include programs to prevent the recruitment of Colombian and Venezuelan children in Arauca and Apure.
  • Seek support from international donors to address the needs of the civilian population of Arauca and Apure through a comprehensive plan to provide support to individuals affected by the armed conflict, with a focus on populations at high risk for abuse or exploitation, including—but not limited to—Venezuelans displaced outside their country.

To the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela:

  • Investigate collusion by Venezuelan security forces in abuses committed by armed groups in Venezuela, including by the ELN, the FPLN, and the FARC dissident group in Apure, as part of the mission’s mandate to investigate extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, and torture and other cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment occurring in the country since 2014.

To the US, Canadian, and Latin American Governments and the European Union:

  • Impose targeted sanctions, including travel bans and asset freezes, on senior Venezuelan officials who, according to the UN fact-finding mission and other credible reports by other international organizations, are complicit is abuses by armed groups in Venezuela.
  • Assist the Colombian government’s efforts to provide additional humanitarian aid to Colombians and Venezuelans at risk in Arauca.


In researching this report Human Rights Watch carried out interviews with more than 105 people. Interviewees included residents of Arauca and Apure, Venezuelan refugees, Colombians who had returned to their country from Venezuela (often called “returnees” in Colombia), human rights officials, judicial officials, human rights activists, victims of abuse and their relatives, members of humanitarian organizations, and Colombian government officials. Members of armed groups were not interviewed for security reasons.

We conducted most of the interviews during a visit in August 2019 to five of the seven municipalities of Arauca: Arauca City, Arauquita, Saravena, Fortul, and Tame. Some additional interviews for the report were conducted by telephone and in Bogotá. All interviews were in Spanish.

The report also draws on a series of official statistics and documents from the Colombian government, publications by international and national humanitarian and nongovernmental organizations, and news articles. We sent information requests to Colombia’s Ministry of Defense, Attorney General’s Office and Victims’ Unit, as well as to Venezuelan authorities. The responses we received are reflected in the report. Venezuelan authorities did not respond.

This report documents abuses committed both in Colombia and Venezuela. Documenting cases in Venezuela presented difficulties. First, Human Rights Watch conducts limited research inside Venezuela due to security concerns. In 2008, a Human Rights Watch team was detained and expelled from the country, with authorities publicly announcing that our presence would not be “tolerated” there. The security situation for our researchers, and anyone else who carries out human rights work in the country, has only worsened since then. Secondly, Venezuelan authorities do not release reliable statistics or information about crimes in the country and, given the lack of judicial independence in the country, there are no reliable statistics from the justice system on investigations, prosecutions, or convictions either. Finally, only a few humanitarian organizations work on issues linked to armed groups in Venezuela.

Most of the interviewees feared for their security and only spoke to Human Rights Watch on condition that we withhold their names and other identifying information. Details about their cases or the individuals involved, including the location of the interviews, were also withheld when requested or when Human Rights Watch believed that publishing the information would put someone at risk. In footnotes, we may use the same language to refer to different interviewees to preserve their security. 

Interviews with victims, their relatives, or witnesses were conducted in confidential settings or through secure means of communication. We informed all participants of the purpose of the interview, its voluntary nature, and how the information would be used. Each participant orally consented to be interviewed.

Human Rights Watch did not make any payments or offer other incentives to interviewees. Care was taken with victims of trauma to minimize the risk that recounting their experiences could further traumatize them. Where appropriate, Human Rights Watch provided contact information for organizations offering legal, social, or counseling services, or linked those organizations with survivors.

In this report, “Arauca” refers to the province of Arauca, in eastern Colombia, also referred to as a “department.” We use “Arauca City” or “Arauca municipality” interchangeably to refer to the municipality of Arauca, the provincial capital.

Under Colombian law, private actors as well as state actors can be held accountable for the criminal offense of “forcible disappearances,” defined as any form of deprivation of liberty in circumstances in which those responsible conceal and refuse to acknowledge the fact of deprivation of liberty or give information about the person’s whereabouts.[1] This use differs from the definition in international law of enforced disappearance.[2] This report uses the term “forcible disappearance” to refer to the crime under Colombian law.

Abuses by Armed Groups

Armed groups enjoy significant power and exercise tight control over the population in Arauca and Apure. Members the groups operating there have committed numerous abuses—including unlawful killings, kidnappings, sexual violence, child recruitment, and forced labor—to assert and maintain this control. They have carried out abuses on both the Colombian and Venezuelan sides of the border.

Many of these abuses are violations of international humanitarian law, which is applicable to non-state armed groups as well as national armed forces. Serious violations of international humanitarian law committed with criminal intent are war crimes.

This section of the report details those abuses. To the extent possible, it also provides data on the numbers of killings and other abuses in recent years. Because few people report violence and abuses for fear of retaliation and because Venezuelan authorities have constantly failed to release information on crime rates in the country, the numbers provided below likely understate the extent of the abuses, and in some cases significantly understate it. Our research suggests that countless victims and their families live in silence.[3]

Unlawful Killings

Armed groups have committed unlawful killings in Arauca and Apure.

Unlawful killings are on the rise in Arauca. In 2015, the year in which the FARC declared a ceasefire as part of peace negotiations, the Colombian government reported 96 homicides in Arauca.[4] In 2018, 160 people were killed in the department, a rate of 59 murders for every 100,000 people—roughly two times the national rate.[5] Preliminary statistics from the National Institute of Forensic Science indicate that the numbers continue to rise: 161 people were killed in Arauca between January and November of 2019.[6]

The ELN and the FARC dissident group are responsible for most of the murders in Arauca, as well as for the increase in the murder rates in the province, according to the Ombudsperson’s Office, humanitarian organizations, and the Institute of Forensic Science.[7] According to Colombia’s National Institute of Forensic Science, in 2018, the ELN and the FARC dissident group were thought to be responsible for killing at least 93 people in Arauca, 58 percent of the total that year.[8] The Institute believes that the ELN and the FARC dissident group were responsible for at least 97 killings between January and November 2019, roughly 60 percent of the total.[9]

Venezuelan authorities do not produce comprehensive or reliable statistics on crime rates in the country, making it impossible to determine the full scope of murders by armed groups in Apure state.[10] However, armed groups have also committed unlawful killings in Apure.[11] In September 2018, for example, the ELN reportedly killed the head of the Scientific, Legal, and Criminalistics Investigation Agency (Cuerpo de Investigaciones Científicas, Penales y Criminalísticas, CICPC) in Guasdualito, Apure, after members of the agency allegedly killed a guerrilla commander’s child.[12]

Armed groups in Arauca and Apure often kill those who violate their “rules,” according to multiple sources in Arauca and Apure.[13] In at least 3 cases in 2018 and 16 in 2019 the victim’s bodies in Arauca were found with a piece of paper beside them, stating the apparent justification for the killing: being an alleged “informant,” “rapist,” “drug dealer,” or “thief,” for example.[14] In some cases, the FARC dissident group identified itself as responsible on the piece of paper.[15]

In some cases, victims were found with their hands tied or showing other signs of torture. Colombia’s Institute of Forensic Science told Human Rights Watch that they documented 23 cases of murder with signs of torture—most of which were cases where the victims had their hands tied—between January and mid-August 2019, up from 20 in all of 2018 and 3 in 2017.[16]

Victims of murder in Arauca include Venezuelan exiles. In 2018, according to the National Police, 25 Venezuelans were killed in the province.[17] Preliminary statistics indicate that 30 Venezuelans were killed in Arauca between January and November 2019.[18] Community leaders, humanitarian workers, and human rights officials told Human Rights Watch that many Venezuelans have been killed by armed groups for violating their “norms.” Many of them come from areas where armed groups are not present, so they often do not know these rules exist nor what they are.[19]

In some cases, armed groups first took their Venezuelan or Colombian victims to Venezuela, often to interrogate or “investigate” them before murdering them and leaving their bodies in Arauca.[20] For example, in May 2019, members of the ELN kidnapped Andrés Gómez (pseudonym) in Arauca. His mother went to Venezuela where a commander from the ELN told her that they had taken Andrés there for an “interview” and that he would return home the next day. His dead body was found in one of Arauca’s municipalities, on August 1, 2019.[21]

Armed groups have also killed human rights defenders and community leaders in Colombia. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has documented six cases of human rights defenders—a term it uses in Colombia to include community leaders seeking to promote or protect rights—killed in Arauca between January and late July 2019, up from four in all of 2018 and one in 2017.[22] Four defenders killed in 2019 were working on children’s rights issues; OHCHR and the Attorney General’s Office are investigating whether some may have been killed because they opposed child recruitment.[23] OHCHR and the Attorney General’s Office have indicated that the ELN was responsible for at least one of the murders committed since 2017 in Arauca.[24] Additionally, Alfonso Correa, an Arauca human rights defender, was killed in March 2019 in Casanare, a province south of Arauca. Investigations by the Attorney General’s Office and the OHCHR point to ELN responsibility in this case as well.[25]

On April 27, 2018, armed men kidnapped María del Carmen Moreno Páez from her farm in rural Arauquita, Colombia, two relatives told Human Rights Watch.[26] The perpetrators sent her family videos and photos, which Human Rights Watch reviewed, of Moreno Páez blindfolded and demanded money for her release. They killed her hours after kidnapping her. Firemen found her body five days later. Soon after her body was found, a video, which Human Rights Watch reviewed, appeared on social media showing two men, with their hands tied and chains around their neck, who confessed to the kidnapping and murder of Moreno Páez. Later that same day, the dead bodies of the two men were found in a town called El Troncal; a note on the bodies read: “These are the authors of the kidnapping and killing of María.… We are applying justice. FARC-EP. The people’s army.”[27]

Mauricio Lezama, a filmmaker working on a documentary about victims in Arauca, was drinking juice in front of a small shop in La Esmeralda, a town in rural Arauca, on May 9, 2019, while he waited to start filming a documentary, when two men on a motorcycle drove by and shot him. The shooting killed him instantly and wounded another person.[28] His body lay on the street for hours until authorities were able to come and remove it.[29] It is unclear who killed Lezama, though investigations by the Attorney General’s Office and the OHCHR indicate that the FARC dissident group appears to be responsible.[30]

Child Recruitment

The FARC dissident group and the ELN recruit Venezuelan and Colombian children in Arauca and Apure. Some recruited children are as young as 12 years old.[31] Credible sources told Human Rights Watch that both armed groups have established camps in Apure, where they train new recruits, including children.[32]

While Venezuelan authorities do not produce reliable statistics on child recruitment, the Victims’ Unit in Colombia registered 14 cases of child recruitment in Arauca between 2017 and 2019.[33] Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office is investigating 21 cases of child recruitment committed since 2017 in Arauca, including 6 victims who were Venezuelan.[34] Yet there is significant under-reporting of child recruitment, according to a humanitarian source, two human rights officials, and a government official who works on the issue.[35] Indeed, a government official and a humanitarian organization reported the recruitment of 15 children by the FARC dissident group in the municipality of Saravena alone between January and March of 2019.[36]

Child recruitment by the FPLN appears to be uncommon, according to local community leaders, journalists, and researchers in Apure.[37] Human Rights Watch did not document any such cases.

The ELN and the FARC dissident group offer children payment if they join, as well as access to motorcycles and guns, according to humanitarian actors, and community leaders.[38] Human Rights Watch received messages from community leaders in Apure through a local reliable source, in which the leaders stated that Colombian armed groups recruit children in the state.[39] One of the leaders said the ELN organized soccer games to convince children to join the group’s ranks.[40]

Children are recruited to be full-time fighters, living in guerrilla camps and taking part in combat, or to be militia members, living in urban areas and collecting extortion payments, providing information for their rural counterparts, and carrying out small-scale violence, such as grenade attacks.[41]

Humanitarian actors in Arauca who have had some form of contact with the armed groups also report that children make up part of the ranks of both armed groups.[42] In July 2019, 16 members of the FARC dissident group in Arauca handed themselves over to the Armed Forces; six of them were under the age of 18, including one Venezuelan. Almost all of the demobilized fighters were from an indigenous community.[43]

Children recruited by the FARC dissident group face a precarious situation if they want to escape from the armed group once they become adults. Under Colombian law, there is no legal route if adults wish to demobilize and, unlike ELN fighters, they are not eligible for reintegration programs.[44]

The FARC dissident group has retaliated against members who have tried to escape. One witness to FARC dissident abuses inside a camp in Venezuela said he saw a “revolutionary trial” in which the group tried two fighters—an adult and a child—for trying to escape. He told Human Rights Watch that the fighters voted to kill the adult but gave the child a “second chance” and imposed a sanction that consisted of forcing him to dig trenches.[45] In August 2019, the army rescued a 2-year-old boy who had been kidnaped by the FARC dissident group in Arauca in April. He is the son of two fighters who had escaped from the group’s ranks and had apparently been kidnapped in retaliation for their escape from the group.[46]

Lina and Natalia (pseudonyms), both 15, took the bus home from school one day in rural Arauca in April 2019. When they got off the bus, ELN members convinced them to go to a guerrilla camp to become fighters. Lina’s mother, along with another community leader, went to the camp as soon as she found out what had happened. There, she was able to convince the commander to let her daughter go, but he did not release Natalia. The commander stated that if Lina ever came back to the guerrillas, she would stay there for life. According to government officials who spoke with Lina, guerrilla members asked the two girls if they were virgins, and took pictures of them in their underwear. Both Lina and her mother later fled Arauca.[47]

Kidnappings, Forcible Disappearances, and Forced Labor

The ELN and FARC dissident group in Arauca and Apure kidnap civilians, including to subject the victims to forced labor as a punishment for violating the groups’ “rules.”

Since 2017, 24 people have been kidnapped by armed groups in Arauca, including 13 in 2018 and 5 between January and September 2019.[48] These include cases in which armed groups demanded extortion payments or subjected the victims to forced labor. Victims include members of the Colombian armed forces.[49]

In Apure, the ELN, and the FARC dissident group kidnap people mostly to force them to carry out forced labor, according to journalists, residents, a human rights activist, and researchers.[50] Armed groups in Apure also kidnap farmers so they can take over their land.[51]

The number of people who have gone missing has increased in Arauca over the past two years. According to Colombia’s Institute of Forensic Science, the reported number of missing people in the province increased from eight in 2017 to 14 in 2018.[52] The Institute reported that 12 people went missing in Arauca between January and November 2019.[53] Under Colombian law, private actors as well as state actors can be held accountable for the criminal offense of “forcible disappearances”[54] and the Attorney General’s Office told Human Rights Watch that, as of September 2019, prosecutors had pending investigations into 46 cases of alleged forcible disappearance committed in Arauca since 2017.[55]

Some of the people reported missing have reappeared after months of forced labor in farms or guerrilla camps—a form of punishment imposed by armed groups in Arauca. [56] Largely in an effort to impose social control, armed groups force people who violate “norms” to work in their camps or on farms reportedly run by people linked to them.[57]

Human Rights Watch documented two cases, described below, of forced labor—one by the ELN and another by the FARC dissident group—and received credible allegations from humanitarian actors and locals about three more.[58] In both cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the victims stated that they saw or spoke with other people who were also forced to work in the places the armed groups were holding them. In both cases, the victims were held in Venezuela, where they were subject to forced labor. To Human Rights Watch’s knowledge, Colombian and Venezuelan authorities do not maintain an official record of cases of forced labor, though local observers believe this form of “punishment” by armed groups is more commonly implemented by the ELN than by other armed groups.[59]

Victims of forced labor are not always kidnapped. For example, Human Rights Watch received credible allegations that in late 2017 a group of young men who an armed group accused of robbery was forced to clean up parts of their own town in Apure.[60]

Miguel Escobar (pseudonym), a 31-year-old Venezuelan man, told Human Rights Watch that in May 2019 he was summoned to a FARC dissident camp in Venezuela to speak to “Jerónimo,” the FARC dissident group commander. Escobar’s wife had told the FARC dissident group that he had mistreated her, he said. Escobar told Human Rights Watch that after a short discussion with “Jerónimo,” he was forced to work without pay as a cook in the dissident camp for two months. In the camp, he worked with two other civilians who were subjected to the same treatment, he said. Miguel witnessed one murder and received first-hand accounts about four others while he lived in the camp, he said. After he had “served” his two months in the camp as a cook, one commander told him that they were planning to hold him there for two years. Miguel escaped shortly thereafter.[61]

Carlos Torres (pseudonym) was at a bar in Arauca in late 2017, where he said he had a small altercation with a young man. The next day, a car pulled up in front of his house; a young man got out, knocked on the front door, and then forced his way into Carlos’ home along with three others. All four were armed, Carlos noted. They forced him into the car, blindfolded him, and later put him in a canoe, taking the canoe across the Arauca River into Venezuela, he recalled. There, he worked on a farm for nearly seven months, he claimed, doing various jobs with two other young men. Eventually, when he was released, his captors revealed that they belonged to the ELN and said they had brought him to do forced labor because the young man he had a problem with at the bar was an ELN fighter. He moved elsewhere after the ELN threatened him after he was released.[62]

Luis Menendez (pseudonym) was kidnapped in Arauca in 2019. That night, he had been at a bar with friends when six armed men arrived. The men said they were FARC dissidents, he recounted, and told him he had to go with them. After he initially refused to go, the men fired two shots at the floor. Menendez told Human Rights Watch that they then brought him to the Arauca River and crossed over to Venezuela. Once in Venezuela they drove him to a house, passing through two checkpoints of the Bolivarian National Guard (Guardia Nacional Bolivariana) of Venezuela without being stopped, he said. Days later, when the FARC dissident group realized his family would not be able to pay the ransom they had requested, they let him go.[63]

Threats and Other Forms of Social Control

Armed groups in Arauca and Apure routinely threaten people to ensure social control. These threats are often directed against people who violate the groups’ “rules” or to pressure civilians to do as the groups want.

Colombia’s Victims’ Unit registered more than 2,000 threats related to the armed conflict in Arauca between 2017 and September 1, 2019.[64] “It’s like there are two forms of government,” one human rights activist in Apure told Human Rights Watch. “They [the armed groups] threaten you twice and the third time is a death sentence.”[65]

Threats can come in multiple forms. For example, both the FARC dissident group and the ELN make threats through pamphlets, announcing “social cleansing” —a term used in Colombia and in Venezuela’s Apure to describe the killing of certain people considered “undesirable” for society, including thieves and drug addicts.[66] These threats occur both in Apure and Arauca.[67]

These pamphlets are consistent with the manual of “Unified Rules of Conduct and Coexistence” created by the FARC and ELN in 2013 after they ended their 2006-2010 conflict. The manual includes rules for both guerrilla fighters and locals.[68] The “norms” in the manual, which the ELN and the FARC dissident group continue to apply,[69] are designed to control numerous aspects of daily life: they regulate fishing; prohibit rape, theft, and murder; mandate timely debt payments; and even specify when bars should close. The manual also obliges community members to work one day a month in a community task.[70] While the manual includes references to “exemplary punishment” and “adequate response” to “serious crimes,” it does not specify the punishments to be imposed for violating the rules. In practice, however, these punishments include death, forced labor, threats, and displacement.

While armed groups apparently do not apply the manual in Apure, Venezuela, the punishments they mete out for comparable “infractions” are the same. The three armed groups operating in Apure punish locals for not following the “rules,” including through threats, forced labor, and occasionally murder.[71]

Several humanitarian aid workers, human rights officials, and activists told Human Rights Watch that it is more common for the ELN to use pamphlets or threaten people before killing them, while the FARC dissident group tends to kill its victims without warning.[72]

Government officials are also often threatened, at least in Colombia.[73] Five out of seven heads of local personerías—municipal human rights offices—in Arauca have been threatened by armed groups, and some have fled the province.[74]

Politicians, including some who ran for governor, mayor, and the municipal council in the October 2019 local elections in Colombia, have also received threats from armed groups.[75] In a pamphlet in February 2019, for example, the FARC dissident group threatened members of the Democratic Center party, the party led by former President Álvaro Uribe and current President Iván Duque.[76] Colombia’s Human Rights Ombudsperson’s Office has stated that four of the seven municipalities in Arauca present an “extreme” —the highest—level of risk for electoral violence.[77] It has noted that the city of Arauca is the municipality in Colombia with the highest number of human rights violations against people who work on electoral campaigns or are candidates themselves.[78]

Armed groups often require people to go to meetings with commanders, where they can be threatened as well.[79] It is common for groups in Arauca to hand over to victims handwritten notes on small pieces of paper with the armed group’s logo, called “vikingos” (the Spanish word for “vikings”), calling them to a meeting with a commander.[80] On other occasions, some people have been told that they have to meet with an armed group by someone who approaches them in public.[81] For example, Human Rights Watch interviewed a politician who received two notes from the ELN. In November 2018, the group extorted him for cash; in July 2019, the ELN demanded he appear at a specific point for unstated reasons.[82] A member of the group had previously told him that he should do as they say.[83]

These meetings take place on both the Venezuelan and Colombian sides of the border.[84] One community leader told Human Rights Watch that he had to cross the border to Venezuela for a meeting, where commanders of the FARC dissident group and the ELN were present. In the meeting, the commanders explained to him the groups’ concerns about some government initiatives in his town. According to the leader, who said he had been previously threatened three times by the armed groups, “it would be too dangerous not to go” to the meeting.[85]

In rural areas of Arauca and Apure, armed groups place signs in the streets or use megaphones to communicate their rules to local residents or make public announcements about government policies or programs.[86] Some, for example, set curfews in rural areas and forbid people to wear helmets while riding motorcycles so that fighters can see their faces.[87] Ironically, a community leader told Human Rights Watch that “using a helmet can be dangerous.”[88]

Armed groups in Arauca and Apure also engage in widespread extortion. Virtually everyone in the province has been a victim of extortion, including poor farmers, according to interviews by Human Rights Watch.[89] “We don’t produce enough to feed our families and we have to pay [them],” a local farmer told Human Rights Watch.[90] Nonetheless, few victims appear willing to report such extortion. While multiple sources told Human Rights Watch that extortion is widespread in Arauca, Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office is currently investigating only 263 cases allegedly committed since 2017.[91] Similarly, the Defense Ministry has registered 285 cases of extortion between 2017 and late-September 2019.[92]

The ELN and the FARC dissident group separately extort people in the same areas and sometimes demand the same amount of money, but it is often unclear whether or when the groups expect residents to pay both. A victim of extortion and a human rights official told Human Rights Watch that people do not have to pay both groups,[93] but two residents told Human Rights Watch that they had been forced to do so. [94] As mentioned above, some people are summoned to meetings in Venezuela to make such payments.[95]

Viviana Sánchez (pseudonym) owned a small shop in rural Arauca. Colombian Army soldiers would occasionally patrol the hamlet and stop in her shop, she told Human Rights Watch. The ELN threatened her because of her contact with the soldiers, she said. She told Human Rights Watch that a low-level guerrilla fighter would often go to her store, drink beer, and make unwanted sexual advances against her, which she consistently rejected. In July 2019, she received a pamphlet saying she had to leave the hamlet. She went to meet with the commander in the area, she recounted, where a guerrilla fighter put a pistol against her head as a


Landon Lecture Series: Juan Manuel Santos, Former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate    

Event date: February 4, 2020
Event Time: 10:00 AM - 11:00 AM
918 N 17th St
Manhattan, KS 66506
For his Landon Lecture, Juan Manuel Santos, the former two-term president of Colombia and 2016 Nobel Peace Prize winner, will present "From Hawk to Dove."
While president of the South American nation, Santos helped bring his country's more than 50-year-long civil war to an end. His tenacity and determination to achieve peace and reconciliation in Colombia are why Santos earned the Nobel Peace Prize.
During Santos' presidency, Colombia became the region's leader in economic growth, job creation, reduction of poverty and extreme poverty, sustainable development, and the enhancement of information and communications technology. In addition, his administration reduced the country's housing deficit by half and launched the most ambitious infrastructure plan in Colombia's history.
Santos has been twice-named to TIME's "100 Most Influential People" and received the World Economic Forum's Global Statesman Award.

Latinoamérica: más de 1800 toneladas de aletas de tiburón fueron exportadas a Asia sin ser registradas en aduanas   

Un informe elaborado por la fundación MarViva comparó las cifras de exportación de aletas y carne de tiburón de Colombia, Panamá y Costa Rica con los registros de importaciones de los países de destino.

Webinar- Enero 23: Experiencias de estudiantes en contextos de migración y desplazamiento: Colombia y Rep Dominicana. Informe Regional GEM: inclusión y educación en LAC. @GEMReport @UNESCOSantiago y @summa_edu Inscripciones   


📅 Webinar- Enero 23: Experiencias de estudiantes en contextos de migración y desplazamiento: Colombia y Rep Dominicana. Informe Regional GEM: inclusión y educación en LAC. y Inscripciones 👉 


People ask for term revocation of Daniel Quintero, Mayor of Medellin   


The first challenge for colombian cities mayors was the last strike (Paro Nacional), being the first call for protests in 2020, however, the balance for the mayors of the different capital cities of the country was not the same, as some of them came out well, while others were pointed out in social networks. During […]

La entrada People ask for term revocation of Daniel Quintero, Mayor of Medellin se publicó primero en Medellín Times.


Live the Eclipse Design experience   


With more than 15 years of experience, Eclipe Design is a manufacturer of luxury furniture, based on its innovative designs, passionate about well done work with excellence, commitment and quality. Read also: Eclipse Designs presents its new furniture collection exclusive This 100% colombian company leads trends, both in the design of furniture and space’s decoration. Eclipse […]

La entrada Live the Eclipse Design experience se publicó primero en Medellín Times.


Regis Piña Fonseca asistirá al evento de Daniel Beltrán Amado   

Regis Piña Fonseca asistirá al evento de Daniel Beltrán Amado
Versión reducida

IX Encuentro Internacional de Gestión de Conocimiento e Investigación 2020 en Rionegro Antioquia, Colombia

septiembre 2, 2020 a las 2pm a septiembre 4, 2020 a las 4pm
Como es tradicional, RIGES ha constituido un espacio de encuentro anual, consolidando tradición académica a partir de la realización de un evento general de Red; la Universidad Católica de Oriente/UCO, ubicada en el Oriente de Antioquia (Rionegro, Colombia) acogerá para septiembre 2, 3 y 4 del 2020 el IX Encuentro Internacional de Gestión de Conocimiento e Investigación RIGES, como también, el VIII Encuentro de Personas Gestoras Red de Investigación y Gestión de Conocimiento.Ver más


jose ramiro quintero caviedes han comentado la página CURSO SENSIBILIZACIÓN 1330 de ricardo peñaruiz del grupo PARES ACADÉMICOS COLOMBIA   

jose ramiro quintero caviedes han comentado la página CURSO SENSIBILIZACIÓN 1330 de ricardo peñaruiz del grupo PARES ACADÉMICOS COLOMBIA
Versión reducida


Dixon David Salcedo Morillo, ArtemioValdivia Cárdenas, Isabel Cristina yepes y 15 personas más se han unido a RedDOLAC - Red de Docentes de América Latina y del Caribe -   

Dixon David Salcedo Morillo, ArtemioValdivia Cárdenas, Isabel Cristina yepes y 15 personas más se han unido a RedDOLAC - Red de Docentes de América Latina y del Caribe -
Versión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducidaVersión reducida


Loja : Cartão de Todos contrata Estagio de Aministração para São Benedito/Santa Luzia – R$ 600,00   

Empresa Filiada da Todos empreendimentos, presente em todo território Brasileiro e na colombia, conhecida como a melhor em descontos no Brasil. Cargo: Estagio de Aministração Contratação: CLT Descrição da Vaga: Irar atuar na aréa de relacionamento com o cliente. Requisitos: Estar cursando ensino superior em Administração. Morar na região. Disponibilidade de horário. Local: São Benedito […]

Loja : Cartão de Todos contrata Vendedor (A) Interna para São Benedito/Santa Luzia – R$ 1.086,00   

Empresa Filiada da Todos empreendimentos, presente em todo território Brasileiro e na colombia, conhecida como a melhor em descontos no Brasil. Cargo: Vendedor (A) Interna Contratação: CLT Descrição da Vaga: Trabalhar Planilha de desfiliados; Vendas por telefone e/ou recepção; Entre outros. Requisitos: Mulheres acima de 20 anos; Experiência em vendas; Conhecimento em Pacote Office; Boa […]

Der Krieg gegen Jemens Kinder   

Der Krieg gegen Jemens Kinder
Drei von fünf Kriegstoten sind unter fünf Jahren
Bernd Drücke 17 Januar, 2020 - 18:29

Für ein paar Tage erlangte Amal Hussain einen gewissen Weltruhm. Das nur schwer zu ertragende Foto der 7-Jährigen prangte auf der Titelseite der letzten Wochenendausgabe der New York Times im Oktober 2018. Das Mädchen besteht buchstäblich nur aus Haut und Knochen, kein Gramm Fett, kein Gramm Fleisch. Zwischen jeder einzelnen Rippe zieht sich die Haut tief in den Brustkorb hinein, der so zerbrechlich wirkt, als würde er bei der kleinsten Berührung in sich zusammenfallen.


„Amal lächelte immer“, erinnert sich ihre Mutter Mariam am Krankenhausbett sitzend, während das abgedruckte Foto in Amals Blick nur noch apathische Leere zeigt, Lethargie. Der Fotograf Tyler Hicks hat gewiss ein kleines Vermögen mit dem Bild gemacht – von BBC über BuzzFeed bis BILD druckte die Weltpresse seinen Schnappschuss ab und rief so für kurze Zeit einen weltweiten Aufschrei über die Unmenschlichkeit und die Gräuel des Jemenkrieges hervor. „Ein gequälter Blick in die Augen der ausgemergelten Amal Hussain“, schreibt die New York Times damals, „schien ein Spiegelbild der grauenhaften Lebensverhältnisse ihres vom Krieg heimgesuchten Landes zu sein“.

Amals Familie stammt aus Sa’da im Nordjemen, der Hochburg der Houthi-Rebellen, gegen die eine vom Westen unterhaltene achtköpfige Koalition unter Führung Saudi-Arabiens und der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate seit März 2015 einen erbarmungslosen Bombenkrieg führt. Amals Familie floh ein Jahr nach Kriegsbeginn aus der heftig umkämpften Sa’da-Region Richtung Süden nach Aslam, etwa 150 Kilometer nordwestlich der Hauptstadt Sana’a. Amal litt an Diarrhö, an den zweistündlichen Milchrationen im Krankenhaus erbrach sie sich jedes Mal. Das Krankenhaus konnte ihr nicht helfen und schickte Amal und Mutter Mariam schweren Herzens in ein provisorisches Refugee Camp vor der Stadt, um ihr Bett noch nicht ganz verlorenen Kindern bereitzustellen. Wenige Tage nach dem Foto in der New York Times war Amal tot – und genauso schnell wieder vergessen. (1) (Auch ich musste beim Schreiben dieser Zeilen einige Details ihrer Story erneut recherchieren.)

Die Jemen-Berichterstattung in den deutschen Leitmedien hat neben analytischen Oberflächlichkeiten und gelegentlichem Splatter nichts Substanzielles anzubieten und vernachlässigt einen zentralen Aspekt des Krieges in Gänze. Dieser Text wird nachweisen, dass es sich im Jemen vordergründig nicht um einen Krieg gegen Soldaten oder Rebellen handelt, sondern in erster Linie um eines: um den Krieg gegen Jemens Kinder.


Die Hölle auf Erden“ – für jedes einzelne Kind


Der Jemen ist komplett isoliert, über eine See-, Luft- und Landblockade ist das Land von der Größe Frankreichs hermetisch abgeriegelt. Was für die physische Versorgung mit Nahrung, Medikamenten und Hilfsgütern gilt, trifft ähnlich auch auf den Informationsfluss nach außen zu: Die Zahl jemenitischer Journalisten und Aktivist*innen, die gelegentlich auf Al Jazeera oder iranischen Medien auf Englisch über den Krieg berichten, kann ich ebenso wie die ausländischen Reporter*innen, die es irgendwie schaffen, ins Land zu kommen, an einer Hand abzählen. Lange Zeit geisterte die Zahl von 10.000 Kriegstoten durch die internationalen Medien. Nur geht diese Zahl auf eine UN-Schätzung aus dem Jahr 2016 zurück und wurde über Jahre nicht aktualisiert – was meiner Einschätzung nach ein wesentlicher Grund für das nicht vorhandene Medieninteresse am Krieg war, gab es doch etwa in Syrien mit seiner halben Million Toten wesentlich dramatischere Zahlen. Die UN beauftragte schließlich die University of Denver mit einer Studie, um dieses Problem anzugehen. Die Wissenschaftler*innen stellten im April 2019 in ihrer lesenswerten Studie „Assessing the Impact of War on Development in Yemen“ ihre Ergebnisse der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. (2)

Demnach werde die Opferzahl der direkt durch Waffengewalt Getöteten bis Ende 2019 auf 102.000 ansteigen. Ende Oktober 2019 verkündete auch der renommierte Kriegsmonitor Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), dass die Zahl der direkten Kriegstoten im Jemen die Zahl von 100.000 durchbrochen hat und bekräftigt damit die Zahlen aus Denver. Entgegen der landläufigen Meinung ebben die Kriegshandlungen keineswegs ab, vielmehr erklärt das ACLED, dass 2019 mit 20.000 Getöteten das zweittödlichste Jahr des seit 2015 wütenden Krieges war – mit 2018 wiederum als tödlichstem Jahr. (3)

Die Forschenden aus Denver gehen noch einen Schritt weiter und betrachten in ihren Zählungen auch kriegsbedingte Sekundärphänomene wie Hunger und Epidemien – die, es muss immer wieder betont werden, keine „Kollateralschäden“ des Krieges sind, sondern von der Saudi-Emirate-Koalition bewusst herbeigeführt und so als Kriegswaffe eingesetzt werden. Demnach steigen die Kriegstoten auf mehr als 230.000 an. Und noch einen Schritt weiter, der Grund für die Überschrift dieses Artikels: Von diesen Toten sind 140.000 Kinder unter fünf Jahren, die allermeisten waren zu Kriegsbeginn im März 2015 also noch nicht einmal geboren.

Drei von fünf Kriegstoten im Jemen sind unter fünf Jahre alt – ich wüsste von keinem anderen Krieg, in dem es auch nur im Ansatz ein derart kinderfeindliches Missverhältnis gäbe. Doch was ist die Ursache für diesen im Grunde unfassbar hohen Anteil toter Kinder? In der Graswurzelrevolution Nr. 434 vom Dezember 2018 berichtete ich über einen Anschlag, bei dem ein saudischer Kampfjet zwei 500-Pfund-Bomben der US-Rüstungsschmiede Lockheed Martin auf einen Schulbus in Dahyan im Nordjemen abwarf und dabei 51 Menschen tötete, 40 von ihnen Schulkinder. (4)

Doch stellen derartige Gewaltexzesse gegen Kinder die Ausnahme dar. Zur Erklärung des beschriebenen Missverhältnisses müssen wir uns die von der Denver University hinzugefügten Sekundärphänomene ansehen – den schleichenden Tod. Denn der auf jeden Krieg zutreffende Umstand, dass durch Waffengewalt getötete Menschen nur eine Fraktion der Kriegstoten ausmachen, wird im Jemen auf die Spitze getrieben. So wütet neben einer historischen Hungerkatastrophe – die UN warnte vor „der schlimmsten Hungersnot der Welt seit 100 Jahren“ – mit über 2,2 Millionen Infizierten die mit weitem Abstand größte jemals registrierte Choleraepidemie. (5)

Mitte November berichtete ich als Einzige*r im deutschsprachigen Raum über eine ausbrechende Malariaepedimie, innerhalb weniger Wochen registrierte das Houthi-geführte Gesundheitsministerium 116.522 Infektionen und 500.000 mehr Verdachtsfälle. (6) Auch sind Denguefieber, Masern und Diphtherie auf dem Vormarsch – und von all diesen Sekundärphänomenen sind Kinder, besonders die kleinsten unter ihnen, besonders heftig betroffen.

Ende November schickte mir Dr. Yousef Alhadri, der Sprecher des jemenitischen Gesundheitsministers Dr. Taha al-Mutawakel, aktuelle Statistiken seines Hauses. Zwar können nicht all diese Zahlen des von den Houthi-Rebellen geführten Ministeriums verifiziert werden, doch in den Fällen, in denen es andere Quellen gibt, decken sich Alhadris Zahlen mit denen etwa der UN. So sind von Jemens 4,5 Millionen Kindern unter fünf Jahren 2,9 Millionen akut mangelernährt, 55 Prozent also. 400.000 fallen in die Kategorie der schweren akuten Mangelernährung. Die Zahl der Hungertoten zu ermitteln, ist besonders problembehaftet. Im Oktober 2018 veröffentlichte die renommierte Kinderrechts-NGO Save the Children die erschreckende Zahl von 85.000 Kleinkindern unter fünf Jahren, die seit März 2015 an den Folgen des Hungers starben – das entspricht der Zahl aller unter fünfjährigen Kinder in Hamburg. Diese Zahl spiegelt eine konservative Schätzung wider und könnte bei bis zu 110.000 liegen. Bill Chambers, Präsident der kanadischen NGO, kommentiert die Ergebnisse: „Für jedes Kind, das durch Bomben und Kugeln getötet wird, sterben Dutzende am Hunger.“ (7)

Von den über 52.000 registrierten Fällen von Masern sind bereits 273 Menschen gestorben, von denen Kinder unter fünf Jahren 65 Prozent ausmachen, während dieser Anteil an den 3.750 an Cholera Verstorbenen 32 Prozent beträgt. (8) Nach UN-Angaben stellen Kinder und Jugendliche bis 14 Jahre mehr als die Hälfte aller Cholerainfizierten. Houthi-Sprecher Dr. Alhadri weiter in einem Statement: „86 Prozent der Kinder unter fünf Jahren leiden an einer Art von Blutarmut, 46 Prozent der Kinder leiden an Wachstumsstörungen, während 80.000 Kinder aufgrund von Flugzeuggeräuschen und Raketenexplosionen an psychischen Störungen leiden.“

Eine besonders perfide Kriegstaktik der Saudi-Emirate-Koalition ist auch die vollständige Schließung der Flughäfen. Allein über den Sana’a Airport reisten vor dem Krieg jedes Jahr Zehntausende Jemenit*innen zur ärztlichen Behandlung ins Ausland aus, die jetzt massenhaft buchstäblich zum Sterben im Land eingeschlossen sind.

Das Norwegian Refugee Council gab 2017 an, dass im ersten Jahr der Luftblockade mit über 10.000 Toten mehr Menschen allein aufgrund der Schließung des Sana’a Airports starben als an direkter Waffengewalt. (9)

„Von den 320.000 Patienten, die aufgrund der Schließung des Sana’a Airports keine Behandlung im Ausland erhalten konnten“, so Ministeriumssprecher Alhadri mir gegenüber, „starben 42.000 Patienten, 30 Prozent davon Kinder“. Dr. Alhadri erklärt weiter, dass „12 Millionen Kinder, alle jemenitischen Kinder, humanitäre und Gesundheitshilfe benötigen“ und widerhallt damit ein Statement von Geert Cappelaere, UNICEF-Direktor der MENA-Region, der auf einer Pressekonferenz in Amman im November 2018 erklärte: „Der Jemen, meine Kollegen, ist für Kinder heute die Hölle auf Erden. Nicht für 50-60 Prozent der Kinder, nein. Es ist die Hölle auf Erden für jeden einzelnen Jungen und jedes einzelne Mädchen im Jemen.“ (10)

Dieses deprimierende Kapitel zusammenfassend, das katastrophale Résumé des jemenitischen Gesundheitsministers al-Mutawakel: „Im Jemen sterben jedes Jahr 100.000 Kinder am Krieg und der Belagerung, an Krankheiten und Epidemien.“


Die Blutlinie zwischen zwei Völkermorden


Neben dem unmittelbaren Tod jemenitischer Kinder bezeugen wir im Jemen einen weiteren Kriegsaspekt – bei all den Barbareien in all den Kriegen dieser Welt das wohl menschenverachtendste Phänomen überhaupt –, durch den Kinder nicht „nur“ physisch ausgelöscht werden, sondern der vielmehr die Vernichtung kindlichen Lebens selbst bedeutet, ein Angriff auf die kindliche Psyche, der ihnen jede Möglichkeit nimmt, jemals ein „normales“, erfülltes Leben führen zu können.

Zu Beginn des Jemenkriegs im März 2015 versicherte der Architekt des Krieges – der saudische Kronprinz Mohammed bin Salman, im Westen unter seinem Kürzel MbS bekannt – seiner Bevölkerung, der Krieg werde maximal einige Wochen andauern. Als sich dieses Versprechen rasch als Luftschloss herausstellte, gab es mit der Zeit auch auf Seiten der Koalition die ersten Todesopfer zu beklagen – nicht unter saudischen Truppen, Riad führt mit seinen deutsch-italienisch-britischen Tornados und der von der britischen BAE Systems unterhaltenen Royal Saudi Air Force einen reinen Bombenkrieg aus der Luft und die Houthis verfügen über keine Flugabwehr, doch in den Rängen der anderen Koalitionäre, allen voran aus den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten (VAE), die ein erhebliches Kontingent an Bodentruppen stellten. Bei einer Bevölkerung von gerade einmal einer Million Menschen – die restlichen acht der neun Millionen Einwohner*innen sind Arbeitsmigranten und -sklaven zumeist aus Südasien – können es sich die Emirate schlicht nicht „leisten“, ihre jungen Männer an der Front zu verheizen.

Und so begann die Koalition recht schnell, ihren enormen Ölreichtum darauf zu verwenden, auf der ganzen Welt Söldner für ihren Krieg einzukaufen. Über ein Programm des ehemaligen US-Navy-SEALs Erik Prince (11) – berühmtberüchtigt für seine kriegsverbrecherische Söldnerfirma Blackwater, Jeremy Scahills Buch ist Pflichtlektüre zum Thema – wurden Hunderte Söldner auf die Arabische Halbinsel exportiert; meist aus Nepal oder Lateinamerika, hier vor allem Kolumbien, doch auch viele U.S. Special Forces (12) darunter: Outsourcing von Krieg, im globalisierten Kapitalismus sind Elitesoldaten frei handelbare Güter, die für aberwitzige Gehälter den Tod in die entferntesten Ecken der Welt tragen. Im Jemen führen die zumeist hochausgebildeten Einheiten taktische Operationen, komplexe Bombenanschläge oder Attentate auf Oppositionelle und Geistliche durch – für stupide Grabenkämpfe an der Front (13) sind diese Investments zu wertvoll, so muss auf dem globalisierten Söldnermarkt nach billigen Alternativen gesucht werden. Fündig wurden die Koalitionäre auf der anderen Seite des Roten Meers, im vom Darfur-Genozid ab 2003 noch immer kriegszerstörten Sudan – und niemand ist hier so billig wie Kinder.

Rund 14.000 Söldner aus dem Sudan befinden sich zu jedem Zeitpunkt, angefangen wenige Monate nach Kriegsbeginn, im Jemen, erklären zurückgekehrte Kämpfer und sudanesische Politiker*innen, die diesem Spuk ein Ende setzen wollen, gegenüber der New York Times (14); manche Quellen sprechen von bis zu 30.000 Kämpfern. (15)

Eine Entsendung läuft in der Regel ein halbes Jahr, weshalb davon ausgegangen werden kann, dass die Gesamtzahl sudanesischer Söldner, die im Jemen stationiert waren, in die Hunderttausende geht. Die Sudanesen werden in heftig umkämpften Regionen wie in der von den Houthis belagerten Metropole Ta’iz eingesetzt oder in der Schlacht um die wichtigste Hafenstadt des Landes, Hodeida. Sie sind oft ungeschützt und übernehmen die gefährlichsten Aufgaben. „Sie behandeln die Sudanesen wie ihr Feuerholz“, beschreibt der 25-jährige Ahmed treffend die Situation. Die rekrutierten sudanesischen Kinder und Jugendlichen sind zwischen 13 und 17 Jahre alt, sie machen zwischen 20 und 40 Prozent der sudanesischen Einheiten aus. Demnach sind zu jedem Zeitpunkt Tausende sudanesische Kindersöldner im Jemen stationiert, insgesamt geht ihre Zahl gewiss in die Zehntausende.

Die Opferzahlen unter den sudanesischen Söldnern sind verheerend. 4.000 von ihnen (16) sollen seit 2015 im Jemen getötet worden sein, Tausende mehr wurden verletzt, so ein Sprecher der Houthi-Rebellen Anfang November mit Zahlen, die unmöglich objektiv verifiziert werden können. Die Zahl getöteter Kinder aus dem Sudan ist unbekannt. Während ausrangierte westliche Elitesoldaten in der privaten Söldnerbranche gerne bis 1.500 US-Dollar kassieren – pro Tag, versteht sich –, zahlt die Saudi-Emirate-Koalition ihren Söldnern aus Darfur zwischen 10.000 und 15.000 US-Dollar für sechs Monate: im bitterarmen Sudan ein Vermögen und genug, um der Familie eine Existenz aufzubauen. Der 15-jährige Hager Shomo Ahmed kehrte nach einem halben Jahr im Jemen zurück nach Darfur. 180 der 500 Söldner seiner sudanesischen Einheit wurden in den sechs Monaten getötet. Hagers Familie sind Rinderzüchter, doch ihr Vieh wurde im Darfur-Krieg von Plünderern gestohlen. Mit dem saudischen Blutgeld für seinen Dienst im Jemen kaufte der junge Hager seiner Familie ein Haus und zehn neue Rinder.

Die Kindersöldner aus Darfur sind die Blutlinie, die den ersten Genozid im 21. Jahrhundert mit dem zweiten verbindet: Zu Beginn des Darfur-Völkermords Anfang der 2000er waren sie Säuglinge oder noch ungeboren, anderthalb Jahrzehnte später kämpfen sie – um dem Hungertod ihrer Familie entgegenzutreten – gegen ihre jemenitischen Schwestern und Brüder, werden in 2.000 Kilometer Entfernung von zu Hause von skrupellosen Generälen an den Frontlinien verheizt, sind als sudanesische Kinder zentrale Komponente im Krieg gegen Jemens Kinder – so zynisch, so menschenverachtend, so bitter wie nur Krieg sein kann.


Wut im Bauch


Ich schreibe Artikel über Kriege in Nahost, lese den ganzen Tag über kopfabschneidende ISIS-Kämpfer, US-Bomben auf afghanische Krankenhäuser und vom Sarin Getötete in Syrien. Ich habe Mittel und Wege gefunden, um von all der Barbarei nicht einzugehen und mir mein sonniges Gemüt und meine Philanthropie nicht zu verlieren. Doch das hier ist anders. Einen Artikel über Leichenberge von Kindern zu recherchieren, ist einfach nur ätzend. Beim Schreiben dieser Zeilen fiel es mir oft schwer, meine Empörung, meine Verzweiflung über diese unfassbare Misanthropie auf etwas Konstruktives zu kanalisieren, war nicht nur einmal den Tränen nahe.

„Die Unmenschlichkeit, die einem anderen angetan wird, zerstört die Menschlichkeit in mir“, formulierte Immanuel Kant einmal; und Che Guevara: „Vor allem bewahrt Euch stets die Fähigkeit, jede Ungerechtigkeit, die irgendwo auf der Welt begangen wird, aufs Tiefste zu empfinden. Das ist der schönste Charakterzug eines Revolutionärs.“ Neben der sachlichen Analyse und der Übermittlung wichtiger Fakten soll dieser Text auch emotional aufwühlen, größte Empathie genau wie Wut im Bauch hervorrufen – Wut auf die Koalition und ihre Komplizen im Westen. Einige Absätze des Artikels schrieb ich im Bus nach Berlin. Mein bester Kumpel wurde gerade zum ersten Mal Vater, was ausgiebig begossen werden wollte. Und während wir im Dutzend in der Kneipe in Friedrichshain das neue Leben feierten, starb im Jemen aufgrund eines sinnlosen Krieges jede Stunde ein halbes Dutzend Kinder unter fünf Jahren an Hunger, Cholera und anderen vollständig vermeidbaren Ursachen; alle zehn Minuten eins.

Dieser Text dient dem Gedenken an Jemens getötete Kinder und der bedingungslosen Solidarität mit seinen lebenden. Der Name der kleinen Amal aus der New York Times vom Anfang ist das arabische Wort für Hoffnung.


Jakob Reimann



1) Declan Walsh, „Yemen Girl Who Turned World’s Eyes to Famine Is Dead”, New York Times, 1.11.2018.

2) Jonathan D. Moyer et al., „Assessing the Impact of War on Development in Yemen“, United Nations Development Programme, April 2019.

3) Peter Beaumont, „Death toll in Yemen war reaches 100,000”, The Guardian, 31.10.2019.



6) Jakob Reimann, „Ministerium erklärt Gesundheitsnotstand – Malaria und Denguefieber auf dem Vormarsch im Jemen“, JusticeNow!, 14.11.2019.

7) „YEMEN: 85,000 children may have died from starvation since start of war”, Save The Children, 21.11.2018.







14) David D. Kirkpatrick, „On the Front Line of the Saudi War in Yemen: Child Soldiers From Darfur”, New York Times, 28.12.2018.




Artikel aus: Graswurzelrevolution Nr. 445, Januar 2020,



Aprehenden es Estados Unidos a tres miembros del grupo terrorista Al Qaeda    

Autoridades estadounidenses informaron este jueves de la detención de tres miembros del grupo terrorista Al Qaeda, los cuales se trasladaron desde Venezuela a Colombia y de allí a los Estados Unidos.


Muy buenas noches a todos. Agradezco me colaboren con mapa de Colombia. Gracias

Patriotas - Cucuta Deportivo   

Football. Colombia. Primera A

Atletico Nacional - Deportivo Pereira   

Football. Colombia. Primera A

Millonarios - Deportivo Pasto   

Football. Colombia. Primera A

Ex-Saints player extradited to US after being accused of smuggling two TONNES of cocaine worth £21m   

Prosecutors in Texas have accused Viafara of conspiring with members of the Gulf Cartel to organise cocaine shipments that left Colombia on speedboats.

Once Caldas - Atl. Bucaramanga   

Football. Colombia. Primera A

Sevilla 'weigh up January move for Rangers striker Alfredo Morelos'   

Sevilla are reportedly considering a move for Rangers striker Alfredo Morelos this month. The Colombian is attracting interest having scored 28 games in all competitions this season.

Colombiatex cierra con expectativas de negocios por 753 millones de dólares   


La feria de insumos textiles Colombiatex de las Américas cerró este jueves su edición 32 con expectativas de negocios por 753 millones de dólares, lo que representa un crecimiento del 57 % con respecto al año anterior, informaron los organizadores.

En esta edición de la vitrina especializada en innovación, tecnología y moda, organizada en Medellín por el Instituto para la Exportación y la Moda (Inexmoda) de Colombia, participaron 13.683 compradores de 33 países.

"Quedamos muy contentos. Hemos tenido unos resultados espectaculares en esta edición de Colombiatex, que le cumplió al sector textil-confección", expresó el presidente ejecutivo de Inexmoda, Carlos Eduardo Botero, en conferencia de prensa.

Ese crecimiento, según el directivo, es resultado del "remate espectacular" que tuvo la industria en 2019, lo que hizo que compañías "tuvieran sus inventarios bajos" por lo cual vinieron a Medellín para abastecerse en un enero que empezó con "buen dinamismo".

En esa misma línea, el gerente de la firma consultora Invamer, Martín Orozco, detalló que durante la feria se cerraron el 56 % de esas ventas y el 44 % restante se consolidarán en el transcurso de este año.

Asimismo, precisó que las categorías que activaron estos negocios fueron los textiles (43 %), la maquinaria (12 %), los insumos químicos (11 %), paquete completo (8 %) y las fibras textiles (6 %).

Por su parte, la gerente del Sistema Moda de Procolombia, Catalina Hernández, aseguró que los compradores ven a Colombia como un "proveedor de talla mundial", entre ellos representantes de la marca Tommy Hilfiger que buscaron en la feria tejido de punto y denim.

"Los países que más compraron fueron Estados Unidos y Ecuador", reveló la funcionaria, quien argumentó que esa tendencia se dio por la asistencia de compradores de "compra inmediata porque están relocalizando en América Latina su producción de Asia".

También advirtió como razones de ventas las "ventajas arancelarías" de Colombia con los tratados comerciales que tiene en vigencia.


Para el presidente de Inexmoda, esta edición superó a las anteriores por generar una "gran plataforma" de discusión y educación sobre la importancia de tener un sector más sostenible, "un reto que tiene América Latina".

En ese sentido, Botero indicó que actualmente existe sostenibilidad en lo económico, lo social y lo ambiental como una "estrategia de supervivencia", por ello mostraron innovaciones en los tres días de la feria en temas como el reúso de agua, textiles fabricados con botellas pet y materiales biodegradables.

La "Ruta de la Sostenibilidad Ambiental", una de las iniciativas más exitosas de la plataforma de negocios, visibilizó a más de 57 empresas que están innovando en sus procesos para reducir el impacto y tener una industrial más amigable con el medio ambiente.

Como contenido académico, concentrado en el Pabellón de Conocimiento y liderado por la Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, fueron realizadas 17 conferencias y 12 talleres, que contaron con 7.000 asistentes y 7.400 personas conectadas vía streaming.

Para Medellín, Colombiatex representó una derrama económica de 9,4 millones de dólares y una ocupación hotelera del 91 %, según la secretaría de desarrollo económico de la ciudad, que acogerá en junio a la feria Textiles2 y en julio a Colombiamoda, también organizadas por Inexmoda.


Rescate del denim auténtico marca tendencia en la feria de insumos Colombiatex   


El imbatible denim, que cada temporada se reinventa y reafirma su versatilidad, amplía sus posibilidades con el "rescate" del tejido auténtico y la intervención de tecnologías para crear prendas más confortables, sostenibles e inclusivas.

A esa conclusión llegaron expertos que participan en la feria de insumos textiles Colombiatex de las Américas, que este jueves finaliza en Medellín su edición 32 con la presencia de 530 expositores de Colombia, Brasil, España, México, Turquía y Pakistán, entre otros.

Para Fabio Covolan, director de marketing y exportaciones de Canatiba, empresa brasileña especializada en denim, se impone una "visión auténtica" que, acompañada de nuevas tecnologías, agrega características a la tela como confort, suavidad y flexibilidad.

"Se impone el rescate del denim auténtico, del denim como se concibió hace más de cien años con visuales más rústicos, expresó a Efe Covolan.

Señaló que para enriquecer este tejido, además de marcar en la temporada el regreso un color "más fuerte" con azules "intensos y puros", mezclan fibras de algodón cubiertas con otros materiales que dan mejor una mejor sensación al tacto y hacen menos compresión al cuerpo.

"El universo del denim ha crecido mucho en los últimos años. Hay variaciones con nuevas con estampaciones, texturas diferentes y construcciones distintas de telar con hilos teñidos", sostuvo el experto.

En Colombiatex, la vitrina especializada en innovación, tecnología y moda del sector textil-confección, la empresa venezolana PolJean propuso un viaje por las telas vaqueras para evidenciar que esa mirada al pasado ha tomado vigor para las propuestas actuales.

Según Jesús Soto, el diseñador de la marca, el propósito es mostrar cómo han evolucionado las tendencias desde los años 70, por ello sacaron siluetas relevantes, además de reseñar que en 2020 y 2021 el tema de la inclusión y medio ambiente continuará influenciando las industria de la moda.

El diseñador aseguró que las prendas en denim tendrán en esta temporada una "recopilación de todas las siluetas por un tema de inclusión porque ya la moda no es solo para cuerpos perfectos".

En esa línea señaló que vienen fuerte los vaqueros con botas elefante y campaña, además de estilos como culote, bombachos y cinturilla de papel.

"Vienen siluetas desestructuradas, anchas y con muchos volumen", enunció Soto.


En el sector textil, la tecnología va íntimamente ligada a la sostenibilidad con innovaciones que superan el tema del confort de la mano de la licra con apuesta como el algodón reciclado y los hilos elaborados con botellas plásticas.

El estadounidense Rich Tobin, ejecutivo textil con más de 34 años de experiencia en la industria, sentenció en la feria que la sostenibilidad "es la única tendencia que importa".

Bajo esa apreciación, el experto subrayó que "las tecnologías están ahí", así que es momento de "actuar" frente a estudios que muestran que industria textil es responsable de 1,3 billones de toneladas de gases de efecto invernadero.

Tobin, quien presentó en Colombiatex 2020 la ponencia "Sosteniblidad: El futuro del denim", aseguró que si la industria emplea tecnología que ya existe a nivel global, "reduciríamos el consumo de agua en un 50 %, el consumo energético en un 30 % y el consumo químico al 15 %".

Asimismo, resaltó el valor del algodón reciclado y de la fabricación de telas de denim o de mezclilla más sostenibles con técnica que hacen "no se penetran los hilos de manera profunda", para reducir el consumo de agua.

"No necesitamos poner más textiles en el relleno sanitarios, tenemos que retirarlos de allí y reutilizar", afirmó.

Los tejidos de denim son muy importantes para el consumidor contemporáneo por las prendas diversas elaboradas a partir del mismo y la democratización de este tejido, así que apuestas traídas al mercado como los láser, pues según Tobin impulsa procesos y ahorra tiempo y energía.

Next Page: 25

© Googlier LLC, 2019