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Bellport MS Touts ‘Progress’ During Black History Month Ceremony

In collaboration with S.T.R.O.N.G. Youth, Bellport Middle School presented Evolution of Dance and Music, the program for this year’s annual Black History Month celebration, held in the school auditorium on Feb. 26. The evening was punctuated with performances by the middle school jazz ensemble, under the baton of Audrey Garcia. The Bellport Middle School Chorus, under the direction of Kyle Sherlock, performed John Legend’s “Glory,” and local dancer Aniya Heyward gave a talented tap dance performance. In addition, a poignant video presentation, James Weldon Johnson’s “Lift Every Voice and Sing,” set the tone for the evening’s message about making progress and accepting black history as the nation’s and “our” own history. After student Mistress of Ceremonies Madison Roberts welcomed the audience and Autumn Simon led the Pledge of Allegiance, Bishop Charles Bullock of Old South Haven Presbyterian Church in Brookhaven gave the invocation. Principal Dr. Jamal Colson set the theme of progress, claiming that progress can be made through community partnership and working together. He reminded students that they can make progress through adoption of the three “As,” attendance, attitude and striving for achievement. Brookhaven Town Councilwoman (District 1) Valerie Cartright, who is Brookhaven Town’s first African-American and person of Haitian descent to be elected to the town’s government, noted that the struggle of others is part of black Americans’ progress. She said, “It is important to be present in everything in our community. We need to ask whether we are expressing our voice.” Bellport Middle School teacher Loraine Richardson-McCray noted that Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote “with love” progressive and revolutionary correspondence and speeches in addition to the notable “I Have a Dream” speech. Ms. Richardson-McCray also encouraged the audience to read “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.” Students Samir Bell and Bobby John gave the celebration’s closing remarks. “We have to come together, stay together and be one,” Bobby said. “Without struggle, there is no progress.” After the ceremony in the auditorium, participants were invited to continue the evening’s celebration of black history with dancing and dinner provided by Arooga’s Grill House and Sports Bar, Bravo, Café Castello Restaurant and Pizzeria, Café Gia, Cirillo’s IGA, Del Fuego, Empire State After School Program, Gaby’s Deli & Grocery, New Bethel First Pentecostal Church of America, Inc., Super Deli, Sicilia D’Oro, Stop & Shop and The Journey.

SPV Realty sues city of Miami to force vote on Eastside Ridge


Accusing members of the Miami Planning, Zoning & Appeals Board of intentionally delaying a vote on its Eastside Ridge mixed-use development, SPV Realty is suing the city to force the board to make a decision on the controversial Little Haiti project. The New York City-based developer alleges the planning board refuses to carry out its duties to approve or deny Eastside Ridge’s application to change the zoning on nearly 22 acres at 5045 Northeast Second ... [more]

The post SPV Realty sues city of Miami to force vote on Eastside Ridge appeared first on The Real Deal Miami.


Karine Jean-Pierre on her mental health struggle and a blueprint for activism

Democratic strategist and NewsHour analyst Karine Jean-Pierre has written a book, "Moving Forward," in which she shares her experiences growing up as the eldest child of Haitian immigrants. Jean-Pierre sits down with Judy Woodruff to discuss her parents' pursuit of the American dream, her struggle with mental health, why young people should make their voices heard and beating Donald Trump.


podnesen u skladu s člankom 144. stavkom 5. i člankom 132. stavkom 4. Poslovnika,
koji zamjenjuje sljedeće prijedloge rezolucija:
B9-0214/2019 (PPE)
B9-0217/2019 (Verts/ALE)
B9-0221/2019 (S&D)
B9-0222/2019 (GUE/NGL)
B9-0223/2019 (Renew)
o Haitiju
Michael Gahler, Tomáš Zdechovský, Ivan Štefanec, Eva Maydell, Vladimír Bilčík, Magdalena Adamowicz, Michaela Šojdrová, Milan Zver, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Željana Zovko, Roberta Metsola, Lefteris Christoforou, Loucas Fourlas, Tomas Tobé, Seán Kelly, Romana Tomc, David McAllister, Stelios Kympouropoulos, Arba Kokalari, Tomasz Frankowski, Sandra Kalniete, Stanislav Polčák, Loránt Vincze, Inese Vaidere, Jiří Pospíšil, Ioan-Rareş Bogdan, Andrey Kovatchev, Krzysztof Hetman, Antonio López-Istúriz White
u ime Kluba zastupnika PPE-a
Kati Piri, Norbert Neuser
u ime Kluba zastupnika S&D-a
Irena Joveva, Atidzhe Alieva-Veli, Abir Al-Sahlani, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Phil Bennion, Stéphane Bijoux, Izaskun Bilbao Barandica, Gilles Boyer, Jane Brophy, Sylvie Brunet, Catherine Chabaud, Dita Charanzová, Olivier Chastel, Anna Júlia Donáth, Fredrick Federley, Barbara Ann Gibson, Klemen Grošelj, Christophe Grudler, Bernard Guetta, Antony Hook, Ivars Ijabs, Moritz Körner, Ondřej Kovařík, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Nathalie Loiseau, Jan-Christoph Oetjen, Urmas Paet, María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos, Michal Šimečka, Susana Solís Pérez, Ramona Strugariu, Yana Toom, Viktor Uspaskich, Hilde Vautmans, Marie-Pierre Vedrenne
u ime Kluba zastupnika Renew
Ernest Urtasun
u ime Kluba zastupnika Verts/ALE-a
Miguel Urbán Crespo, José Gusmão, Dimitrios Papadimoulis, Eugenia Rodríguez Palop, Idoia Villanueva Ruiz, Stelios Kouloglou
u ime Kluba zastupnika GUE/NGL-a
Assita Kanko, Fabio Massimo Castaldo, Ruža Tomašić

Izvor : © Europska unija, 2019 - EP

Usvojeni tekst - Haiti - P9_TA-PROV(2019)0074 - petak, 28. studenog 2019. - Strasbourg - Privremeno izdanje

Rezolucija Europskog parlamenta od 28. studenoga 2019. o Haitiju (2019/2928(RSP))

Izvor : © Europska unija, 2019 - EP

Lectura del tarot, cartas españolas, haitianas, africanas, baños

Los problemas no son para toda la vida, y no hay mal que dure 100 años ni cuerpo que lo resista. Tu puedes cambiar tu […]


Estás desesperado porque no te va bien en el campo del amor, trabajo y/o negocios, todo te va mal y no encuentras una solución a […]

Haïti: Charlot Jeudy, défenseur des droits des LGBT, retrouvé mort

Le principal défenseur de la communauté LGBT en Haïti, Charlot Jeudy, a été retrouvé mort dans sa résidence ce lundi. Les circonstances entourant ce décès restent floues, a souligné la journaliste Amélie Baron sur Twitter. La nouvelle a été relayée … Lire la suite

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  • Kalenderprojekt für Mission auf Haiti


Jørgen Leth: Finding a new balance


Jørgen Leth is stranded. Usually, he would return to Haiti around this time of year—the Danish filmmaker, poet and sports commentator has had a home on the Caribbean island since 1991. But the chances of returning this year are not looking good. “There are no airlines flying in, everything is broken,” he laments. “Haiti is broken. It has been before, but now it's serious. So I don't know where I will be in two months. That's a terrible feeling to have at my age. I need calm; I'm old enough...

Read the full story at


Rebellion in Haiti

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Haiti - Spanish Officers

Finally managed to get these off the paint table, they must have been hanging around since the summer. Having painted up a couple of Spanish units in recent months, these two Front Rank officers will represent Brigadier Joaquin Garcia y Moreno and one of his senior commander in the campaign. Whilst browsing the web I spotted this plate the other day.I quite fancy a unit of Dragoons with a couple of head swaps to create some of the black forces but honestly can't face any more cavalry right now.....

Black Film Festival em 2020 | Salvador receberá a primeira edição brasileira


Estação Nerd - Sua Parada Obrigatória

Após 15 anos divulgando a diversidade dentro e fora das telas ao redor do mundo, Fabienne Colas – nomeada uma das 100 mulheres mais poderosas do Canadá e fundadora de oito festivais de sucesso no Canadá, nos Estados Unidos e no Haiti – anuncia com orgulho sua associação à Giros Filmes, por meio da Zaza Produções, para trazer o Black Film […]

Black Film Festival em 2020 | Salvador receberá a primeira edição brasileira


DHS Extends Temporary Protected Status Designation for Six Countries

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced that it will automatically extend the validity of temporary protected status (TPS) documents and work authorization for qualified beneficiaries from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal.

Positive: 'A rich exchange': The refugees teaching languages in Brazil

Refugee-led language school Abraco Cultural [in Sao Paulo, Brazil] looks like any other language school, complete with scrawled whiteboards and beige school chairs. But it exclusively employs teachers from war-torn and crisis-stricken lands, including Haiti, Congo, Venezuela, and Syria. The school's main goal is to generate income for refugees. In five years, the school has paid over 2m reais in salaries to 55 refugees and vulnerable immigrants.

OutRight News: Third Edition

Third Edition: OutRight News View this email in your browser


LGBT Human Rights


Welcome to the third edition of OutRight’s program newsletter! Through it we want to share with you insight and highlights of some of the work that your support has helped our programs team to carry out in recent months, and the impact that work has on the lives of LGBTIQ people around the world. This is by no means an exhaustive list, but rather a shortlist of highlights.

We hope you find this informative and interesting. As always, we welcome your feedback, your comments and questions!

OutRight’s study into Arabic Media published in 2017 showed that LGBTIQ people and surrounding issues are predominantly reported highly negatively in Arabic media. Although strong conservative influences in society have a strong role to play in this, as does the prevalence of legislation criminalizing same-sex relations across the region, we also learned that a lack of understanding and knowledge among journalists about the lived realities of LGBTIQ people was an important factor in how they reported on the topic.

While the road to legislative and policy change in the region may be a long, and risky one, raising awareness and understanding among journalists seemed like a relatively safe avenue to take with potentially high returns in terms of changing hearts and minds about LGBTIQ people and issues.

We took this learning and, in cooperation with the Arab Foundation for Freedoms and Equality, embarked on a project aimed at tackling this problem. Through a number of trainings 50 journalists from across the region have been trained so far in sessions aiming to raise awareness and knowledge, debunk myths and stereotypes about LGBTIQ people, and sexual orientation and gender identity more broadly, and report on gender, sexuality, and numerous topics related to issues faced by LGBTIQ people, in an inclusive way which promotes understanding, rather than perpetuates negative stereotypes.

We also launched an informal network between the journalists who took part, in order to facilitate information exchange and support among them and thus, hopefully, grow the impact they can have in their respective media outlets and countries.

The influence of media on the knowledge and opinions of their readers of viewers is immense. As such, through this project we not only improved the knowledge and understanding of 50 journalists, but the subsequent changes in their reporting have the potential to have a far-reaching ripple effect on their audiences, with time, slowly, changing the dominant negative perceptions and prejudices about LGBTIQ people.

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Domestic and family violence continues to be a reality for LGBTIQ people around the world, and much of it goes unreported for fear of outing, stigmatization or even imprisonment in countries where same-sex relations are still a crime – such as Myanmar.

With support from Open Society Foundations, and in partnership with Equality Myanmar and the Myanmar LGBT Rights Network (a coalition of 26 LGBT groups), OutRight launched a project to improve domestic violence and family violence protections and services for LGBTIQ people in the country.

Through capacity building of LGBTIQ groups on topics such as data collection, an awareness campaign, and sensitization of members of parliament we have been working to promote zero tolerance for domestic and family violence targeting LGBTIQ people. Moreover, as a draft Prevention of Violence Against Women Law is currently under consideration, the project has aimed to strengthen collaboration between LGBTIQ groups and a coalition of women's organizations to push for a non-binary definition of gender and inclusion of explicit reference to protections from domestic and family violence for LGBTIQ people in the law.

So far, a dialogue with lesbians, bi-women and transmasculine persons was held to increase diversity of people covered by the project. At least six participants signed up to participate in a subsequent training on documentation of domestic and family violence among LGBT communities, showing the interest in and need for such work. The latter took place over four days, with 12 participants, on how to conduct interviews and gather data on domestic and family violence among LGBT families.

The LGBT Rights Network is just about to launch a questionnaire for documenting violence in LGBT communities with an aim to receive responses from over 400 LGBT people, which will inform and shape the project going forward.

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Members of Equality Myanmar (from Facebook) and Myanmar LGBT Rights Network Logo

Gender-based violence is a reality affecting women, LGBTIQ people who do not fit within the narrow parameters of the assigned societal gender roles, and even men, across the world. In the Caribbean, where more than half the countries still criminalize same-sex relations, the prevalence of gender-based violence against LGBTIQ people is staggering, and due to the criminalization and stigma that LGBTIQ people face, victims of gender-based violence tend not to report it or to seek support.

We wanted to change that, so together with partners in the region OutRight launched the “Frontline Alliance: Caribbean Partnerships Against Gender Based Violence.” The network includes organizations from across the Caribbean and aims to raise awareness about the prevalence of gender based violence against women and LGBTIQ people, to train engage first responders and service providers on how to ensure inclusivity of LGBTIQ people, as well as to engage local government officials with a view to improving policies and protocols designed to tackle gender-based violence.

So far OutRight has already hosted training of trainers sessions in Haiti, St. Lucia, Trinidad and Tobago, and Antigua to address gender-based violence against women and LGBTIQ people in the Caribbean. By the end of the project over 200 people will be trained, who will be able to directly implement the learning into their day to day work, thus immediately being able to support LGBTIQ victims.

Furthermore, a number of trainers have also been trained, and several more will receive the training in the coming months, on the topic. They will continue to pass this knowledge on to ever more first responders or service providers, casting the net of impact on the lives of LGBTIQ people ever farther.

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Caribbean attendees at the 2019 Frontline Alliance: Caribbean Partnerships Against Gender Based Violence.

A key partner of the majority of our work at the UN is the LGBTI Core Group, a network of cross-regional states which have committed to collaborating within the New York-based UN system to raise awareness and promote progress for equality of LGBTIQ people.

In August the LGBTI Core Group adopted its latest workplan for the year 2019/2020, in it officially including OutRight as the group's secretariat. This status will enable us to work even closer with the group to ensure ever more progress is achieved in the promotion and protection of the human rights of LGBTIQ people through UN mechanisms and processes.

To read more news from our UN program have a look at our latest UN New Yorker.

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In August we released a groundbreaking report exposing the global reach of so-called conversion therapy practices seeking to change, suppress, or divert one’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression. As discussions in some countries in Latin America, Australia, Europe and North America about banning so-called conversion therapy have intensified, awareness of the practices in these regions has grown. However, next to nothing was known about similar practices in other parts of the world.

Our report changes that. It is the first-ever global survey on the topic, with input from 500 survey responses from across the world, 19 in depth interviews with survivors from 11 countries, an extensive literature review, as well as in-depth conversations with experts.

Our report overwhelmingly shows that so-called conversion therapy happens across the world, predominantly promoted and perpetrated by people acting in the name of religion or pseudo-healthcare, often with pressure or even coersion by families. While the practices may vary due to religious, cultural, or traditional norms and contexts, they are harmful and never work; instead, they cause deep, lasting trauma that affects every realm of life.

Such practices are the epitome of what the LGBTIQ movement has been fighting, and symptomatic of just how much of an uphill battle we still have to fight to gain acceptance and equality. We hope that this report will shed much needed light on the global prevalence of these barbaric practices, and incite ever more countries to seek ways of not only banning “conversion therapy”, but finding genuine, sustainable ways to ensure LGBTIQ people have true and sustainable access to their full human rights, and ensuring that the misinformation, prejudice and perceptions of the norm which drive families and individuals to seek conversion therapy are eradicated for good.

Read the report here.

To learn more about the report, register for our webinar with author Amie Bishop.

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On Sunday, 30 June 2019, 50 years after the spontaneous riots in protest against police raids and shaming of LGBTIQ people at the Stonewall Inn gave rise to the contemporary LGBTIQ and Pride movement, New York City hosted the World Pride March.

Over 150 partners, supporters and friends registered to join OutRight in taking part in the march on Sunday June 30th. The march was rumored to include 6 million participants, and took over 12 hours. OutRight used the opportunity to draw attention to challenges that LGBTIQ people and movements still face around the world.

OutRight has continued to appear in media outlets. Here are a few recent examples:

Women's e-news: “Celebration and Protest at This Year's World Pride”

Executive Director Jessica Stern writes about World Pride in her op-ed.

CBC Radio: "Uncover – The Village"

Executive Director Jessica Stern appeared in the special Stonewall 50 edition.

NBC News: "3 Trans Women Shot and Killed in Honduras in July"

Senior Advisor for Global Advocacy Paul Jansen was interviewed about violence against trans people in Honduras.

Caribbean News Service: "On the Road to Decriminalization of Same-Sex Relations in the Caribbean"

Caribbean Program Officer Neish McLean wrote an op-ed about decriminalization prospects in the Caribbean.

Passblue: "An Ode to Joy: The UN Expert on LGBTIQ Rights Stands"

UN Program Officer Sahar Moazami wrote about the renewal of the mandate of the UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity.

Sunday Gleaner: "Watch Exclusive: 'I’m Finally a Man' Says LGBT Activist"

Caribbean Program Officer Neish McLean is featured on Jamaica’s Sunday Gleaner about his personal path of self-actualization as a trans man.

BBC World News Channel: "Conversion Therapy Report"

Deputy Director Maria Sjödin appeared live, talking about OutRight’s new report on the global reach of conversion therapy.

New York Daily News: "A Year after India’s Historic Decision to Legalize Same-Sex Love, LGBTQ Relationships Still a Crime in a Third of the World"

A feature on the anniversary of decriminalization of same-sex relations in India based on OutRight's press release about the occasion.

Thomson Reuters' Openly: "Opinion – Curing the Global Demand for 'Conversion Therapy'"

Deputy Director Maria Sjödin writes about so-called conversion therapy.

OutRight's Blog Series for Pride

From Shame to Pride” by Daina Ruduša, Senior Communications Manager

Pride the Caribbean Way” by Neish McLean, Caribbean Program Officer

On Pride, Stickers and Reclaiming Ballet” by Daniella Angulo, Communications Intern

Pride For My Community” by Bex Montz, Operations Intern

ממש גאווה - Very Proud” by Lilli Sher, Communications Intern

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Everything Solid Melts into Air: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Latin America

Three decades after the cynical announcements of the “end of history” from the idealogues of big capital, drunk with the fall of the Berlin wall, we are living through a dramatic acceleration of the historical period. By André Ferrari, LSR (CWI in Brazil) From Sudan and Algeria to Hong Kong; from Chile, Ecuador, and Haiti […]

En Copey: Turba de Haitiano matan oficial del ejército nacional


EP nario kalbos vaizdo įrašas - Haitis - Isabella Adinolfi - Ketvirtadienis, 2019 m. lapkričio 28 d. - 10:58 - Strasbūras

Vaizdo įrašo trukmė : 1'47''
Šį vaizdo įrašą galite parsisiųsdinti MP4 (20Mb) formatu arba WMV (28Mb) formatu

Atsakomybės apribojimas : Debatų vertimas žodžiu skirtas palengvinti bendravimui ir negali būti laikomas autentiška posėdžio stenograma. Autentiškas yra tiktai pasisakymas originalo kalba arba patikrintas jo vertimas raštu.
Šaltinis : © Europos Sąjunga, 2019 - EP

Haitian Revolution, Part II: ​1794-1804


(Elizabeth) Between 1794 and 1804, the newly emancipated people of the colony of Saint-Domingue created a government under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture and defeated Napoleonic forces to become their own independent country. In this episode, Elizabeth explains the role of Louverture but also the international ramifications of the creation of Haiti. 


Greve Geral e rebelião: a nova via chilena


Greve Geral e rebelião: a nova via chilena

Mais de um mês de rebelião no Chile. Uma legítima insurreição popular, onde a ação direta, as barricadas, a Greve Geral e a luta combativa nas ruas são os principais elementos. O incansável povo chileno rejeita a tutela, a conciliação e a traição da esquerda institucional e enfrenta de forma heroica a repressão brutal do governo assassino e neoliberal de Sebastián Piñera. Centenas de pessoas cegas, um incontável número de presos políticos, estupros, torturas e dezenas de desaparecidos e mártires assassinados por carabineiros. Cortes de estradas por todo o país, barricadas e enfrentamentos heroicos, a beleza da música rebelde como elemento da memória histórica contra a ditadura, as expressões visuais da rebelião pintadas e coladas em todos os lugares, escudos, molotovs, muitos molotovs, lasers contra blindados e cachorros militantes enfrentando a polícia.
É uma situação pré-revolucionária, com um governo reacionário e pró-imperialista derrotado e acuado que aumenta a brutalidade da repressão e tem como resposta o crescimento da radicalização e da resistência do povo rebelado nas ruas. A classe trabalhadora chilena e a juventude combatente, com uma decisiva participação das mulheres do povo, além da agenda contra o neoliberalismo, tomou para si a pauta anticolonial, atacando os símbolos do colonialismo e o povo Mapuche avança para um autogoverno autônomo. A dualidade de poder também se expressa nas assembleias populares autoconvocadas, baseadas na auto-organização territorial do povo trabalhador. Parlamentares da esquerda institucional são expulsos das praças por manifestantes, após tentarem salvar o governo com um acordo para uma Constituinte tutelada pelo regime reacionário.
O povo chileno faz sua própria história, após viver anos de uma brutal ditadura e de farsa democrática. A coragem e a incansável resistência popular foi precedida de anos de organização de base e trabalho militante de diversos movimentos populares combativos e organizações revolucionárias. A unidade popular que envolve mais de 140 organizações do povo garante a rejeição aos acordos entre as frações de poder para salvar o regime e a convocação unitária de uma sequência de paralisações da Greve Geral é outra chave do processo insurgente.
A rebelião também devolveu ao povo chileno a vontade de viver, a esperança na luta coletiva zerou os suicídios e são diversos os relatos de pessoas que superaram quadros de depressão participando das mobilizações, num país privatizado e vendido como modelo neoliberal na América Latina. A crise capitalista se aprofunda no mundo, a rebelião que sacudiu o Equador, prossegue com o heroico povo haitiano e agora vai tomando forma na Greve Geral da Colômbia e se iniciando no Panamá, tendo no Chile o seu maior bastião. A América Latina será a tumba do capitalismo. O povo é e sempre será o segredo da vitória.
Casa da Resistência – FOB
agência de notícias anarquistas-ana
manhã de sol
sombra do pardal no poste
primeira visita do dia
Alonso Alvarez

[Chile] Santiago: 40º dia de Revolta Social

27 de novembro de 2019
Já se passaram 40 dias, e nada de “agenda social”!
O presidente, que, segundo pesquisas apenas 9% da população o aprova, não avança um centímetro em soluções concretas para as demandas das ruas.
A comissão de parlamentares rechaça a acusação constitucional contra o ex-ministro do interior Andrés Chadwick, um dos principais responsáveis políticos pelas violações aos direitos humanos durante a Revolta Social.
A adesão à convocação para a GREVE GERAL foi massiva, mas não tanto quanto a de 12 de novembro. Desde o início, cem mil pessoas se reuniram na Praça da Dignidade e marcharam pela Alameda até Los Héroes, exigindo melhorias na aposentadoria, salários, saúde e educação.
Uma cena surreal ocorreu quando uma caravana fúnebre cruzou a “zona zero”, seus carros tiveram os vidros pichados com várias mensagens.
À tarde, caiu o número de manifestantes nos protestos; vários fatores podem explicar isso; o esgotamento, falta de locomoção para voltar para casa ou a monotonia das dinâmicas de resistência. Dá para se aprofundar neste assunto, mas este é apenas um pequeno “diário de bordo”.
Keny Arkana e Molotov são ouvidos em alto-falantes, enquanto panfletos anarquistas voam e a “linha de frente” enfrenta os lacaios. Eles prendem quatro encapuzados por carregar e atirar bombas incendiárias, drones e policiais civis infiltrados os seguiram e os prenderam a poucas quadras dos fatos.
Em plena Alameda, policiais pegam suas armas de serviço e ameaçam os manifestantes com tiros a alguns metros de distância.
No final do dia do protesto, uma multidão chuta um agente que ficou caído e estropiado no meio da Praça da Dignidade.
Pela segunda vez, a polícia tenta entrar no Posto Central de Urgência para prender os feridos.
Em San Bernardo, uma mulher chamada Fabiola está em coma induzido pelo impacto de uma bomba de gás lacrimogêneo que recebeu no rosto, de acordo com o Instituto Nacional de Direitos Humanos (NHRI) e a rádio Bio Bio. Ela perdeu a visão dos dois olhos, o nariz está quebrado e ela tem lascas metálicas no cérebro.
Em San Ramón, carabineiros disparam gás lacrimogêneo em um colégio e as crianças precisam fugir correndo. Na mesma comuna, desconhecidos incendeiam um ônibus e um supermercado Walmart.
Em Concepción e Iquique, os portuários bloqueiam os portos. Em Bio Bio manifestantes interceptam um caminhão e forçam o motorista a despejar sua carga na estrada com 20 toneladas de sardinha! Uma barricada é erguida.
A delegacia de Peñaflor é atacada com bombas incendiárias. Tropas da PDI (Polícia de Investigações do Chile) disparam contra manifestantes do lado de fora do shopping Portal Belloto, em Quilpue. O centro comercial foi alvo de expropriações coletivas.
Fogo em uma igreja ilumina a cidade de Curico. Manifestantes atacam o hotel e a Seremi (secretária de educação) em La Serena. Em San Antonio, manifestantes incendeiam a sede do jornal “El Lider” e uma agência AFP (sistema de aposentadorias do Chile). Ataque incendiário contra uma arena de maus-tratos a animais em Alto Hospicio.
Em Santiago, os motoristas do “NO + TAG” (contra pedágios) bloqueiam estradas interurbanas e estacionam na Avenida Kennedy, em frente ao shopping Parque Arauco. Uma marcha de estudantes no mesmo shopping localizado em Las Condes causa algumas brigas entre clientes e encapuzados. Estes últimos usam extintores de incêndio e comerciantes fecham suas lojas. Os ricos e os privilegiados estão sendo “perturbados por preguiçosos e tristes”.
Em várias partes, protestos simbólicos são praticados por estudantes do 4º ano do ensino médio, eles dão as costas para a bandeira enquanto o hino chileno é cantado.
O sindicato de jogadores de futebol decide entrar em greve e não cumprir a ordem da Associação Nacional de Futebol Profissional (ANFP) para jogar. O presidente da AzulAzul reitera as ligações entre a torcida “Los de Abajo” e os anarquistas.
Seguimos nas ruas…
Procurar novas estratégias de ataque e resistência!
Fabiola Campillay, Gustavo Gatica e Dilan Cruz (Colômbia), isso também vai para vocês…
Conteúdo relacionado:
agência de notícias anarquistas-ana
Ruídos dos carros,
os escuto pela mesma orelha
que os pássaros.
Robert Melançon

[Chile] Uma jornada sem retorno à nossa completa liberdade e dignidade

O surto social iniciado em 18 de outubro e a repressão desencadeada pelo Estado demonstraram o fracasso do modelo político chileno e de seu modelo econômico.
A origem de tudo isso vai além do governo contra o qual lutamos hoje, e a revolta que se espalhou após as evasões em massa realizadas por estudantes em dificuldades tem sua origem na fúria dos abusos apoiados e permitidos por décadas. Nada de bom pode surgir como resultado de dar ao Estado, políticos e autoridades a capacidade de decidir sobre nossas vidas enquanto tentamos sobreviver em um sistema que transforma nossas necessidades em negócios e nosso tempo no dinheiro que nos impuseram como a única maneira de conseguir o que precisamos.
Ao explodir as ruas e as consciências, muitas pessoas sentiram que, com a explosão de raiva, embarcamos em uma jornada sem volta à recuperação de nossa completa dignidade e liberdade. E no meio de tudo o que estamos experimentando pessoal e coletivamente, sabemos que há pessoas que, antes de 18 de outubro, já percorreram os caminhos da luta ancestral por uma vida livre sem um Estado ou autoridade.
Nessa caminhada, aprendemos que a medida do Estado de emergência com militares nas ruas e o toque de recolher decretado pelo governo de direita de Piñera é apenas parte do arsenal repressivo que todos os governos colocaram em prática de várias formas ao longo da história.
Rompendo com uma normalidade imposta por séculos
No Chile e no mundo, tortura, engano, assassinato, injustiça e reformas que não mudam nada estrutural fizeram parte da existência histórica do Estado como ferramenta de opressão em benefício de uma elite.
Antes, e também agora, no Chile, houve pessoas mortas, assassinadas, torturadas, aprisionadas, espancadas ou desaparecidas por causa da luta contra a ordem imposta ou apenas por causa de sua condição econômica, sexual ou étnica.
Uma sangrenta história de intervenção militar e policial circula em nossas veias para aniquilar revoltas e lutas sociais por uma vida digna e livre de opressão: o extermínio do povo mapuche, a Matança de Santa Maria de Iquique, a ditadura de Pinochet, o estado policial da democracia e agora também a repressão aguda contra a qual enfrentamos.
No entanto, nas últimas semanas, muito mais pessoas sentiram em si mesmas o papel opressivo do estado policial militarizado que já era evidente perseguindo há anos lugares como o Wallmapu, casas de okupas, populações combativas e escolas secundárias em luta contra quem o Estado declarou guerra há muito tempo.
Hoje, as autoridades mais uma vez protegem a ordem social, política e econômica que construíram para seu benefício e o fazem reprimindo nas ruas, enganando a imprensa e falando sobre um suposto inimigo que busca afetar a vida das pessoas.
Esse inimigo que eles mencionam é toda pessoa que luta e todo ato rebelde que se multiplica, buscando abrir caminho para maneiras de se relacionar, organizar e viver oposto àquelas que nos impuseram há anos.
Por essa razão, políticos, empresários e forças repressivas tentam nos convencer de que devemos ter medo da desobediência e revolta. Eles tentam nos fazer cair na armadilha de pensar que seus interesses e os nossos são os mesmos. Mas, ao contrário de outros momentos da história recente, hoje muitas pessoas não acreditam neles e continuam na luta.
É por isso que não esquecemos cada golpe, todo tiro contra nosso corpo e o de nosso povo próximo, toda mentira ou todo cúmplice que se posicionou a favor dos poderosos e de sua repressão.
Nem esqueceremos todo ato de rebelião, todo abraço e todo gesto de apoio entre companheiros, amigos e vizinhos. Essa memória e esses gestos de raiva, amor e rebelião fazem parte do cenário da vida e da luta que estamos construindo todos os dias.
A solução está em nossas mãos
No Chile, algo começou a mudar. Alguns acordaram antes, outros depois, mas a verdade é que, apesar da repressão, continuamos a seguir o caminho da vida com o qual decidimos romper.
Hoje somos mais que não queremos dar a ninguém, a não ser a nós mesmos, o poder de direcionar eventos e processos em direção a um horizonte de liberdade e dignidade. É por isso que sabemos que o que construirmos daqui em diante dependerá de nós e não estamos dispostos a dar aos outros a capacidade de decidir sobre nossas vidas.
Nem a esquerda oportunista nem a direita ditatorial. Nem a Frente Ampla nem qualquer partido político. Nem a renúncia de Piñera, nem novas eleições, nem uma nova Constituição. Nada do que vem da ordem estabelecida com a qual estamos rompendo pode nos dar uma solução.
Sabemos que muitas perguntas e preocupações sobre como continuar inundam muita gente agora. De nossa identidade anárquica de luta contra toda autoridade e do que experimentamos em contato com outras vontades no meio da revolta, descobrimos as respostas e ferramentas na experiência e aprendemos a tomar posições de combate no aprimoramento do conflito contra a ordem social que lutamos. Essas ferramentas e essas respostas são encontradas na multiplicação dos atos nos quais se expressam desobediência, apoio mútuo e ação direta.
Lutar juntos e nos apoiar diante dos efeitos da repressão e do medo da escassez causados pelo Estado, deixando nosso mundo pessoal e unindo forças com outras pessoas, contribuindo cada um de acordo com sua capacidade de agir e pensar em conjunto possibilidades de vida diferentes daquelas são respostas que temos forjado a partir da autonomia de não depender de ninguém, mais que de nossa vontade em ação.
Tudo isso foi experimentado por milhares de pessoas nas últimas semanas. Tudo isso e muito mais se desenvolveu sem líderes ou dirigentes.
A partir de agora, o que cada um de nós contribui influenciará o curso do que pode ou não acontecer.
Aconteça o que acontecer, continuaremos a lutar e conhecer todas as pessoas que continuam a experimentar e expandir a liberdade em todos os atos de revolta contra a ordem do dinheiro e da autoridade.
Não vamos desistir, não vamos recuar. Continuaremos a construir um novo mundo nas ruínas do sistema que estamos destruindo.
Publicado originalmente em Confronto. Edição especial, outubro-novembro, região chilena, 2019
Tradução > Liberto
agência de notícias anarquistas-ana
Rosto no vidro
uma criança eterna
olha o vazio
Alphonse Piché


MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on Haiti - B9-0223/2019

Source : © European Union, 2019 - EP

Life Coach

Life Coach

Anide is a marketing professional and life coach based out of New York, NY. After moving to the United States from Haiti, Anide decided to go against the grain and get her degree in communication and journalism. Now a successful life coach and entrepreneur, Anide tells students and those already in the workforce: be nice to everyone you meet. You never know...

Added by: CandidCareerTeam
Tags: marketing, communication, associate, professional, life, coach, guidance, counselor
Date: 2014-01-08


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Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(7613) nvH4RVQYkBRobe de jourÉtiquettesRobes de Jour3 CommentairesŁadna sukienka, naturalny materiał, długość do połowy kolana (168 cm wzrostu). Prezentuje się dokładnie jak na zdjęciu.NoteAjustement de tailleKatarzyna2014-07-09 Fajna sukienka, materiał lejący, dobrze się układa. Kolor super.NoteAjustement de tailleokDanuta2014-05-09Kor taki sam jak na zdj?ciu. Niestety jest to typowa sukienka na codzien, na zdjeciu materia? wydaje sie byc lepszy, w rzeczywisto?ci to zwykla bawe?na, na elegancie wyjscie lub na wesele sie nie nadaje. Zostawiam ja bo, na lato sie przyda.NoteAjustement de tailleMarta2015-04-06AlbanieAlgérieAllemagneAndoraAutricheBelgiqueBéninBolivieBulgarieBurkina FasoCamerounCanadaChileChypreComoresCongo-BrazzavilleCôte d'IvoireDanemarkDjiboutiDominiqueEspagneÉtats-UnisFranceGabonGéorgieGrande BretagneGreceGuadeloupeGuerneseyGuyane HaitiIndeIrlandeItalieJerseyLettonieLibanLituanieLuxemburgMacedoine MaliMarocMartinique MauriceMayotte MoldavieMonacoNouvelle-Caledonie Pays-BasPolognePolynesie francaise PortugalRD CongoRepublique TchequeRéunion RoumanieRussieSaint-Barthelemy Saint-Martin Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon SénégalSeychellesSlovaquieSlovenieSuedeSuisseTrinidad-et-TobagoTunisieTurquieWallis-et-FutunaNomPrixQuelle est la valeur minimale du contrat?Temps de livraisonLivraison par transporteurА 19.90А 0.001 jours


Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(7612) D7R4rCH1OH

Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(7612) D7R4rCH1OHRobe de jourÉtiquettesRobes de Jour2 CommentairesŁadna sukienka, materiał dobry, rozcišgliwa. Bardzo ciekawe wykończenie zamkiem dekoltu, który można regulować. polecam :-)NoteAjustement de tailleMagdalena2015-01-02 fajna sukienka...gatunkowo rĂłwnieĹź okNoteAjustement de tailleDorota2014-07-27AlbanieAlgérieAllemagneAndoraAutricheBelgiqueBéninBolivieBulgarieBurkina FasoCamerounCanadaChileChypreComoresCongo-BrazzavilleCôte d'IvoireDanemarkDjiboutiDominiqueEspagneÉtats-UnisFranceGabonGéorgieGrande BretagneGreceGuadeloupeGuerneseyGuyane HaitiIndeIrlandeItalieJerseyLettonieLibanLituanieLuxemburgMacedoine MaliMarocMartinique MauriceMayotte MoldavieMonacoNouvelle-Caledonie Pays-BasPolognePolynesie francaise PortugalRD CongoRepublique TchequeRéunion RoumanieRussieSaint-Barthelemy Saint-Martin Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon SénégalSeychellesSlovaquieSlovenieSuedeSuisseTrinidad-et-TobagoTunisieTurquieWallis-et-FutunaNomPrixQuelle est la valeur minimale du contrat?Temps de livraisonLivraison par transporteurА 19.90А 0.001 jours


Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(9255) uze16f3Boc

Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(9255) uze16f3BocRobe de jourÉtiquettesRobes de Jour5 CommentairesJestem bardzo zadowolona, sukienka zdecydowanie na szczupłą sylwetkę:)NoteAjustement de tailleKatarzyna2014-05-18Sukienka dokładnie taka jak na zdjęciu - świetnie się układa, nigdzie nie prześwituje (ma podszewkę), nie gniecie się bardzo. Ma przepiękny kolor- nie biały, nie ecru, prawdziwy kremowy :) Jedyny mały minusik za to, że dosyć długo czeka się na przesyłkę - zamawiałam w czwartek, otrzymałam w środę.NoteAjustement de tailleokAga2014-06-03Zwiewna, lekka, elegancka sukienka na ciepłe dni na każde wyjście i jeszcze szybka dostawaNoteAjustement de tailleokBogusława 2014-04-01 sukienka świetna! idealnie leży, pięknie się prezentuje. doskonała na prezent. wygląda jak na zdjęciu, świetny materiał.NoteAjustement de tailleokElwira2014-02-16Przepiękna sukienka, rozmiar idealny, polecam gorąco.NoteAjustement de tailleNetka2015-05-25AlbanieAlgérieAllemagneAndoraAutricheBelgiqueBéninBolivieBulgarieBurkina FasoCamerounCanadaChileChypreComoresCongo-BrazzavilleCôte d'IvoireDanemarkDjiboutiDominiqueEspagneÉtats-UnisFranceGabonGéorgieGrande BretagneGreceGuadeloupeGuerneseyGuyane HaitiIndeIrlandeItalieJerseyLettonieLibanLituanieLuxemburgMacedoine MaliMarocMartinique MauriceMayotte MoldavieMonacoNouvelle-Caledonie Pays-BasPolognePolynesie francaise PortugalRD CongoRepublique TchequeRéunion RoumanieRussieSaint-Barthelemy Saint-Martin Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon SénégalSeychellesSlovaquieSlovenieSuedeSuisseTrinidad-et-TobagoTunisieTurquieWallis-et-FutunaNomPrixQuelle est la valeur minimale du contrat?Temps de livraisonLivraison par transporteurА 19.90А 0.001 jours


Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de cocktail Figl(10130) QvIAcKATXQ

Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de cocktail Figl(10130) QvIAcKATXQRobe de cocktailÉtiquettesRobes de cocktail, Robes formelles4 CommentairesSukienka o ładnym kroju, ale niestety materiał zbyt cienki, prześwitujący, pomimo załoĹźenia pod spĂłd opinającego body to i tak nie wygląda się w niej tak jak to powinno być, dlatego zmuszona byłam ją odesłać :(Note Ajustement de tailleokJoanna2012-07-10łądnaNoteAjustement de tailleJoanna2014-05-29Kupiłem dla żony. Bardzo fajna sukienka (tak ! potrafię odróżnić sukienkę od spódnicy pomimo, że jestem facetem). Obsługa fachowa i profesjonalna ... Polecam !NoteAjustement de tailleokZbigniew2012-05-15Muszę przyznać, Ĺźe przesyłka została zrealizowana bardzo szybko i z tego jestem zadowolona, natomiast niestety sukienka okazała sie mieć zbyt prześwitujący materiał, czego na zdjęciach zupełnie nie widać. Poza tym jest wszystko okNoteAjustement de tailleokAdrianna2013-01-28AlbanieAlgérieAllemagneAndoraAutricheBelgiqueBéninBolivieBulgarieBurkina FasoCamerounCanadaChileChypreComoresCongo-BrazzavilleCôte d'IvoireDanemarkDjiboutiDominiqueEspagneÉtats-UnisFranceGabonGéorgieGrande BretagneGreceGuadeloupeGuerneseyGuyane HaitiIndeIrlandeItalieJerseyLettonieLibanLituanieLuxemburgMacedoine MaliMarocMartinique MauriceMayotte MoldavieMonacoNouvelle-Caledonie Pays-BasPolognePolynesie francaise PortugalRD CongoRepublique TchequeRéunion RoumanieRussieSaint-Barthelemy Saint-Martin Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon SénégalSeychellesSlovaquieSlovenieSuedeSuisseTrinidad-et-TobagoTunisieTurquieWallis-et-FutunaNomPrixQuelle est la valeur minimale du contrat?Temps de livraisonLivraison par transporteurА 19.90А 0.001 jours


Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(38390) PWVgLaOHQw

Mode Robes Vêtements Femme Robe de jour Nife(38390) PWVgLaOHQwRobe de jourÉtiquettesRobes de JourPetite Robe NoireÉlasthanne 5 % Polyester 60 % ~Viscosa 35 % 0 CommentairesAlbanieAlgérieAllemagneAndoraAutricheBelgiqueBéninBolivieBulgarieBurkina FasoCamerounCanadaChileChypreComoresCongo-BrazzavilleCôte d'IvoireDanemarkDjiboutiDominiqueEspagneÉtats-UnisFranceGabonGéorgieGrande BretagneGreceGuadeloupeGuerneseyGuyane HaitiIndeIrlandeItalieJerseyLettonieLibanLituanieLuxemburgMacedoine MaliMarocMartinique MauriceMayotte MoldavieMonacoNouvelle-Caledonie Pays-BasPolognePolynesie francaise PortugalRD CongoRepublique TchequeRéunion RoumanieRussieSaint-Barthelemy Saint-Martin Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon SénégalSeychellesSlovaquieSlovenieSuedeSuisseTrinidad-et-TobagoTunisieTurquieWallis-et-FutunaNomPrixQuelle est la valeur minimale du contrat?Temps de livraisonLivraison par transporteurА 19.90А 0.001 jours


Jan 01, Haiti: Independence Day

Commemorates the day in 1804 when Jean-Jacques Dessalines declared independence and restored the country's native name.. For more information on this holiday, visit the link.

Jan 02, Haiti: Ancestry Day

Commemorates ancestors and other loved ones who have died fighting for freedom.. For more information on this holiday, visit the link.

Rotary District 7090 Visit SXM


SINT MAARTEN (PHILIPSBURG) - Rotary District 7090 headed by District Governor Bob Artis held their district conference aboard ‘Allure of the Seas’ with a stop in St. Maarten. District 7090 were joined on the cruise by Rotary International Representative Bob Menconi.

On their arrival in St. Maarten they were met by a delegation from Rotary District 7020 headed by District Governor Delma Maduro, and the coordinators for this visit Rotarians Denise Antrobus, from the Rotary Club of St. Maarten-Mid Isle and Lezlie Murch from The Rotary Club of St. Catharine’s and Rotaract Club of Niagara, Canada.

Rotary District 7090 is a district of eighty Rotary and Rotaract Clubs distributed throughout Southern Ontario, Canada and Western New York USA, twelve of their clubs were on the cruise. While Rotary District 7020 is a district with over eighty Rotary Clubs from the Islands of Anguilla, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Haiti, Jamaica, St. Barth, St Maarten, St Martin, The Bahamas, Turks & Caicos and the US Virgin Islands.

District 7090 have been very much involved with St. Maarten since Hurricanes Irma and Maria. They are involved in a global grant to get the Exceptional School at Sister Marie Lawrence up and running, they are willing to assist whenever help is required.

The first stop of the day was to the Sister Marie Lawrence School in Middle Region. Here they viewed a power point presentation on the work so far at the school which also included a song with the title ‘Thank You Rotary from SML’ which brought the visiting Rotarians to tears.

They visited the students from Sister Marie Lawrence School who are presently based at the St. Dominic’s Primary School for some interactive projects of reading, arts etc.

District 7090 enjoyed lunch and fellowship at Big Wood on the Boardwalk with local Rotarians from St. Maarten and Anguilla. Gifts and banners were exchanged with the District Governors and visiting clubs. Tanja Frederiks from the Catholic Board was presented with a Certificate of Appreciation, with thanks for hosting the Rotary District 7090 Conference on Cruise October 23, 2019.

Their afternoon visit was to Coach Tom and Player Development which also boasts an EarlyAct Club. The interactive activities were painting a Train Engine on wood, painting an inspiration quote ‘We are stronger, we are smarter, we are kinder’ on one of the containers which houses Player Development and dressing coffee cans for the children and Earlyactors to collect can tabs to help those in Abaco and Grand Bahama after the devastation of Hurricane Dorian.

Before returning to the ship at the end of their visit Rotarian Lezlie Murch recognized Rotarian Denise Antrobus with a Paul Harris Fellow on behalf of District 7090.


VA - Union Of Tropic Riddim / 2019 / МР3


Категория: Музыка
Размер: 1.51 GB
Траффик: Раздают (отдают): 3, Скачивают (качают): 2
Добавлен: 2019-11-28 15:52:49
Описание: Исполнитель: VA
Название альбома: Union Of Tropic Riddim
Год выпуска: 2019
Жанр: Reggae

001. Dosa Medicine - Hustling Hard
002. Jeffery Mykals - Gyal Bad
003. Dj Mimi - Lamizment
004. Vital Blaq - Jah Jah Blessing
005. Queenad - Never Underrate
006. Samini - Mighty
007. Kraiggi Badart - Can't Tell Me
008. Patexx - Str88 From Birth
009. Lana Sounds - The Light Of Dub
010. Toledo - Caribe
011. Mocha Remedy - Gone
012. The Hillties - Movin' On
013. Marcus Davidson - Legalize It
014. Quada - Problem
015. Singer J - #1 Fan
016. Phoenixx - Cyah Tame
017. Badda General - Walking Atm
018. Clevience - Life Of A Gyalis
019. Rhaatid - Yaah Yaah
020. Johnny Keys - Love I Lost Riddim
021. Equaliza - Oh No
022. Vershon - Since Mary
023. D'angel - Pretty Plus Tax
024. Otrmk2 - Simple Reggae Riddim
025. Xklusive - Millions
026. Popcaan - Nah Run
027. Masicka - Charge Up
028. Prince Alla - Burning Fire
029. Singer J - More High Grade
030. Doreen Shaeffer - Ain’t Gonna Change My Mind
031. Danny Ranks - Dangerous
032. Massup - Badmind Ago Kill Dem
033. Bugle - World Party
034. Shal Marshall - Class In Session
035. Wemu - Nah Sell Out Mi Soul
036. Kryoman - Fight For Love
037. Bugle - Street Smart
038. I Waata - Lava
039. Dub Silence - Insane In The Brain
040. Tripple P - Papa
041. The Archives - Boof Baff
042. Beres Hammond - Survival
043. Richie Stephens - Life In The Ghetto
044. Sikka Rymes - Type
045. Demarco - Self Reliance
046. Ras Ash - Leave Babylon
047. Charm And Charl - Make You Mine
048. Ub40 Featuring - Once Ago
049. Mal Élevé - Non
050. Haile Supreme - Let It Go
051. Judah Eskender Tafari - Rastafari Tell You
052. Xtra Big Feat. Richie B - Bend Down Low
053. Axe Shining - Stay
054. Patolyn - Believe
055. Batch - Wine N Bruk
056. G International - Handingatambudzwe
057. Maddrass - 2 Drunk Dread
058. Popsy Badda - Who Dem
059. Lee Scratch Perry - Solid State Dub
060. Dadadon - Up Scheme
061. Gapix - No Sleep
062. Dipherence - Talking
063. Chi Ching Ching - Inna Foreign
064. Rygin King - Feel Fi Rave
065. Chronixx - Eternal Fire
066. Fyahball - Africa Stand Up
067. Dj Hebber - The One
068. Rudebwoy Ranking - We Nuh See Dem
069. Rankin Lele - Move Up
070. Merzy - Budum Badam
071. Kevanii - Expire Milk
072. Willie Williams - Armagideon Time Version
073. Mad Cobra - Fear No Evil
074. Rdx - Ravin
075. Adowa - The Lie
076. Samini - Worldwide
077. Munga - Right Yah So
078. Hybreds Jay-T - Tell Me Why
079. No Way - Sigo Vivo
080. Brother Culture - Heal Them
081. Doctah X - Nocturnal Movementz
082. Taiwan Mc - Let The Weed Bun
083. Lahjikal - Money Nuff
084. Marcia Griffiths - Woman (Feat. Lady G)
085. Terrah Dan - Chocolate
086. Iq - Smokey
087. G Duppy - Nuh Clean
088. Shane O - Too Friendly
089. Dj Mimi - Dang
090. Moralis - Rum Dawg
091. Stick Figure - Easy Runaway
092. Major Lazer - Come On To Me
093. Shawn Antoine - Pretty Girl Wine
094. Dj Kane - Haiti
095. Qraig - Love Like This
096. Mykal Rose - General Penitentiary
097. Damage Musiq - Miami Heights
098. Jahmali - Reuben
099. Conqueroaring Lion - Simeon's Dub
100. Neto Yuth - Drinking Friend
101. I Finton - Chara Chimwe
102. Lutan Fyah - Girl Like She
103. Dennis Brown - Revolution
104. Montana Brothers - Soca Banger
105. Doctah X - Orange Dream
106. Tarrus Riley - Say A Prayer For Me
107. The Temple Rockers - About The Miracles
108. Carla Gray - Holly Temple
109. Goldmyne - How Yuh Bad Suh
110. Sunshine Soldier - Frenemy
111. Yubu - Mystery Girl
112. Saah Karim - Outro
113. J Kaz - In The Zone
114. Daddy Mory - Life Story
115. Tony Rebel - Ungrateful
116. Tenna Star - So Unfair
117. Ras Teo - Dub Rock
118. Bobby Treasure - Never Stop Trying
119. Maricia Ramed - No One
120. Ras Gee - Soul Rebel Lion
121. Prr A Ramed - Abundance
122. Jae Kali - Gimme Waist
123. Plain James - Bless Up
124. Moses I - How Much More
125. Ras Teo - Show I The Way Dub
126. Ns Music Enterprise Llc - Reggae Explosion Instrumental
127. Conqueroaring Lion - Dub Of The North
128. Fire Biggs - Who She Love
129. Indecka - Sweet Reggae Music
130. Natural High Music - Be The One
131. Rygin King - Business
132. Ezbee Fyah - More Loving
133. Buju Banton - Politics Time (Remix)
134. Michael Rose - Judgement Day
135. Khalia - Don't Look Back
136. Dj Getdown - Putaria
137. Bounty Killer - Genesis Nuh Partial
138. Likkle Bossi - Real Talk
139. Iration - 2gud2btru
140. Ba Fay - Life Of Hustle
141. Tarrus Riley - Trust Issues
142. Huntta Flow Production - Out Ah Timing Riddim
143. All Spikes Production - Earth Tones Riddim
144. Daine Blaze - Wicked Move
145. Ehunde Mambo - Zvinodarireiko
146. Jahiki - Clean And Out
147. Slim Asia - Crush Compliments
148. Romie Rome - Woi Oye
149. Prech - God No Go Shame Us
150. Bencil Clickstar - Ravishing Girl
151. Jfmusic - Highway Jab Riddim
152. Quada - New Gyal Alert
153. Ding Dong - Gyalis Story
154. Vershon - Rich Team
155. Alkaline - Pretty Girl Team
156. Teejay - Zaddy (Super Clean)
157. Nicko Blast - Jelly Water (Explicit)
158. Bermooda - Reprise
159. Popcaan - Deserve It All
160. Mr Kallstrom - Pray Dub
161. Poorsah - Give She
162. Shane -O - Ratings
163. Brother Mikey - Show You
164. Vybz Kartel - Walking Atm
165. Jo Money - Show Dem
166. Sxz - Jabnastics
167. Samini - Love You More
168. Deadly - Get On Bad
169. Walshy Fire - Xcellent
170. Jahvillani - People
171. Dubk'2 - Tribal Meteor
172. Lutan Fyah - Road Block
173. Ce'cile - Pum Pum Phat
174. Vibez King - Jab Highway
175. Spicy Chocolate - Saigono Piece
176. Kayla - Stuck On Stupid
177. Conqueroaring Lion - Salt Dub
178. Smd - Tight Jeans
179. Frahcess - Campari & Rum
180. Daniel Lemma - Last Dance
181. I Octane - Own Sponsor
182. Cadric - Ndoita Move On
183. African Museum - Cool Dub
184. Clayton William - Bubble Up
185. African Museum - Love Dub
186. Munga Honorable - Outside (Feat. Dunw3ll)
187. Junior English - Girl You've Changed You
188. Chan I - Sick Inna Mi Head
189. Rasghandi - One Door
190. Clinton Fearon - Time
191. The Ethiopian - Muddy Water
192. Lil Blackz - Frass Up
193. Tinue - She Loves Me Now
194. Bugle - Life Unpredictable
195. Toledo - Number 1
196. Kamil Bednarek - List (Live)
197. Teejay - Super Braff
198. Mad Skull - No Head
199. Kripted - Bumper Motivation
200. Sizzla - We Nuh Business

Аудио: MP3, 320 Кбит/с
Продолжительность: 11:10:12

Cazeau Church of Christ 25th Anniversary

Cazeau Church of Christ in Port of Prince, Haiti, celebrated its 25th year anniversary last Sunday with 500 people attending. Years ago, the Britton Road elders raised money to rescue this property from being foreclosed by the bank. Today, that property has a large church meeting with 300 members and an orphanage with 72 children.…

Press release - Human Rights breaches in Haiti, Algeria and Cuba

On Thursday, the European Parliament adopted three resolutions taking stock of the human rights situation in Haiti, Algeria and Cuba.
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Human Rights

Source : © European Union, 2019 - EP

When bad engineering makes a natural disaster even worse | Peter Haas

What did the world learn from the devastating earthquake that struck Haiti in 2010? That shoddy buildings and bad planning can make a terrible situation even worse. "Haiti was not a natural disaster," says TED Fellow Peter Haas. "It was a disaster of engineering." The solution: Help builders on the ground get trained in modern engineering practices, so they can rebuild their country stronger, brick by brick.

GIFT GUIDE 2019: Amy & Meri Share Gifts That Give Back + Other Favorite Things! (#54)

Are you stumped on what to give someone for Christmas?? Need ideas of what to put in those stockings?? On today’s episode Amy + Meri give you tons and tons of gift ideas, some that give back and some that don’t. FIRST THING: Amy + Meri thank everyone for shopping with a purpose and they update us on the ways you have helped Haiti, so a lot of the gifts they’re sharing are ESPWA related but they are also including their favorite things from Amazon and other companies. Everything they talk about in this episode will be linked in their online gift guide which can be found at SECOND THING: Gifts that give back for the girls in your life. THIRD THING: Gifts that give back for the guys in your life…and kids too! FOURTH THING: Amy + Meri’s favorite things from other shops.  Learn more about your ad-choices at

Are You Letting Society or the Spirit Shape Your Story?


Kanye West, Beth Moore, John MacArthur, President Donald Trump and Adam Schiff—what do all of these people have in common? Certainly controversy—lots and lots of controversy. But what else? They all have purpose that should be revealed in their life story. Regardless of the circumstances and choices that have landed them in the news and on the lips of people across the country and around the world, God has a purpose for each one of them. The Holy Spirit wants to shape their life story even though we may see the world trying to define and write their life story, and our life story, for us.

God is transforming lives and filling people with the power of the Holy Spirit, and woe to those who try to prevent that holy work. That's why 2 Corinthians 5:16 (NIV) reminds us of this important truth: "So from now on we [should] regard no one from a worldly point of view. Though we once regarded Christ in this way, we do so no longer." While the world and our flesh tempt us to view others through judgmental eyes and shape people's stories for them, the Holy Spirit is constantly working in people's lives to inspire their story. His presence always invites freedom and brings real change.

This past week I watched an extraordinary moment of God's grace when Kanye West was not only recognized, but received by one of my favorite preachers, Joel Osteen. The backlash was deeply disheartening. If our society will not even accept that a rapper proclaiming "Jesus is King" has been truly saved, imagine how we would have treated Paul. He persecuted and murdered Christians, and God still shaped his story into something that glorified Him! After his conversion he immediately went to get baptized by Ananias and ended up writing several books in our New Testament Bible, not to mention the way God used him to work multiple life-changing miracles. Imagine how different all of our lives would be today if Paul had listened to everyone's opinions about his relationship with God and allowed himself to become discouraged about following the Lord's leading.

What about Peter? He denied Jesus before the crucifixion but then repented of his mistake, and God was able to use him in miraculous ways.

Or what about Abraham? He lied not once but twice about his relationship with his wife to save his own skin, among other indiscretions, and he is still counted as one of the fathers of our faith.

Moses was far from perfect, yet God chose him and used him mightily for the saving of His people anyway. Like Abraham, he appears alongside other giants of our faith in Hebrews 11.

When the power of the Holy Spirit came in Acts 2, all that Jesus had done for His followers came to supernatural life. Just like Peter and Paul were drastically changed, we are too when we receive the Holy Spirit. Since the Holy Spirit changes, restores and radically renews people to Him, who are we to decide if their salvation is authentic? Even if it happens not to be, God is the author of that person's story, and our judgment is like an ugly, black smear on the pages of their lives.

Who are you letting shape your story? And how are you shaping others? Are you letting the Holy Spirit do His work, or are you tuning in to—or even joining—the chorus of voices shouting their opinions? It is clear that Kanye West is not letting the voices of the media define his story. He is unapologetically sharing his faith with the entire world, and the Holy Spirit is working, in Kanye's life and others'. Wow! What a thought—unapologetically sharing your faith with the entire world while the Holy Spirit works in your life. That sounds like a follower of Christ.

You are beautiful! I see Jesus in you.

Have a great week! {eoa}

Mikel French has challenged spiritual awakening all across America, where many celebrations extended into multiple weeks, and has conducted celebrations in France, Sweden, Russia, Romania, Poland, Ukraine, Moldova, Serbia, Germany, South Africa, Malawi, the Philippines, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Haiti, Japan, Singapore, India and Thailand. He conducted an outreach celebration in Manila, Philippines, reaching 200,000 teenagers with the book of hope. Through the generous support of partners, he has presented the message of Jesus Christ to millions of people in the nation of Russia through televised citywide soul-winning celebrations. Mikel considers it an honor to assist in conducting the annual pastor's conference, where thousands of pastors from Russia's 11 time zones come for training, teaching and equipping. Mikel and his wife, Marsha, reside in Tulsa, Oklahoma.


Et si vous lisiez… ?

Les fêtes approchent, c’est l’heure du calendrier de l’avent ! Cette année, nous souhaitions vous proposer un calendrier de l’avent consacré aux sources. Pour ce faire, nous avons sollicité des spécialistes afin qu’il nous...

The NDP is complicit in imperialist violence in Bolivia


NDP leader Jagmeet Singh speaks at the Shaw Centre in Ottawa on Sunday, October 15, 2017. Photo by Obert Madondo (Flickr).

Editor’s Note: Less than an hour after this article was published, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh issued statements on Facebook and Twitter, calling on the Trudeau government to “condemn the anti-democratic actions” that led to the coup in Bolivia. Singh’s statement, however, does not clarify whether or not the NDP believes Morales should be allowed to run in a future election.

It’s now been four days since the right-wing coup in Bolivia, where President Evo Morales — the first Indigenous president of the Indigenous-majority Latin American county — was violently ousted by military forces backed by the United States and Canada. 

The new self-proclaimed president of Bolivia, Jeanine Áñez, is a Christian fundamentalist who has a litany of anti-Indigenous statements to her name, including “I dream of a Bolivia free of Indigenous satanic rites, the city is not for ‘Indians,’ they better go to the highlands or El Chaco.”

Police officers cut Indigenous flags off their uniforms, while one of Áñez’s far-right accomplices brought a Bible to the presidential palace in La Paz with the assertion: “[Indigenous goddess] Pachamama will never return. Today Christ is returning to the Government Palace. Bolivia is for Christ.” What has taken place is unequivocally a fascist, theocratic coup.

There are many theories about the motivating factors for the coup (and it objectively is a coup: Áñez has taken power without Morales resigning in accordance with the constitution and she has since banned him from running in the next election).

Some have speculated that Bolivia’s immense lithium deposits may have been the Iraq oil to this overthrow, with corporations thirsty for privatization of the resource critical to building batteries for electric vehicles; some experts have pushed back at this reading as overly simplistic. 

But here is what we do know, well summarized by Sioux academic Nick Estes in an excellent article for the Guardian:

Evo and his party, the Indigenous-led Movement for Socialism (MAS in Spanish), nationalized key industries and used bold social spending to shrink extreme poverty by more than half, lowering the country’s Gini coefficient, which measures income inequality, by a remarkable 19%. During Evo’s and MAS’s tenure, much of Bolivia’s Indigenous-majority population has, for the first time in their lives, lived above poverty.

Morales and the MAS were leaders of the so-called Pink Tide in Latin America, a continental force that has worked to resist neoliberalism and assert national sovereignty over land and resources. Many of these efforts have been crippled by right-wing sabotage and outright assault, including the incarceration of Lula in Brazil and attempted overthrowing of Maduro in Venezuela. Others have betrayed leftist movements, like Lenín Moreno in Ecuador. The movement has certainly been weakened. But Indigenous peoples and trade unionists keep fighting for their lives, even as Morales himself was forced to flee to Mexico to avoid potential assassination. The struggle for socialism continues.

This is a coup with massive repercussions, not only for the people of Bolivia and Latin America but for the left around the world. It requires immediate and unequivocal opposition like that displayed by political heavyweights including UK Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, US Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and union bodies like AFL–CIO, National Nurses United, and the Durham Region Labour Council. The latter called on the Ontario Federation of Labour to “write a public statement that denounces Canada’s support for this coup and calls for our government to support the restoration of democracy and the safe return of Evo Morales.”

It is best summarized as a lowest common denominator response. A statement does not constitute action, only the beginning of organizing against this act of imperialism. 

Yet the NDP, Canada’s supposedly leftist party of labour and solidarity, cannot bring itself to issue a statement condemning the coup. Over the last four days, in spite of consistent demands from NDP membership and allies, the party has refused to even acknowledge that a coup has taken place, let alone issue a strong statement to draw the public’s attention to it. 

In fact, instead of issuing a statement on Bolivia, the NDP published one about fighter jet procurement which bragged of how “men and women are working miracles to make the CF-18s work.” Meanwhile, the party’s defense critic, Randall Garrison, has quote tweeted the Israel Defense Forces while slandering Palestinian resistance as “Islamic Jihad.”

Compare this to a statement issued by the Communist Party of Canada on the day of the coup: “The Communist Party demands that the safety of President Morales and other MAS leaders is protected by Bolivian authorities, and that the Canadian government and the international community must add their voices to this demand.”

This silence from the NDP is a cowardly betrayal of immense proportions. To many, it is not a surprising one given the NDP’s history of complicity in imperialism such as twice voting to bomb Libya and refusing calls to condemn a similar coup in Haiti when Jack Layton was leader.

The NDP has also supported Canada’s training of the fascist-infiltrated Ukraine army, and complained that new military spending is not being released quickly enough.

This particular moment matters because leftists were told repeatedly throughout the federal election that Jagmeet Singh and his team of NDP candidates were different; that they would be pursuing a “New Deal for the People” (whatever that means) and that it was the most leftist campaign in a generation, grounded in commitments to reconciliation with Indigenous peoples and challenging of billionaire power.

Many young activists were drawn into the party through organizations like Our Time, helping to canvass and door-knock for candidates who they believed represented a different vision. To be sure, five or so NDP MPs have individually spoken out against the coup: Leah Gazan, Niki Ashton, Jenny Kwan, Matthew Green, and Don Davies. These statements follow consistent support for other principled anti-imperialist struggles like Gazan’s participation in an anti-coup panel when right-wing forces were attempting to overthrow Maduro. Ashton, too, has been an increasingly strong ally to the struggle for Palestinian statehood and an end to Israeli military occupation.

Unfortunately, statements from individual politicians do not constitute a party position. Unless forwarded by the leader and party itself, they remain mere tweets that, while appreciated, cannot translate into helping anti-imperialist social movements fight back against the coup. The response to this violent overthrow of an Indigenous leader of a socialist country was a litmus test for the party leadership: one that it has failed miserably, and should reiterate to leftists why the NDP is not our ally but rather an accessory to imperialist violence.

Rather than mobilize its supporters to rally and advocate for Bolivian comrades facing incredible oppression from far-right radicals, Singh and his team have opted to stay silent and instead gloat about meeting with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to talk about national pharmacare.

It is clear that the NDP’s “love and courage” extends only to people in Canada, not those in the Global South whose resources Canadian companies plunder and kill for.

However, for leftists who have been long critical of the NDP for its actions both provincially and federally on issues such as foreign policy, policing and incarceration, and fossil fuel extraction, this betrayal should not be taken as an opportunity to pull an “I told you so” about the party and leave it at that.

We must continue to pressure and shame the NDP to do what is right, of course, but more importantly work to build up anti-imperialist movements that can host rallies, panel discussions, office occupations, and outreach campaigns in the coming weeks and months to oppose ever-increasing hostilities to the left in the Global South and include young leftists disillusioned with the NDP’s silence.

Indigenous communities and trade unionists in Bolivia are under deadly assault. The NDP has made it abundantly clear in its silence where it stands on this reality: tacit support, consistent with its silence on the paramilitary raid in Unist’ot’en territory

We must realize that the NDP cannot and will not be our saviours. Even if the party does eventually muster the requisite courage to release a statement, it is almost guaranteed it will not mobilize its resources to fight for it. This should be taken as a reminder that Singh and his senior staff do not care about anti-imperialism and the Global South. They care only about appealing to existing ideological frameworks for votes. The way the party will shift its position is with incredible pressure from community organizers.

We are left to do the work that any legitimate leftist party would be leading: to advocate in our unions, faith communities, and classrooms for Morales to be guaranteed safe return to Bolivia to continue his party’s work of Indigenous socialism.

We cannot have climate justice without being committed to anti-imperialist struggle. This is an opportunity to coalesce fights against mining companies and oil and gas extraction with right-wing violence against Indigenous communities in the Global South and North. A bourgeois, barely social democratic party will not do that for us. It has made its decision. Now we must make ours.

James Wilt is a freelance journalist and graduate student based in Winnipeg. He is a frequent contributor to CD, and has also written for The Narwhal, VICE Canada, The Globe and Mail, Briarpatch, and National Observer. James is currently working on a book about public transportation for Between the Lines Books. You can follow him on Twitter at @james_m_wilt.


500 Jahre Danach Die Indianer Quisqueyas Haiti Dominikanische Republik Erlanger Taschenbucher

500 Jahre Danach Die Indianer Quisqueyas Haiti Dominikanische Republik Erlanger Taschenbucher

Canada backs coup against Bolivia’s president


Bolivian President Evo Morales speaks from the presidential hangar in El Alto, Bolivia, Sunday, November 10, 2019. Photo by Enzo De Luca/AFP.

In yet another example of the Liberals saying one thing and doing another, Justin Trudeau’s government has supported the ouster of Evo Morales. The Liberals’ position on the violent ouster of Bolivia’s first ever Indigenous president stands in stark contrast with their backing of embattled pro-corporate leaders in the region.

Hours after the military command forced Morales to resign as president of the country with the largest proportion of Indigenous people in the Americas, Chrystia Freeland endorsed the coup. Canada’s Minister of Foreign Affairs released a statement noting “Canada stands with Bolivia and the democratic will of its people. We note the resignation of President Morales and will continue to support Bolivia during this transition and the new elections.”

Freeland’s statement had no hint of criticism of Morales’s ouster, nor did it mention that the now deposed President still had two months left on his 2015 election mandate. Elsewhere, leaders from Argentina, Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico condemned Morales’ forced resignation.

Ten days ago, Global Affairs Canada echoed the Trump administration’s criticism of Morales’s first-round election victory. “It is not possible to accept the outcome under these circumstances,” said a Global Affairs statement. “We join our international partners in calling for a second round of elections to restore credibility in the electoral process.”

The Canadian government also financed and promoted an Organization of American States (OAS) effort to discredit Bolivia’s presidential election. In a statement titled “Canada welcomes results of OAS electoral audit mission to Bolivia” Freeland noted, “Canada commends the invaluable work of the OAS audit mission in ensuring a fair and transparent process, which we supported financially and through our expertise.”

The OAS played a crucial role in bolstering right-wing anti-Morales protests after the presidential election on October 20. Morales won the first round, which no one seriously disputes. The dispute is about whether he won by a 10 percent margin, which is the threshold required to avoid a second-round runoff. The official result was 47.07 per cent for Morales and 36.51 per cent for US-backed candidate Carlos Mesa.

Immediately after the election the OAS cried foul. But, the Centre for Economic Policy Research’s (CEPR) report “What Happened in Bolivia’s 2019 Vote Count? The Role of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission” challenges the OAS claims. The CEPR concludes that there is no evidence the election results were affected by fraud or irregularities.

CEPR co-director Mark Weisbrot criticized the OAS for questioning the election results without providing any evidence. “The OAS press statement of October 21 and its preliminary report on the Bolivian elections raise disturbing questions about the organization’s commitment to impartial, professional, electoral observation,” said Weisbrot. “The OAS should investigate to find out how such statements, which may have contributed to political conflict in Bolivia, were made without any evidence whatsoever.”

While backing the ouster of Morales, Trudeau has offered support for beleaguered right-wing leaders in the region. Amidst massive demonstrations against his government, the Prime Minister held a phone conversation 10 days ago with Chilean President Sebastian Piñera who has a 14 percent approval rating. According to the published report of the conversation, Trudeau criticized “election irregularities in Bolivia” and discussed their joint campaign to remove Venezuela’s president. A CTV story noted, “a summary from the Prime Minister’s Office of Trudeau’s phone call with Piñera made no direct mention of the ongoing turmoil in Chile, a thriving country with which Canada has negotiated a free trade agreement.”

In Haiti, the only reason Jovenel Moïse remains president is due in large part to the backing and support of Ottawa, Washington and other members of the so-called “Core Group”. Unlike Bolivia, Haiti is not divided. Basically, everyone wants Moïse to go. Reliable polling is limited, but a poll last month found that 81 percent of Haitians wanted the president to leave. Many are strongly committed to that view, which is why the country’s urban areas have been largely paralyzed since early September.

The Trudeau government is clearly following the Trump administration in backing the removal of Morales. Yet, there has also been conflict between Canadian capital and the Morales government. Executives of Canadian mining companies have criticized Morales and expressed fear over “resource nationalism” in the region more generally.

In 2012, weeks of protest against South American Silver’s operations in central Bolivia — that saw an Indigenous activist killed — prompted the Morales government to nationalize the Vancouver-based company’s mine. Ottawa immediately went to bat for South American Silver. Ed Fast’s spokesman Rudy Husny told the Vancouver Sun the trade minister instructed Canadian officials to “intensify their engagement with the Bolivian government in order to protect and defend Canadian interests and seek a productive resolution of this matter.”

Once again, our government has prioritized the profits of Canadian corporations over the interests of Indigenous peoples. Shame on Trudeau for supporting the ouster of Evo Morales.

Yves Engler has been dubbed “one of the most important voices on the Canadian Left today” (Briarpatch), “in the mould of I.F. Stone” (Globe and Mail), and “part of that rare but growing group of social critics unafraid to confront Canada’s self-satisfied myths” (Quill & Quire). He has published nine books.


Bolivia in the crosshairs of US counter-revolution


A shattered picture frame holding a photograph of deposed Bolivian president Evo Morales. Image courtesy of MintPress News.

Bolivia’s president Evo Morales Ayma has just resigned. Hours earlier, surrounded by leaders of the grassroots mass organizations that serve as a sort of “people’s cabinet,” he had called for new elections and a renovated Supreme Electoral Tribunal to oversee the process. These are political decisions since according to the Constitution he won the elections of October 20.

In essence, Morales resigned to halt a campaign of terror. Paramilitary violence is being practiced by the right-wing and it has escalated. For weeks, those who look Indigenous have been attacked, with several deaths. More recently, a spate of attacks against MAS politicians and journalists has sought to drive fear into the majority of poor and rural Bolivians who deeply identify with the changes brought by 13 years of progressive rule under the guidance of Morales.

The governing party, Movement Toward Socialism (MAS), also made a political decision to ask the Organization of American States (OAS) to conduct a recount before the results were known, and the OAS has just made public preliminary results saying that there were serious problems, however, Evo Morales may well have won the elections. Nevertheless, they advised that new elections be held.

Yesterday, Bolivian social movements in La Paz, the center of government, answered the calls of the right-wing for president Morales to resign with their own ultimatum: That the leaders of the right depart the city of La Paz within 48 hours and leave its inhabitants in peace. They announced that in the face of police mutinies, the social movements would form a civil police force to protect the constitution and its elected representatives. In a tradition of struggle that is hundreds of years old, they announced they would encircle La Paz, however, they would do so peacefully.

The president’s logic is clear: “Bolivia is living moments of conflict with the risk of grave confrontations among Bolivians. As president, my principal mission is to protect life, preserve the peace, social justice, economic stability, and the unity of the Bolivian family.”

The situation is dire and as always, the devil’s in the details that the right-wing press does not divulge. An anatomy of recent events reveals critical factors silenced by the mass media. These factors will unfold in the coming weeks and months in correlation with the international response.

How the coup plan has unfolded

On the evening of election day in Bolivia as votes were being counted, the rightwing candidate Carlos Diego Mesa Gisbert realized that Morales was quite possibly winning in the first round. Mesa took that moment as the opening volley in the planned coup to topple MAS. Mesa abrogated the role of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and declared himself in a run-off election with Morales, the Indigenous president who has led most Bolivians from conditions of nineteenth-century servitude to an era of dignity and national sovereignty.

Mesa’s arrogance is breathtaking. It also mirrors his faith in his funders and handlers, the old elites and the Trump administration. The usual players in the Republican right wish to boycott an Evo Morales administration in Bolivia, and U.S. operatives, in addition to those in the embassy, have been wandering around the countryside to create rightwing foci of resistance.

While the United Nations twice urged all political leaders in Bolivia to avoid violent acts and “follow the legal norms,” the United States is claiming to do the same but in fact promoting a campaign to escalate tensions and delegitimize the elections. It is a pattern that reaches back to the origins of the Movement toward Socialism. Washington gives refuge to the bloodiest of the exiles from the 2003 “Gas War,” among them Carlos Sanchez Berzain, the Defense Minister of ex-president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada (or Goni for short) who killed 67 during the 2003 peaceful protests. They fled the country protected by the US embassy and are reportedly deeply involved in coup plans at present. Sanchez Berzain is leading anti-Evo protests on the turf of right-wing Senator Marco Rubio, of ultra-right fame, in Miami.

The defeated candidate Mesa was coached by the United States on creating a large urban base that is fed astonishing lies, delivered via Facebook and WhatsApp. Mesa was Goni’s vice president in the early 2000s and became president when Goni fled the wrath of the people he massacred. Moreover, Mesa has said all along that he would not recognize any outcome except his own victory, the same stance as his political ally Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, another president close to Washington.

Almost one million votes out of about 7.3 million in total had not been counted when Mesa told the world that massive fraud had occurred, an allegation he has been unable to prove. The uncounted votes on the night the polls closed were overwhelmingly from the countryside and also the exterior, including immigrant workers. Among them were almost 100,000 Bolivians in Argentina of whom 82% voted for MAS.

Mesa knows he has never been a favorite of campesinos nor of immigrant workers living abroad. He also realized that he would keep losing votes to a far-right evangelical candidate. Hence, Mesa and his sponsors wanted the tabulation of votes brought to a dead halt while he still stood less than 10 percentage points distant from Evo’s lead. A 10% point lead is the cut-off point for winning in the first round if the candidate has gained at least 40% of the vote.

Reflect for a moment on Mesa’s strategy: its absurdity, its illegality, and its novelty in the arsenal of U.S. coup strategies that have ranged in this century from kidnappings (in Haiti and Honduras) to parliamentary coups built on a scaffolding of lies (in Paraguay and Brazil). The resounding victory of MAS in the vote of October 20 includes the presidency, almost 85% of all Bolivian municipalities, and a majority in both the Senate and the chamber of deputies.

Right-wing militants unleashed violence that night, long before the rural Acts representing one-seventh of the electorate had arrived at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal. As in the past, these votes have won the contest in Evo’s favor.

Some 100 youth were paid by Mesa and his associates to wreak havoc, according to government intelligence and confessions of youth transporting explosives who were arrested at the airport, and also the deathbed confession to the family of a young man recruited to create street chaos. He was preparing an explosive projectile that misfired and destroyed his head. His family knew he was earning good money but had not known how. Bolivia’s Indigenous cardinal Toribio Ticona, a man who shined shoes and worked in the mines before he became a priest, charged Mesa with responsibility for the mayhem he has directed.

Local electoral tribunals were trashed and set on fire, forcing a person to leap out of the second-story of a burning building, while others fled the blows of the rightwing coalition. At the same time, representatives of all the parties, including Mesa’s, had people inside the tribunals verifying the vote count. It was an odd way to stop electoral fraud. In several zones of the city of La Paz, right-wing attacks against election officials achieved the theft of their packages of votes being delivered from the countryside, and one of the packages was burned. In the more well-heeled sections of La Paz, thousands of right-wing demonstrators took the streets, humiliating women in Indigenous dress and police who were protecting government buildings.

The not-so-new paramilitaries

Those who attack with violence run the gamut of opposition movements over recent years, among them a group of dissident coca growers tied to narcotrafficking; a sector of miners abandoned to their own devices in the 1980s when mass layoffs imposed by the government shook the country, and these particular miners made common cause with the mining oligarchy; a sector of La Paz teachers that has always resisted MAS from a position at the far left of the political spectrum; and a sector of doctors and medical students that has been on strike who are opposed to the progressive expansion of free health care to cover all citizens. Various right-wing civic committees such as that of the city of Potosi announced far in advance that they would boycott elections. The youth of the city of Santa Cruz organized in “shock brigades” have been trying to kill people they call Indigenous since the start of the MAS era. Often, their violence takes place in the context of secession efforts by lowland elites.

Lowland Santa Cruz is a proudly mestizo and white heartland of agro-industry whose elite attempted to break the Movement toward Socialism with the guidance of the U.S. ambassador in 2008, adopting the symbols of the crusades. The hyper-racist president of the Santa Cruz civic committee has emerged as a power comparable to Mesa. His name is Luis Fernando Camacho and in the tradition of those elites he represents, Camacho positions himself as the voice of white superiority inspired by “my Christ the Redeemer.” He looks like he has just arrived from the golf course, he is alleged to have taken part in the Panama Papers tax-dodge scandal, and his methods are fascist. Supported by the arch-conservative politicians of Santa Cruz, he is coordinating paramilitary attacks.

In 2008, the Union of Santa Cruz Youth (UJC by its initials in Spanish) gained international attention as fascists by reason of their symbols, their language and their actions, as the fighting arm of elites who tried to secede from the Plurinational State of Bolivia led by Morales. “Brother Evo,” as he is known to his peers, belongs to a people known for their courage, the Aymara of the high Andean plain. Like many, his family migrated in the neoliberal crisis of the last century, and from harvesting potatoes and herding llamas, they turned to growing coca in the subtropical stretches bordering the Amazon that gave rise to one of Latin America’s most battle-tested labor movements. The middle-class UJC youth abhor everything Morales represents, and in those early years, the president was not able to travel to Santa Cruz due to their death threats.

UJC is part of a hemispheric network of right-wing paramilitary forces and has received ample support from its international allies. Appearing to be well-fed youth if we are to judge by their physique, they fight with bare torsos and have a fondness for liquor, even according to their leader Fernando Camacho who harangued them, “We cannot disrespect our Christ by continually drinking and listening to music.” When they don shirts, they are black shirts.

Alongside that tight-knit group built on a kind of white-settler pride, the political right has been recruiting young criminals nationwide with the lure of drugs and money. For those who are university youth, often their presence is less costly: Their professors make their grades contingent on their participation. The La Paz public university is the operational center for warehousing of arms and explosives and lodging youth trained in paramilitary techniques, recalling events in Nicaragua in 2018. They enjoy the protection of the Rector, Waldo Albarracin, who controls the autonomous space of that institution.

After winning, Evo’s observations about the opposition became much more direct: “Where did they come from? The come from the dictatorships …(and) they passed the government back and forth between them from 1985 to 2003.” He asked, “Where did (Samuel) Doria Medina come from: From (implementing) the privatizations. Tuto (Jorge) Quiroga? (From being vice president to the dictator) Banzer.”

Fernando Camacho for his part oversaw the burnings of homes and vehicles, beatings and provocations, and warned at a rally that his method of punishing traitors was the same as that of the infamous Colombian narcotrafficker Pablo Escobar, charged with 5,500 killings. Camacho added that the discovery of traitors would be followed by jail sentences rather than murder. Curiously, at just about that juncture, Mesa changed his stance from that of favoring an OAS recount of the votes, now taking place, to being categorically against that recount (Mesa’s actions are detailed below).

In his latest tactic, Camacho gave an ultimatum to resign to leftist and Indigenous president Evo Morales Ayma, who just won the elections by 47.08 percent as opposed to 36.51 percent garnered by the right. Camacho reportedly plans to guide the lowland region of Santa Cruz into secession from Bolivia, and then win the civil war that he hopes to incite.

The targets of right-wing wrath

As is true anywhere, the majority of the people in the sprawling city of Santa Cruz are poor, mainly migrants from the Indigenous nations of the Amazon and Chaco or the Aymara and Quechua nations of the high Andes. One-third of Santa Cruz has always voted for the political project of MAS –the same proportion as that of the left in many other countries– and in Santa Cruz the number of MAS votes is rising. When the poor were brutalized and sent to the hospital, a crowd gathered outside the hospital shouting, “Camacho, assassin!” and “We don’t want any strike, we want to work.”

Working-class residents of La Paz expressed their fear of the impending violence when Mesa challenged the vote count on October 20. Said one woman, “They hate us” – she is Indigenous – “and everything we have won, they want to destroy. Mesa killed us with Goni, and they want to return to that time.”

Since the right is trying to shut down the country, they attack vendors and storekeepers who resist the call for a general strike and they have brought to a halt the city of Santa Cruz. There, youths enter working-class neighbourhoods known to be bastions of MAS, armed with bats, sticks and explosives. Now they are using homemade bazookas and sticks with nails embedded. Their racist epithets are constant. They destroy local MAS campaign headquarters and the offices of campesino groups. One hundred UJC youth tried to lynch journalists.

Rightwing students in Sucre, who shut down the constitutional assembly in that city years ago and badly bloodied Indigenous campesinos, this October set the electoral tribunal on fire. Others attacked the president’s home in Cochabamba. In the lowland, tropical department of Pando, at 2:00 am long after the tribunal declared a victory for MAS, 150 motorcyclists from the right-wing forces attacked the home of the governor who was forced to flee to safety with his small children and his wife.

Cabinet ministers are receiving threatening phone messages and social media calls are being made to target their homes, with vandalism committed against the property of growing a number of them. Said the Minister of Government Carlos Romero whose children are receiving threats from the opposition: “I am right here if you need to threaten someone, but don’t threaten my children.”

After days of right-wing attacks, in the city of Montero in Santa Cruz, people of the age of the parents of the youths started clearing the debris and removing the blockades. UJC leaders got word, and transported armed youths to the scene. Their leader said, “If it’s bullets they want, I’ll give them bullets.” In cold blood, two of the MAS supporters were then killed, Marcelo Terrazas and Mario Salvatierra. One of the accused killers was dressed in full camouflage gear with all but his eyes covered by a black bandana, in other words, he was dressed like a paramilitary. The alleged killers and a number of their accomplices have been arrested.

The lies of the losing candidate

Mesa is notorious for his lies, one of the most infamous being his promise of justice, made when Goni fled, for those killed and injured in 2003. Unconscionably, the turmoil he unleashed in recent weeks had the public support of none other than the Organization of American States (OAS). They seemed to be joined at the hip with Mesa. The OAS was at that point demanding a second round of elections, in violation of Bolivia’s constitution. They called for a special meeting on Bolivia at their headquarters in Washington, with an ominous representation of less than admirable politicians: The governments of Brazil, Colombia and, lastly, Venezuela, by which they mean the U.S.-installed puppet Juan Guaido, who has been in the news these past few days for the revelation of his pact with Colombian paramilitaries, in which he contracted their violent services in exchange for allowing them control of the Colombo-Venezuelan border.

The actions of the OAS are unconscionable because they declared the vote count in Bolivia had stopped, however that assertion was one of Mesa’s lies. The country of Mexico took the lead in rejecting the favoritism of the OAS mission toward the right.

The official vote tabulation never halted. What stopped was the rapid count, called the Transmission of Preliminary Electoral Results or TREP in the Spanish acronym. The prior agreement was that TREP would only tabulate 80% of the total vote. On Sunday evening, October 20, having reached 83.85% of the total vote, TREP measured a lead of 4% by Evo Morales Ayma over Mesa. Mesa said the TREP count proved there was going to be a run-off election between the two of them and demanded a TREP count of 100%. He claimed that a count of 100% had been promised. Mesa was lying, according to the highest levels of MAS leadership.

Though it was not part of the original plan, the TREP count was reinitiated and the following night, Monday, at 23:59 hours, TREP made public new results representing 95.63% of the entire vote, showing that Evo Morales had won in the first round by the necessary 10% difference over Mesa.

At that point, Mesa executed an about-face and insisted that TREP had joined a massive fraud against him. For the record, when Mesa won with Goni against MAS, the difference was just 42,242 votes, while today, MAS has won by over 640,000 votes. Clearly, Mesa would be satisfied with nothing less than overturning the elections.

At the time the polls were closed, 12 copies of the Act that sums up the votes at each polling place, signed by the representatives of each political party, were distributed among them. A photograph of the Act was also sent via the internet to the Supreme Electoral authorities. These photos are available to the public on-line and easily investigated.

But those who allege foul play are not investigating anything, they are fanning what Bolivians of diverse political persuasions are calling “a psychosis.” Mesa’s few claims of fraud in the Acts that record the votes of each polling station, presented to the authorities, have been shown to be errors that were corrected, according to evidence on the same sheet of paper that was hidden from public view when Mesa’s forces made the argument for fraud.

Middle-class militants are fervent believers in the idea of stolen elections, absent real evidence. Meanwhile, the right-wing is encouraging panic buying of foodstuffs and for those who have cars, filling their tanks. It is a recipe for inflation. The MAS government has managed to guarantee food provision in most of the country with the exception of Santa Cruz.

The OAS agreed to the request made by the winning party MAS to recount the vote. Their condition is that the two leading candidates would accept the results as binding. That recount started on October 31 and is due to conclude on November 13. Mesa is now refusing to submit alleged proofs of fraud to the OAS, claiming the OAS is a pawn of MAS.

Mesa’s lies spare no one. Most recently, he claimed that the recount of the vote requested by the winning party was arranged unilaterally with the Organization of American States. The OAS had to publicly challenge Mesa, who at that point conceded that the OAS had telephoned him repeatedly to win Mesa’s consent to abide by the recount.

The Bolivian people versus the thuggery of the right

Workers and campesinos have declared a state of emergency against the return of the “privatizing oligarchs.” They organized enormous marches in the department of La Paz, the heartland of Aymara resistance which ignited the massive protests of 2003 that brought down president Goni. Bystanders applauded them as the social movements arrived from the edge of the vast canyon in El Alto to its depths in La Paz.

The intransigence of Mesa and Luis Fernando Camacho is clear, as their militants descend into an abyss of chaos. On November 6 they attacked thousands of Indigenous women in Cochabamba who marched with their children in support of Evo Morales. The racist rage of the right-wing is there for all to see. Women in Indigenous dress were kidnapped, and MAS mayor Patricia Arce (formerly a campesino union leader), was beaten, dragged through the dirt and doused with red paint in ritual fashion. She was made to kneel and beg for forgiveness. It is a “punishment” that the right uses repeatedly. Women in the grassroots of MAS point out that it is their sons who are being paid to join the shock brigades and attack their own mothers.

Massive rejection of the right-wing violence now includes many of those who voted for Mesa, some high churchmen close to the oligarchy, and tens of thousands of women who have marched in the last weeks, first to demand respect for the rural and Indigenous vote and then to decry the cruelties unleashed against those marching women. Bolivia has one of the highest representations of women politicians on earth and putting aside political affiliations, they have urged their compatriots to abjure violence. The rationality of MAS, the United Nations, the vast Indigenous and campesino populations and their urban relatives, and millions of mobilized women is such that the escalating savagery of the right can only be explained by a single factor: U.S. patronage.

Cindy Forster is the Chair of Latin American Studies and a Professor of History at Scripps College.


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Haïti au bord du gouffre: «pour rester au pouvoir, le Président Moïse devra massacrer les gens»


Haïti est à nouveau plongé dans le chaos. Émeutes, écoles et hôpitaux fermés, forces de l’ordre attaquées: une guerre civile pourrait-elle bientôt éclater? Sputnik fait le point avec Frantz Voltaire, directeur du Centre International de Documentation et d’Information Haïtienne, Caribéenne et Afro-canadienne.

Haïti, ce petit pays antillais de 11 millions d’habitants, s’enfonce de plus en plus dans le chaos et la violence.

Depuis février 2019, des citoyens multiplient les manifestations pour dénoncer la corruption et l’économie en chute libre. Les opposants au Président Jovenel Moïse l’accusent notamment d’avoir détourné des fonds du Petrocaribe, un prêt accordé à Haïti par le Venezuela. Menée par la Cour supérieure des comptes, une enquête a déjà conclu que le Président avait participé à cette fraude.

Signe d’une situation qui empire, un couple de Français a été tué par balles le 25 novembre dernier dans la capitale de Port-au-Prince, où ils venaient d’atterrir. Selon l’Onu, au moins 42 personnes ont été tuées depuis la mi-septembre lors de manifestations organisées contre le Président soutenu par Washington.

Une situation qui se dégrade à vue d’œil 

Selon Frantz Voltaire, si la situation s’est quelque peu calmée récemment dans la capitale, les manifestations pourraient rapidement y reprendre de plus belle. M. Voltaire est le directeur du Centre International de Documentation et d’Information Haïtienne, Caribéenne et Afro-canadienne, situé à Montréal. En entrevue, il dépeint une situation pour le moins catastrophique, évoquant notamment la fermeture des écoles et des hôpitaux ainsi que les routes bloquées par des gens armés.

«Il y a un début d’accalmie depuis que le Président Moïse a rencontré l’ambassadrice américaine à l’Onu, Mme Kelly Craft. Le fait que les États-Unis aient réitéré leur appui au Président en place a quelque peu calmé la situation. Il n’en demeure pas moins que le niveau d’insécurité atteint des sommets. À Port-au-Prince, la situation s’est un peu améliorée, mais les manifestations se poursuivent dans les autres villes du pays», souligne Frantz Voltaire à notre micro.

Ce grand spécialiste d’Haïti estime que son pays d’origine a très peu de chances de sortir rapidement de cette crise. Incapables de s’entendre, les deux camps tendraient de plus en plus à se «radicaliser». La population serait en grande majorité favorable à la destitution du Président Moïse, alors que ce dernier compterait sur l’appareil étatique et surtout sur le soutien des États-Unis pour mater la révolte. En février dernier, malgré la grande impopularité du Président, l’ambassadrice américaine en Haïti est même allée lui renouveler son appui dans la capitale.

«Il y a une sorte de trêve qui n’est pas très claire: on ne sait pas du tout combien de temps elle va durer. [...] L’opposition n’arrive pas à renverser le Président, tandis que paradoxalement le pouvoir ne gouverne rien... Le Président ne dirige que par la force. Nous sommes dans une impasse et nous ne voyons poindre à l’horizon aucune solution. La radicalisation des positions est telle que les deux camps demeurent incapables de trouver une solution moyenne», précise l’historien et documentariste.

En plus de la pénurie d’essence et des pannes d’électricité récurrentes, M. Voltaire pointe le rôle des gangs criminels sur l’ancienne île d’Hispaniola, certains agissant comme les «milices personnelles» de politiciens. Des politiques sont d’ailleurs eux-mêmes armés. Le 23 septembre dernier, le sénateur Jean-Marie Ralph Fethière tirait à bout portant sur des manifestants ayant pris d’assaut le Parlement. Le sénateur a aussi blessé un journaliste de l’agence Associated Press.

«Il y a de graves problèmes d’insécurité. Dans certaines zones, les gangs criminels imposent leur loi. Dans certains cas, des gangs agissent pour le compte de gens du pouvoir liés au Président ou pour d’autres politiciens et parlementaires ayant leur propre rapport à l’État. Nous sommes dans une situation chaotique. [...] Ces gangs se lient à des gens du pouvoir, car ils n’ont pas encore les ressources nécessaires pour devenir autonomes, comme certains groupes au Mexique», analyse M. Voltaire.

Dans ce contexte, une guerre civile pourrait-elle bientôt éclater? Frantz Voltaire n’en est pas si sûr, car la situation présente «ne ferait pas ressortir deux camps bien définis»:

«Pour rester au pouvoir, le Président Moïse devra massacrer les gens. Dans le contexte actuel, je doute fort que cela puisse se produire. La perspective d’une guerre civile n’est pas un scénario que j’anticipe, puisque la situation est trop chaotique. Une guerre civile oppose clairement deux camps qui sont des groupes organisés. En Haïti, la guerre civile est une hypothèse qu’on ne peut jamais écarter, mais la dynamique actuelle, très complexe, ne s’y prête pas tout à fait», a-t-il conclu.


Trump Got His Wall, After All


IN THE TWO YEARS AND 308 DAYS THAT DONALD Trump has been president, he has constructed zero miles of wall along the southern border of the United States. He has, to be fair, replaced or reinforced 76 miles of existing fence and signed it with a sharpie. A private group has also built a barrier less than a mile long with some help from Steve Bannon and money raised on GoFundMe. But along the 2,000 miles from Texas to California, there is no blockade of unscalable steel slats in heat-retaining matte black, no electrified spikes, no moat and no crocodiles. The animating force of Trump’s entire presidency—the idea that radiated a warning of dangerous bigotry to his opponents and a promise of unapologetic nativism to his supporters—will never be built in the way he imagined.

And it doesn’t matter. In the two years and 308 days that Donald Trump has been president, his administration has constructed far more effective barriers to immigration. No new laws have actually been passed. This transformation has mostly come about through subtle administrative shifts—a phrase that vanishes from an internal manual, a form that gets longer, an unannounced revision to a website, a memo, a footnote in a memo. Among immigration lawyers, the cumulative effect of these procedural changes is known as the invisible wall.

In the two years after Trump took office, denials for H1Bs, the most common form of visa for skilled workers, more than doubled. In the same period, wait times for citizenship also doubled, while average processing times for all kinds of visas jumped by 46 percent, even as the quantity of applications went down. In 2018, the United States added just 200,000 immigrants to the population, a startling 70 percent less than the year before.

Before Trump was elected, there was virtually no support within either party for policies that make it harder for foreigners to come here legally. For decades, the Republican consensus has favored tough border security along with high levels of legal immigration. The party’s small restrictionist wing protested from the margins, but it was no match for a pro-immigration coalition encompassing business interests, unions and minority groups. In 2013, then-Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions introduced an amendment that would have lowered the number of people who qualified for green cards and work visas. It got a single vote in committee—his own. As a former senior official at the Department of Homeland Security observed, “If you told me these guys would be able to change the way the U.S. does immigration in two years, I would have laughed.”


Senior adviser Stephen Miller is usually regarded as the White House’s immigration mastermind, but his maneuvering is only a sliver of the story. The most fine-grained and consequential changes would never have been possible without a group of like-minded figures stationed in relevant parts of the government—particularly the United States Citizenship and Immigration Service, the agency within DHS that administers visas. Early in Trump’s presidency, said the former DHS official, there was a “strategic sprinkling” of people who “shared a common vision and were ready to outwork everybody.” They included Gene Hamilton, Miller’s “terrible sword at DHS” (his actual title was senior counselor to the secretary), and Francis Cissna, the soft-spoken former head of USCIS whom colleagues describe as “an encyclopaedia of immigration law” and “a total immigration nerd.” “If you said to him, what’s on page 468, second paragraph” of the Immigration and Nationality Act, another former DHS official marveled, “he would quote it to you.”

Amidst the chaos at DHS, the restrictionists have already radically scaled back America’s asylum and refugee programs for years to come. But no category of immigrant ( 1 ) The major avenues for legal immigration are via family (including marriage), employment and humanitarian programs for refugees and asylum seekers.has escaped the uptick of denials and delays—not the Palestinian student with a Harvard scholarship who was deported upon landing in Boston, or the Australian business owner forced to leave after building a life here. Not the Bolshoi Ballet stars who somehow failed to meet the criteria of accomplished artists, or the Iraqi translators who risked their lives for the U.S. military and whose annual admissions went from 325 to just two after the change in administration. Then there are the consequences that are harder to capture in headlines or statistics: the couples whose marriages broke down when the foreign spouse was forced to wait far longer than usual in their home country, and the unknown number of people who have abandoned the attempt to stay because of financial hardship or the strain of living with a level of uncertainty that becomes untenable.

“What became clear to me early on was that these guys wanted to shut down every avenue to get into the U.S.,” the first former senior DHS official said. “They wanted to reduce the number of people who could get in under any category: illegals, legals, refugees, asylum seekers—everything. And they wanted to reduce the number of foreigners already here through any means possible.” No government in modern memory has been this dedicated to limiting every form of immigration to the United States. To find one that was, you have to go a long way back, to 1924.


“ANATION OF IMMIGRANTS”—THESE FOUR WORDS, ( 2 ) The phrase was popularized by John F. Kennedy, who used it as the title of his 1958 book.genius in their concision, mask the messiest of histories. People like to recall that George Washington wanted America to “be an Asylum to the persecuted of the earth.” Less often praised: Ben Franklin’s contention that immigrants are “the most ignorant Stupid Sort of their own Nation.” Americans have been having some version of this argument ever since. And for much of the country’s existence, public opinion towards immigration has ranged from tepid to hostile. As Daniel Tichenor, author of the comprehensive history, “Dividing Lines,” puts it, “We love the immigrant past and dread the immigrant present.”

One rare exception came after the Civil War, when the country was desperate to replace the men who had died on the battlefield. A flourishing postwar confidence revived the idea that the country could absorb a never-ending stream of foreigners and fuse their best characteristics into that superior being, an American.

The turn began in the 1880s. Extremes of wealth had sparked massive labor strikes; out West, people fretted that the land was running out. Now, newcomers were a threat, and the more foreign they seemed, the more threatening they were. An early warning was the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first-ever prohibition of all people of a specific race. Over the next decade, a surge of European migrants accounted for 40 percent of population growth. From the 1890s, this wave was dominated not by English, Scandanavians, Germans or Irish, but by poorer southern and eastern Europeans and Russian Jews. As the country slid into a long depression, the new immigrants became the source and the target of a tinderbox anxiety. There were lynchings of Italians in New Orleans; attacks on Jewish farmers by Mississippi nightriders; a riot against Russian Jewish factory workers in New Jersey.


For decades, nativists in Congress tried and failed to translate this hostility into new immigration laws. It wasn’t until the early 1920s, after Warren Harding was elected president on an “America First” platform, that two Republican lawmakers, Representative Albert Johnson and Senator David Reed, finally realized a restrictionist dream: a comprehensive racial quota system devised to keep American bloodlines pure. “[T]he country would never be the same,” wrote John Higham in his definitive account of American nativism, “Strangers in the Land”—“either in its social structure or in its habits of mind.”

To build the public case for their legislation, Johnson and Reed teamed up with the leading eugenicists of the day. Johnson enlisted Harry Laughlin, who in 1936 received an honorary degree from a German university for his contributions to the “science of racial cleansing,” to conduct research for the House Immigration Committee. Johnson also worked closely with Madison Grant, whose manifesto, “The Passing of the Great Race,” is a deranged codification of white men into three “races” of descending desirability—Nordics, Alpines and Mediterraneans. Grant’s conclusion, drawn from spurious analyses of skull shape and nose width, was that the new immigrants should be scientifically excluded from the definition of whiteness. They were “human flotsam … breeding out their masters and killing by filth and by crowding as effectively as by the sword.”

In 1924, President Calvin Coolidge signed the Johnson-Reed Act, which accorded with his own belief that that “America must be kept American.” The law would ultimately shut down most immigration except for a meager inflow dominated by people Madison Grant would have called Nordics. Everyone else faced waitlists of 10 to 75 years, depending on the quota allotted to their country of origin. The law also birthed a national immigration bureaucracy—what Tichenor calls “an increasingly elaborate immigration control system of racist design.”

Until this point, nearly everyone who arrived at a port of entry like Ellis Island was admitted to the United States. There was no requirement for a visa. Johnson-Reed was deliberately engineered to prevent most immigrants from ever boarding a steamship, by requiring them to obtain visas from U.S. consulates abroad. The State Department, which ran the consulates, was notoriously anti-Semitic: In 1921, the chief of the Consular Service supplied a report to Congress describing Jewish people as “filthy, un-American, and often dangerous in their habits.” By the 1930s, as Hitler launched his assault on the Jews of Europe, the new visa system was perfectly calibrated not to help the growing ranks of refugees, but to keep them out.

In 1934, President Franklin Roosevelt ordered consulates to give Jewish refugees “the most humane and favorable treatment possible under law.” After that, admissions actually went down. Mere presidential preference was no match for the immigration bureaucracy, which erected, in the words of historian David Wyman, a formidable “paper wall.”

The paper wall’s architect was Samuel Miller Breckinridge Long—Breckinridge Long to the public. Thin and rangy, intermittently beset by nervous ailments, Long was born to a family that was practically Confederate aristocracy. He’d glided through Princeton, married into money and spent a good deal of his career as a bureaucrat of middling talents. Thanks to his old pal “Frank” Roosevelt, in 1939 he was put in charge of refugee admissions, though he had no relevant experience. From then on, Roosevelt essentially abdicated refugee policy to Long because he was so spooked by the politics: In 1938, the year of Kristallnacht, 86 percent of Americans opposed an emergency increase of refugee admissions.


From the nativists' perspective, Long was the best possible man for the moment. He believed the overwhelming majority of refugees were propagandists, subversives, freeloaders and derelicts. And he knew exactly how to protect his country from the “alien influx”—with the merciless application of rules, regulations, procedures and forms.

In 1940, Long issued a memo instructing subordinates to avoid granting visas to European refugees for a “temporary period of indefinite length.” From today's vantage point, his methods are eerily familiar. “We could do this by simply advising our consuls to put every obstacle in the way and to require additional evidence and resort to various administrative devices which would postpone and postpone and postpone the granting of the visas,” he explained. Later, he would crow in his diary: “The cables practically stopping immigration went!”

Consular officials had enormous latitude in determining a refugee’s fate. In France, you had to obtain an exit visa, a transit visa, an entry visa for the U.S., moral and political affidavits of support, certificates of good behavior and a paid ticket for the ship. You couldn’t get a visa without a ticket, which were sold out months in advance, and you couldn’t get a ticket without a visa, which were only valid for four months, and if just one of your documents had expired on the day of departure, you had to start all over again.


One of the most powerful tools employed by visa officials was the public charge rule—a component of federal law which states that a person can’t be admitted to the United States if they are likely to become a burden on the state. Although the rule had been on the books since 1882, it was barely observed until the Depression. Under Long, consulates wielded it with abandon. To Jewish refugees of Nazi Germany, the rule must have seemed like a sadistic joke, since throughout the 1930s they had been forced to relinquish up to 90 percent of their capital when they left the country. Even if they were lucky enough to have American financial sponsors, the standards of proof were constantly shifting. As a result, there were multiple years after Hitler seized power in which the U.S. did not fill its annual quota of just under 30,000 immigrants from Germany. In 1938, for example, the State Department admitted 19,552 former residents of the Third Reich, not all of whom were Jewish.

And yet Breckinridge Long wasn’t satisfied. Convinced Germany was infiltrating America with spies disguised as refugees, he created, for the first time, a centralized immigration processing system based in Washington. Applicants submitted letters of support, financial records and character testimonies. Sponsors were scrutinized. Five committees from different agencies reviewed every application. After that, the flow of refugees nearly stopped altogether. In a speech, Representative Emanuel Cellar blamed Long for the “gruesome bottleneck.” He observed: “It takes months and months to grant the visas and then it usually applies to a corpse.”


In January 1944, Treasury Secretary Robert Morgenthau demanded a meeting with Roosevelt and Long to discuss the situation. He came armed with an investigative memo, which he titled “Report to the Secretary on the Acquiescence of This Government in the Murder of the Jews.” It documented Long’s machinations in devastating detail. Roosevelt immediately agreed to create a War Refugee Board outside Long’s control. Its work during the remainder of the war demonstrated just how many more lives could have been saved: According to Wyman, it managed to rescued around 200,000 people in 18 months.

Long fumed at his demotion, raging to his diary that he had been “thrown to the wolves.” One of his great regrets was that he no longer enjoyed the favor of his old friend Frank. The loss of status gnawed at him. He retired by the end of 1944, and after writing a memoir that failed to find a publisher, mostly concentrated on breeding race horses, which usually lost. To the end of his life, according to his biographer, Neil Rolde, he never acknowledged, or apparently even realized, the magnitude of what he had done.

And yet even after the horrors of the Nazi regime were fully revealed, Johnson-Reed wasn’t overturned for another two decades. The law that replaced it, the Hart-Cellar Act of 1965, is often celebrated as the moment that America opened its doors to the world. At the time, though, its authors had more modest goals. Shamed into action by the civil rights movement, they planned to abolish the racial quotas and create a merit system allowing for limited immigration from outside of Europe.

It was only a last-minute nativist intervention that turned the law into something very different. An antsy Democratic congressman named Michael Feighan secured a provision allowing people to qualify through family ties as well—reasoning that since most immigrants were white, it would protect the racial status quo. “The bill that we sign today is not a revolutionary bill,” President Lyndon Johnson promised. “It will not upset the ethnic mix of our society,” Senator Ted Kennedy agreed.

Instead, the law changed the composition of America by accident. Among other things, Feighan completely failed to consider that people from non-European countries would qualify under the merit system and then sponsor their relatives, the process restrictionists term “chain migration.” ( 3 ) “Congress was saying … 'We need to open the door for some more British doctors, some more German engineers,’” sociologist Stephen Klineberg told NPR. “It never occurred to anyone, literally, that there were going to be African doctors, Indian engineers, Chinese computer programmers who’d be able, for the first time in the 20th century, to immigrate to America.”The foreign-born population grew from 9.6 million in 1965 to 45 million in 2015, with 90 percent of those new arrivals coming from outside Europe—mostly from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The United States became, wrote historian Aristide Zolberg, “the first nation to mirror humanity.” To restrictionists, the 1965 reforms are the original sin, the moment when America betrayed its workers, sacrificed a mythic social cohesion and placed the country’s heritage and its future at mortal risk. And ever since, reversing those reforms has been their overriding goal.


BACK WHEN JEFF SESSIONS WAS A U.S. SENATOR, HE routinely selected a few staffers to join him in his office for a seminar-style discussion of whatever happened to be on his mind that day. Increasingly over the years, the subject was immigration. These conversations could last for hours. Some staffers surreptitiously tried to work on their phones while the senator dialed up an academic or wended his way through an idea as if preparing to argue a case before a jury. But Sessions’ communications director, Stephen Miller, was invigorated by the intellectual exchange. “They kind of fed off each other,” said one regular attendee. Late in the day, Sessions often took Miller along to his hideaway—the unmarked nook each senator has near the chamber. There, Sessions would decant that day’s conversation into a speech written on a legal pad and deliver it on the floor. “I don’t know how many people listened,” a former staffer said.

Miller, though, was paying close attention. He’d been railing against immigrants since his high school days as a minor conservative talk radio celebrity in Santa Monica, but his vitriol tended towards the generic—immigrants shouldn’t speak Spanish; their communities were incubators for terrorism and crime. By contrast, Sessions’ desire to curb immigration was part of a wider set of concerns about Americans who had been shut out of the modern economy, underpinned by a cohesive historical argument. On numerous occasions, he praised Johnson-Reed, ignoring its explicitly racist motivations and painting it simply as an effort by Coolidge to raise wages, as well as the sole engine of America’s postwar prosperity.


Similar historical references were cropping up in Miller’s private emails, too. In a series of messages from 2015 obtained by the Southern Poverty Law Center, Miller pinged Breitbart reporter Katie McHugh with ideas for stories celebrating “the heritage established by Calvin Coolidge” and lamenting the damage done by the 1965 legislation. The culmination of the Miller-Sessions mindmeld was a 25-page primer hand-delivered to every Republican congressional office that year. Written by Miller, it lauded the 1924 reforms for ushering in “a sustained slowdown that allowed wages to rise, assimilation to occur, and the middle class to emerge.” It would become a foundational document for the Trump campaign’s immigration platform.

The day after Trump’s election victory, Gene Hamilton started assembling a team to develop an immigration roadmap for the transition and beyond. Hamliton, then a legal adviser to Sessions in his thirties, relied heavily on staffers for Sessions and Senator Chuck Grassley, whose offices had for years been a lonely beacon for restrictionist groups like the Federation for American Immigration Reform, or FAIR; the Center for Immigration Studies and NumbersUSA. From the outset, according to “Border Wars,” by Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Michael Shear, Hamilton’s small braintrust knew they had to fight on two fronts—against liberal-minded career staffers and mainstream Republican appointees wedded to the status quo.

Hamilton himself had a deep knowledge of DHS ( 4 ) Before working for Sessions, Hamilton had spent two years working for various DHS offices, and also interned at Immigration and Customs Enforcement while in law school.and a knack for the inside game, both of which became valuable assets when he joined the department. “He would take the pen on a lot of things,” the former DHS official said—meaning he’d assume responsibility for writing a document, giving him the power to set the terms of the debate and the process. “He was sort of the political commissar,” another former senior DHS official explained. “You had to work with him to make sure you weren’t going to get your legs chopped out underneath you.”

For USCIS director, Hamilton recommended Cissna, a DHS lawyer who’d spent the past two years detailed to Grassley’s office. “Our family is literally a product of our nation’s legal immigration system,” Cissna said at his confirmation hearing, explaining that his grandparents were Peruvian, his wife’s family was Middle Eastern and that he only spoke Spanish to his kids at home. Although he largely shared Miller’s policy goals, his position on immigration “wasn’t a race thing,” the second former DHS senior official told me. Instead, the official said, Cissna saw himself as a “steward of the law,” which he believed should be enforced according to the narrowest interpretation. Quiet and not overtly political, he was nonetheless a canny operator. When he took over at USCIS, “he knew which small things could change to have a big effect,” said Mark Krikorian, the executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies. “He couldn’t be bamboozled by bureaucrats. He knew their job in a way a lot of political appointees don’t.”


Kathy Nuebel Kovarik, a veteran Grassley staffer, was put in charge of the USCIS policy office a couple of weeks after her former boss recommended her to Trump via tweet. (“@POTUS If u want a real expert on fixing H1B a former staffer of mine just moved to HomelandSecurity Call my office I will tell WHO SHE IS.”) She brought in Robert Law, FAIR’s governmental relations director, as her senior adviser. Law was smart but rigid. “You couldn’t convince him of anything he didn’t already believe,” said a person who worked with him at USCIS. Along with other alumni of restrictionist groups, ( 5 ) Julie Kirchner, a former FAIR executive director, became USCIS ombudsman, and Jon Feere, a former CIS analyst, became a senior adviser at ICE.Law became a resource for some DHS officials who lacked an immigration background but found the issue consuming their jobs. “They could tell you, this is the law, this is the history of it. It was fascinating,” said one. “They had been following this for decades.”

At first, things didn’t move as nearly quickly as Miller and Hamilton wanted, mostly because of Trump’s first DHS Secretary, John Kelly. “He was a difficult guy for people to mess with. Even Stephen Miller,” recalled the former DHS official. It wasn’t until Kelly became White House chief of staff in July 2017, another former official explained, that Miller was able to “consolidate his strength.”

A couple of months later, a meeting was convened at the department, with the acting secretary, Elaine Duke, the most senior figure present. According to a person who was there, Hamilton abruptly took control of the gathering, cutting Duke out of the conversation completely. “Everyone was looking at each other. We’d never seen anything like this—a guy with no standing [taking over the meeting].”

Hamilton informed the group they needed to produce memos outlining how to enact 10 White House policy priorities, including how to get rid of a 20-day limit on holding children in detention and how to use family separation to discourage migration. He wanted the memos within days.

The DHS policy office started work according to normal operating procedure—gathering information and assessing the legality and merits of the proposals. Normally, this would take months. “It drove the White House crazy,” said the former DHS official. “Duke’s chief of staff kept asking, ‘Dude, where are the memos?’ He was getting pounded by the White House.” Many of the memos were never produced, the official added, because “some of the [ideas] were so clearly bad.” (Hamilton didn’t respond to a request for comment.)


At USCIS, the pressure to scrap old policies and roll out new ones was relentless. In theory, the chief counsel’s office was supposed to conduct thorough legal analyses of all new initiatives. Sometimes the office was cut out of the loop; sometimes lawyers were informed of a new memo the day before it dropped, requiring them to scramble till midnight or later to ensure it met basic legal standards. Comment skirmishes broke out within draft documents, with career staff inserting concerns and political appointees stripping them out. The political appointees “really didn’t care about the operational impact of different policies or litigation concerns,” recalled a former agency lawyer. Hamilton himself has essentially confirmed this. “That sounds like the craziest policy you could ever have,” he said in a deposition when asked if DHS had assessed the litigation risk of ending Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. “You could never do anything if you were always worried about being sued.”

Kovarik and Law also pushed staffers to dig up evidence for their preferred policies, even when the facts didn’t oblige. For instance, they insisted on advancing the termination of temporary protected status ( 6 ) A temporary status provided to nationals of certain countries experiencing problems that make it difficult or unsafe to return there.for several “shithole countries”—the president’s term—even when experts at State and USCIS recommended extensions. The problem with the official analysis for Haiti, Kovarik explained to a career staffer in an October 2017 email, “is that it reads as though we’d recommend an extension because we talk so much about how bad it is.” The staffer replied, carefully, "We can comb through the country conditions to try to see what else there might be, but the basic problem is that it IS bad there.” Later that month, Law assigned an “important research project” to a low-level employee. “I need positive data on the current status of Haiti to bolster the recommendation to terminate TPS. Improvements or the like that I can plug in,” he wrote. “Be creative.”

In a separate exchange, Cissna complained that staffers hadn’t done a very elegant job of massaging the facts in order to end TPS status for Sudan. "The memo reads like one person who strongly supports extending TPS for Sudan wrote everything up to the recommendation section and then someone who opposes extension snuck up behind the first guy, clubbed him over the head, pushed his senseless body of out of the way, and finished the memo,” he wrote.

Even though USCIS had announced plans to kill DACA and end TPS for six countries, the political appointees were being bombarded by Miller to go faster. One of his obsessions was a regulation for a far tougher version of the public charge rule, which had to go through a mandatory administrative process. In June 2018 emails obtained by Politico, Miller berated Cissna for the “unacceptable” timeframe, writing, “I don't care what you need to do to finish it on time.” Cissna stuck to his principles. “He believed,” said the former DHS official, that “this could all get done through the rule of law.”


OVER AND OVER, IN PUBLIC AND TO HIS STAFF WITHIN USCIS’s boxy beige headquarters on Massachusetts Avenue, Cissna insisted that his mission was simply to enforce the law as it was written. At an event last year, he brought along his copy of the Immigration and Nationality Act, a brick of a book stuffed with yellow post-it notes, and patted it almost affectionately. “Everything we do at the agency should be guided by that, not by, you know, any other thing,” he said in his halting manner. “That’s our Bible.”

It was an effective claim, and a disingenuous one. So much of America’s immigration code is open to interpretation. There’s no objective test for whether a concert violinist meets the legal standard of “exceptional;” whether a full-stack Java developer is a “specialized” occupation; whether a certain type of kidney condition technically qualifies as a “hardship.” Many decisions inevitably come down to the judgement of individuals, which means they’re susceptible to the peculiar psychology of the immigration bureaucracy.

“In my own office, I am queen,” one former visa adjudicator told me. What she meant was that the guy down the hallway might require a lot more evidence than she did, or interpret the legal criteria more stringently, and that it wouldn’t be remotely strange if they each reviewed the same case and reached opposite conclusions. Within processing offices, “people get reputations,” she said. There are the officers inclined to give applicants the benefit of the doubt and those hunting for a reason to deny. Many aren’t ideological at all, but are swayed by the preferences of their supervisors. “Everyone learns to write for the teacher,” one officer observed.

All this variability gives each USCIS office a distinct culture. It’s why lawyers regard the Vermont processing center as reasonably fair and efficient and the one in California as more of a crapshoot. You can sense these distinctions as an immigrant, even if you don’t understand them. You file one application and it goes through smoothly; then a subsequent one gets snagged on some unseen impediment. A new boss, maybe, or a big immigration controversy, or some directive that causes the culture within the agency to change.

A few months after Cissna was confirmed, in February 2018, he removed the phrase “nation of immigrants” from USCIS’s mission statement. Less noticed but more significant was his decision to strip references to “customer service” from internal manuals. Staffers knew exactly what this meant. USCIS started referring to applicants as “customers” during the Obama administration, and the change was detested by more skeptical employees, who preferred terms like “foreign nationals” or “aliens.” León Rodriguez, the agency’s director from 2014 to 2017, explained that the deletion of the word “customer” could reshape every aspect of an officer’s work: “It’s a statement that your performance will not be judged based on how you treat the people with whom you’re interacting. Your courtesy, transparency, care in explaining things, compassion. Over time that changes what people prioritize.”


The new priority was visa fraud. There had long been a subset of staffers, including upper-level employees, who were convinced that most immigrants were trying to cheat the system in some way. They were mostly kept at bay because the agency’s own statistics showed consistently low levels of fraud. Under Cissna, that all changed. “There was a sense of urgency across the agency that was palpable,” said Spaulding, who worked as an investigator for the fraud unit in Philadelphia from 2006 until 2019. He described the new mandate as: “Your job as adjudicator is to ferret out fraud. Good adjudicators find fraud. Bad ones don’t.” Adjudicators were also trained in more adversarial styles of interviewing, Spaulding said, “like a Customs and Border Protection officer.” (USCIS spokesperson Matthew Bourke said adjudicators regularly receive training to detect fraud but are not instructed to be adversarial.) Across the agency, there was a pronounced shift to what Rodriguez called a “law enforcement model—the sort of culture change very much driven from the top.”
Meanwhile, the political appointees under Cissna were churning out memos announcing administrative changes to visa processing that were devastating in their banality. “If you go through the statistics [for visa approvals] for the last decade, they were relatively consistent,” Spaulding said. “Then about two years ago, all hell broke loose.”

The first memo, issued in October 2017, eliminated something called “prior deference.” Previously, if a person had been greenlit multiple times for certain visas, the adjudications officer would check the circumstances that had changed since the last one. Now, every petition has to be reviewed as if the person was a first-time applicant—a vastly more time-consuming exercise. A former USCIS lawyer told me the memo was very much motivated by the new emphasis on fraud: Excavating old applications provided an opportunity to “get that gotcha moment.” Publicly, though, the agency couldn’t cite that as the justification, “because the stats didn’t back it up. So we had to say something else.”

The administration, Miller included, often insisted that its policies weren’t anti-immigrant, that it wanted to prioritize high-skilled workers over family-based migrants. And yet the changes coming out of USCIS seemed designed to make it difficult for those workers to come to the United States, too. Denials for first-time H1B applicants, who need a bachelor’s degree, jumped from 6 percent in the 2015 financial year to 32 percent in the first quarter of 2019. And even those numbers don’t tell the full story. An H1B visa typically lasts three years, but lawyers report a pattern of approvals for durations so short they are effectively useless—a week or even a day. In a hearing in D.C. district court, the judge asked the lawyer representing USCIS whether a one-day approval was “as good as a denial.” The government’s lawyer admitted: “There's little practical difference, I would agree with that.”


For immigrants trying to navigate the rapidly changing rules, everything just kept getting harder. The length of most forms has doubled or tripled or worse. Fees are going up for many visas. Under a new policy of mandatory in-person interviews for employment green cards, the average processing time has gone from around 10 months to more than two years in multiple cities. Yet another memo enabled the government to reject applications without giving the person a chance to correct errors, even incredibly trivial ones. ProPublica found a case that was rejected “because the seventh page, usually left blank, was not attached.” Another was denied “because it did not have a table of contents.” (USCIS has since said it does not intend to reject petitions for “innocent mistakes.”) Meanwhile, the agency has barricaded itself from communication. It is in the process of shuttering 16 of its 23 international offices. Where lawyers could once call or email the office that was handling a case, now they spend hours on hold in a Kafkaesque game of phone tag with a national customer service center. If they miss a return call, they have to start the inquiry from the beginning.

Inside USCIS, the new restrictions and requirements created a “pattern of chaos,” Spaulding said, as adjudicators struggled to “respond to what they think their superiors want.” For instance, the agency is issuing far more RFEs, or requests for additional evidence. ( 7 ) In the first quarter of 2019, the agency issued RFEs in 60 percent of H1B cases, compared to only 20 percent in 2016.“RFEs used to be common sense under Obama—if you can show the evidence, you get approval,” said Matt Cameron, a Boston lawyer who handles both employment and asylum cases. Now, they’re used as a stalling device. Lawyers are routinely asked for basic documents they’ve already submitted. One attorney was told to prove that the client’s mechanical engineering degree was relevant to his job as a mechanical engineer. Another was instructed to provide additional evidence that her client’s marriage was genuine. “I’m like, are you high?” the lawyer said. “Two people who have adopted a child together eight years ago have a fake marriage?”

More often, though, attorneys say they simply receive the same vague, boilerplate questions for multiple clients. For an officer behind on his caseload, Spaulding explained, an RFE is “one of the best ways to buy time.” While the applicant prepares a response, the case is no longer counted as open on the officer’s docket. By the end of 2018, USCIS’s total backlog of pending cases was a record 5.7 million.

Still, Stephen Miller wasn’t satisfied. He kept pushing Cissna to rush out the public charge regulation before it had been fully vetted. When word started to spread that Cissna could be forced out, restrictionist groups told reporters his ouster would be a “colossal mistake.” But it was too late. On May 24, Cissna resigned at Trump’s request in a Miller-driven purge that also claimed DHS Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen. (Cissna didn’t respond to requests for comment.) For the past two years, one USCIS career staffer recalled, she and her demoralized colleagues kept telling themselves that “it could be worse.” Then, in June, Ken Cuccinelli was named the agency’s acting director—“and it did get worse.”


LATE THIS SUMMER, KEN CUCCINELLI INSTALLED A lumpy human-sized replica of the Statue of Liberty in USCIS headquarters, by a window overlooking Massachusetts Avenue. It was a very on-brand bit of trolling: About two weeks earlier, he had finally announced the public charge regulation at a press conference at the White House. There, Cuccinelli suggested that the famous Emma Lazarus poem affixed to the Statue of Liberty (the real one) would be more accurate if it read: “Give me your tired and your poor who can stand on their own two feet and who will not become a public charge.” The poem, he added, was about “people coming from Europe.”

Cuccinelli is a very different political animal from Cissna, one far more suited to Trumpworld. One of his conditions for accepting the job, according to a source, was that a government car ferry him every day to Washington from his home an hour and a half away in rural Nokesville, Virginia. A conservative purist with a showman’s instinct, he tweets a lot, often about Immigrations and Customs Enforcement or CBP operations that seemed to excite him more than the work of his own agency. Some of the tweets are transparently bespoke for an audience of one. In September, he posted an image of a framed photograph of Trump next to a giant stack of paper, which was a new USCIS policy changing all uses of “foreign nationals” to “aliens.”


He also shares his boss’s impatience with the slow pace of policy-making. “It seems like everybody in government defers to DOJ,” Cuccinelli told Mark Krikorian at a recent panel discussion. “I don’t operate that way. Lawyers advise and they can deal with my decision as best they can. They may not be [happy].” A former DHS official who worked with Cissna told me Cuccinelli “respected what Cissna did. But where Cissna would have to get something to 98 percent to make him feel good, I think Ken Cuccinelli is much more of a 60 or 70 percent kind of guy.”

Some DHS leaders, though, felt Cuccinelli’s Trumpian pronouncements were getting in the way of Trump’s agenda. Exhibit A was the outrage provoked by his comments on the Statue of Liberty. “There was concern at DHS that you had an extremely complicated rule, the public charge, which deserved a full policy discussion,” said one former official. “It was fettered by this discussion of the poem, which bore no relevance to the issue.” Asked whether Cuccinelli had ignited the controversy by accident or on purpose, the official paused for an uncomfortably long time and finally said, dryly, “He thinks of himself as a very talented communicator.”

Out of all the administration’s immigration reforms, the public charge rule has been the most ambitious by far. In the past, the term was defined to mean anyone who was primarily dependent on government assistance. Restrictionists pointed out that only cash benefits were counted—excluding major entitlements like food stamps, Medicaid and housing subsidies. But the new definition is aggressively broad. Most new immigrants aren’t actually eligible for welfare. But the rule grants officers vast discretion to determine whether the applicant might become a public charge at any point in the future. They would be empowered to collect reams of personal financial information and reject any applicant whose income is lower than 250 percent of the poverty line, even if that person has a financial sponsor.

In essence, the rule would create a backdoor mechanism to alter the composition of immigrants to the United States. Low-income legal immigrants tend to be nonwhite, and they also tend to come here via family-based green cards. According to an analysis by the Migration Policy Institute, the new definition would potentially exclude more than half of all family-based green card applicants. That is, 71 percent of applicants from Central America, 69 percent from Africa, 52 percent from Asia—but only 36 percent from Europe, Canada and Oceania. The regulation, said Ur Jaddou, chief counsel of USCIS during the Obama administration, “fundamentally changes who gets to use our legal immigration system by race and class without an act of Congress.” (In October, a few days before the rule was due to go into effect, it was temporarily halted by three federal judges. The government is expected to appeal.)

Cuccinelli’s other priority was asylum, one of two major humanitarian categories of legal immigration. (The other is the refugee program, for people requesting protection while in a foreign country rather than at the U.S. border.) Miller had long been incensed that around 90 percent of people pass the “credible fear” screening—the initial interview that determines whether a claim will go before an immigration judge. People explained to him in meetings that the first hurdle was set intentionally low by Congress, to ensure asylum seekers get a fair hearing, and that only a minority (28 percent) eventually succeed. But Miller was convinced the screenings were an outrageous loophole and demanded they be made more restrictive. Cissna pointed out that the agency couldn’t change the requirements without breaking the law. At one meeting, when Miller kept hounding him about it, Cissna finally erupted. “Enough. Enough. Stand down!” he shouted, according to The New York Times. Cuccinelli had none of these qualms. On his second day on the job, according to Buzzfeed, he sent the division an email scolding officers for failing to prevent “frivolous” claims.


Within USCIS, asylum officers have always been a band apart. They work in a separate office from visa adjudicators and wear plain clothes, no badges. When the division was launched in the 1980s, it was something of a scandal to visa officers when it was staffed with human rights lawyers and refugee workers. Today, the asylum corps is especially resented by border patrol agents, a longtime officer said. “In their view, we’re a bunch of hippies letting in people they try to keep out.”

But there’s nothing hippie-ish about the work they do. Asylum officers go through hundreds of hours of rigorous training, learning to distinguish the person who has assumed a false identity because they’re fleeing a violent gang from the person assuming a false identity because they’re a member of that gang. Vetting an applicant can take anywhere between two and five years. “I have to make sure I’m not getting the wool pulled over my eyes by a war criminal,” the officer explained. Since Congress isn’t likely to overhaul the asylum criteria anytime soon, Cuccinelli set about changing the culture of the division itself. Under a DHS pilot program, around 60 border patrol officers are now conducting credible fear screenings. According to government data obtained by Buzzfeed, they have approved less than half of applicants so far. The agency is also hiring 500 new asylum officers, targeting people with law enforcement or military backgrounds, who, according to USCIS spokesperson Matthew Bourke, are “uniquely equipped to support the agency’s improved vetting procedures and fraud-detection efforts.” In a particularly unsubtle move, the division’s head, John Lafferty, was replaced by the director of the fraud unit.

When you put all of this together, it’s clear that the Trump administration has fundamentally altered the nature of humanitarian immigration to the United States—initiatives that are supported by both parties and have been an essential component of foreign policy since the end of World War II. In 2017, Gene Hamilton and Stephen Miller tag-teamed to reduce annual refugee admissions from 110,000 to 45,000. Since then, the number has been slashed to an all-time low of 18,000. In October, the administration started implementing a regulation ordering that asylum seekers be turned away from the southern border if they have passed through another country without seeking asylum there first. What this means, in practice, is that the only people able to seek asylum at the border are Mexican citizens.

And yet the restrictionists still aren’t satisfied. After all, the administration hasn’t come close to their goal of halving legal immigration. “Any real changes”—such as ending birthright citizenship or the visa lottery—“are the kind of thing Congress would have to approve,” said Krikorian. FAIR’s governmental relations director, RJ Hauman, told me Trump “botched” his first year with a flawed rollout of the travel ban on seven Muslim-majority countries. “It tainted everything,” he said, especially the president’s chances of getting more ambitious reforms through Congress.


In response, the administration is doing its utmost to appease its most hardcore supporters. For 13 years, FAIR has held an annual convention in Washington D.C. to connect conservative talk radio hosts and anti-immigration personalities. Under previous presidents, it was a niche affair, but this September’s event might as well have been sponsored by the Trump administration. FAIR flew in nearly 200 sheriffs, who received a briefing at the White House from Kellyanne Conway, as well as a photo op with Trump. Afterwards, they made their way back to the Phoenix Park Hotel, just around the corner from DHS. Some 70 radio hosts were crammed into a couple of conference rooms. “We’re in the heart of the swamp, up to our knees in muck,” FAIR’s communications director, Dave Ray, remarked to a talk show host named Tom Roten, who has blamed immigrants for his West Virginia county having “the highest concentration of HIV in the country, maybe even the world.” (This is not true.) Ray went on to discuss the “human carnage caused by criminal aliens and drugs;” at one point, Roten asked, “What if we cut the snake off at the head at the border?”

Cuccinelli spent an entire morning powering through eight back-to-back interviews, fueled by his usual cup of McDonalds sweet tea. He talked about family separation with Roten who complained that “the media only shows these kids crying.” Children were constantly crossing the border with different adults, pretending to be related, he stated. “You’re exactly right, Tom. They’re being recycled,” Cuccinelli agreed. (Greg Navano, ICE’s assistant director of investigative programs, said that among other methods, the agency sometimes conducts DNA tests of family units, and that around 15 percent of the tests uncovered an adult falsely claiming to be a child’s biological parent.)

In November, Cuccinelli was promoted to DHS deputy acting secretary. Kathy Nuebel Kovarik became acting deputy at USCIS and Robert Law, the former FAIR lobbyist, ascended to the head of the policy office. The agency has promised a new flurry of major policy changes before the end of the year. And in what is perhaps the purest expression of the administration's intentions so far, it started sending Central American asylum seekers to Guatemala with no access to an attorney, no review by an immigration court, far away from the border infrastructure of activists and reporters and lawyers or any form of help at all.


IT’S EASY ENOUGH TO BELIEVE THAT BECAUSE NONE of the Trump administration’s reforms are entrenched in law, they can be overturned as quickly as they were introduced. And yet even though, in theory, the policy memos can all be withdrawn, the “sheer number of both significant and less significant changes is overwhelming,” said Jaddou, the former USCIS chief counsel. “It will take an ambitious plan over a series of years to undo it all.” Formal regulations, like the third-country asylum rule and public charge rule, if it succeeds, will be especially hard to unravel.

The institutional implications run deeper. The backlog of delayed cases will likely take several years to get under control. The administration has promoted six judges with some of the highest asylum denial rates to the Justice Department’s immigration appeals court, including one who threatened to set a dog on a 2-year-old child for failing to be quiet in his courtroom. Those appointments are permanent.

The refugee program, too, will take years to rebuild. The plunge in admissions caused a plunge in funding to the nine resettlement agencies, which have closed more than 100 offices around the country since 2016. That’s a third of their capacity, according to a report by Refugees Council USA. “The whole infrastructure is deteriorating,” said Rodriguez, the former USCIS director. Because the application process is so lengthy, even if a new administration raises refugee admissions on day one, it would take as long as five years before increased numbers of people actually make it to the United States. Consider that in January 2017, the State Department briefly paused in-bound flights for refugees who had finally made it through the gauntlet of health, security and other checks. As of this summer, some of those refugees were still waiting to leave. While the flights were grounded, they missed the two-month window during which all of their documents were current. When one document expires, it can take months to replace, causing others to expire and trapping the refugee in what the report called “a domino effect of expiring validity periods.”

Even harder to repair is the culture shift within USCIS. New visa adjudicators will remain in their jobs long after the political appointees have gone—kings and queens of their own offices. Employees who were promoted for their skeptical inclinations will stay in those positions, setting priorities for subordinates. The multitude of changes at USCIS are the product of an administration that regards immigration as its political lifeblood. There’s no guarantee—or indication—that any of the potential Democratic nominees would apply the same obsessive zeal to overturning them.

Back in 1924, Johnson-Reed’s supporters never anticipated the Holocaust, and yet they expanded its horrors. We don’t know where our own future is headed, but we live in a time of metastasizing instability. Last year, the United Nations’ official tally of refugees passed 70 million, the highest since World War II. Mass migrations, whether because of violence or inequality or environmental calamity or some murky blend of factors that don't conveniently fit existing laws, are the reality and challenge of our era. There aren’t any easy solutions. But already, what started as a series of small, obscure administrative changes is resulting in unthinkable cruelty. If left to continue, it will, in every sense, redefine what it means to be American.


V Keni vybudovali prvé zariadenie, ktoré vyrába pitnú vodu z oceánov

V Keni

V Keni sa podarilo vybudovať prvé zariadenie na výrobu pitnej vody. Podobné projekty sa začnú inštalovať aj na  Haiti či v Kolumbii.  Nie všetci ľudia na našej planéte si môžu dovoliť to, čo napríklad my. Nemáme na mysli drahé autá či veľké domy. Aj napriek tomu, že niektoré krajiny prosperujú, ešte stále je na svete […]

Príspevok V Keni vybudovali prvé zariadenie, ktoré vyrába pitnú vodu z oceánov zobrazený najskôr


On this December Day in History


December 1, 1919.  Lady Nancy Astor became the first woman in the British House of Commons.

December 1, 1955.  Rosa Parks was arrested in Montgomery, Alabama, for refusing to give up her seat to a white man and move to the back section of a municipal bus. This action resulted in a year-long boycott of the city's  bus system by African Americans.

December 1, 1988.  Benazir Bhutto was nominated to become prime minister of Pakistan, later becoming the first woman to govern a Muslim nation

December 2, 1954.   Senator Joseph McCarthy is condemned by the United States Senate for misconduct following his ruthless investigations of thousands of alleged Communists.

The history of Haiti by Steeve Coupeau

December 5, 1492.  Haiti discovered by Christopher Columbus.

December 6, 1865.  The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified, abolishing slavery.

Gerald R. Ford by Douglas Brinkley

December 6, 1973. Gerald Ford was sworn in as vice president under Richard Nixon following the resignation of Spiro Agnew after pleading no contest to charges of income tax evasion.

December 7, 1941.  The U.S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, was attacked by nearly 200 Japanese aircraft in a raid that killed nearly 3,000 Americans.

December 9, 1990.  Lech Walesa won a landslide victory in the Polish presidential election.

December 10, 1898.  The Treaty of Paris was signed between American and Spanish representatives after Spain's defeat in the Spanish-American War.

December 10, 1948.  The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

December 11, 1941.  Germany and Italy both declared war on the United States.

December 13, 1577.  Francis Drake left  Plymouth, England, in the Golden Hind on his voyage around the world

December 13, 1937.   The Chinese city of Nanking was captured by the Japanese. Over the next six weeks,  Japanese soldiers randomly attacked and killed an estimated 200,000 Chinese persons.

December 13, 1862.  The Battle of Fredericksburg was fought in Virginia, as the Union Army of the Potomac under General Burnside suffered a costly defeat, losing 12,653 men.

December 14, 1911.  Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen became the first person to reach the South Pole.

December 14, 1995.  A Bosnian peace treaty was signed in Paris by leaders from the former Yugoslavia ending the worst conflict in Europe since World War II.

December 15, 1890.  Sioux leader Sitting Bull  was killed in a skirmish with U.S. soldiers in South Dakota as his warriors tried to prevent his arrest.

December 16, 1773.  The Boston Tea Party occurred as colonial activists boarded British ships anchored in Boston Harbor and dumped over 300 containers of expensive tea into the water.

The Wright brothers by David G McCullough

December 17, 1903.  Orville and Wilbur Wright made the first powered, controlled airplane flights near Kitty Hawk, North Carolina.

December 24, 1814  The War of 1812 officially ended with the signing of The Treaty of Ghent between America and Britain.

December 25, 1066.  William the Conqueror was crowned King of England after his invasion of  England from France, during which he defeated and killed King Harold at the Battle of Hastings.

December 29, 1170.  Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Becket was murdered on orders from England's King Henry II.

December 29, 1890. More than 200 Sioux men, women and children were massacred at Wounded Knee Creek, South Dakota by members of the U.S. 7th Cavalry.

Rasputin : the untold story by Joseph T. Fuhrmann

December 30, 1916. The Russian monk Rasputin was assassinated.

December 30, 1862. During the Civil War the Union ironclad ship USS Monitor sank off Cape Hatteras, North Carolina, during a storm, killing sixteen crewmen.


El Parlamento Europeo (PE) condenó este jueves la detención arbitraria de José Daniel Ferrer líder opositor de la opositora Unión Patriótica de Cuba (UNPACU) pese a que la tiranía Castrista difundió un reportaje para intentar desacreditar al líder opositor


Yusnaby Pérez DESENMASCARADO el video de la televisión cubana sobre José Daniel Ferrer en 8 minuto

Otaola desenmascara la estrategia del régimen para intentar desacreditar a Ferrer


No funcionó la campaña del régimen cubano: el Parlamento Europeo condena el encarcelamiento de Ferrer

Pide su inmediata liberación y recuerda que el Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación puede suspenderse en caso de violaciones de los derechos humanos.

28 Nov 2019

El líder de la UNPACU, José Daniel Ferrer. AFP

Pese a que el Gobierno cubano intensificó en los últimos días su campaña de descrédito contra el líder opositor preso José Daniel Ferrer, el Parlamento Europeo (PE) condenó este jueves su detención arbitraria , exigió su inmediata liberación y denunció las torturas que, según él y su familia, ha sufrido.

La resolución recibió 382 votos a favor, 243 en contra y 42 abstenciones. Los eurodiputados expresaron gran preocupación por la situación general de los derechos humanos en Cuba. Mencionaron la persecución, el acoso, los ataques contra disidentes pacíficos, periodistas independientes y defensores de derechos humanos.

Pidieron un fin inmediato de estas acciones y recordaron que el actual Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación (ADPC) entre la Unión Europea y el Gobierno de Cuba incluye una disposición que permite suspenderlo en caso de violaciones de los derechos humanos en la Isla.

La votación se produjo justo un día después de que el régimen publicara un extenso reportaje en la televisión estatal cubana, para intentar presentar a Ferrer, líder de la opositora Unión Patriótica de Cuba (UNPACU), como un delincuente violento y mentiroso.

El reportaje es parte de la estrategia habitual del régimen contra sus opositores, a quienes nunca da derecho a réplica y acusa de servir a Estados Unidos.

En la resolución aprobada, el Parlamento Europeo pidió que Ferrer pueda acceder a un abogado de su elección y a toda la documentación relacionada con su detención y los motivos en los que esta se basa.

Recordó que las autoridades cubanas tienen el deber de garantizar una investigación rápida e imparcial y de evitar la tortura, las instó a permitir a Ferrer recibir inmediatamente la atención médica que él escoja, y a garantizarle alimentos y agua en buenas condiciones de higiene.

El Parlamento Europeo reiteró también su "profunda preocupación por la persecución, el acoso y los ataques continuados contra disidentes pacíficos, periodistas independientes, defensores de los derechos humanos y miembros de la oposición política en Cuba", y exigió "que cesen de inmediato esas acciones y se ponga en libertad a todos los presos políticos y a las personas detenidas de manera arbitraria exclusivamente por ejercer su libertad de expresión y de reunión".

En ese sentido, pidió "mayores garantías respecto al derecho a un juicio justo y a la independencia del poder judicial" en la Isla.

La Eurocámara llamó a los estados miembros, al Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior y a su delegación en Cuba a condenar "firme y públicamente la detención arbitraria de José Daniel Ferrer" y de otros presos políticos.

Resaltó que el 28 de octubre pasado falleció Armando Sosa Fortuny, el preso político cubano que llevaba más tiempo encarcelado (43 años), y que "las autoridades cubanas no habían acordado su puesta en libertad a pesar del deterioro de su salud".

Los eurodiputados lamentaron que, a pesar de haberse adoptado el Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y de Cooperación, "no haya mejorado la situación de la democracia y de los derechos humanos". Solicitaron "que se cumplan las obligaciones vinculantes establecidas en este acuerdo" y que se establezcan "unos parámetros de referencia claros" al respecto.

Instaron a la Unión Europea a supervisar y hacer "un seguimiento estrecho del respeto de los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales en Cuba a la hora de aplicar este acuerdo" y a informar regularmente al Parlamento al respecto.

A juicio de los europarlamentarios, "el encarcelamiento y el tratamiento de José Daniel Ferrer y otros presos políticos constituyen un 'caso de especial urgencia', tal como se establece en el artículo 85, apartado 3, letra b), del Acuerdo", por lo que piden a la Unión Europea que "convoque una reunión urgente", sobre esta situación.

Al Gobierno cubano, los eurodiputados le pidieron reformas jurídicas y políticas "que permitan unas elecciones libres, justas y democráticas", y que autorice "a los observadores independientes de derechos humanos, tanto nacionales como internacionales, entrar sin trabas" a la Isla, entre ellos los relatores especiales de Naciones Unidas.

También llamaron a La Habana abolir la pena de muerte "para todos los delitos", a derogar el Decreto 349, "que limita la libertad de expresión artística",  y a dejar de "imponer la censura en línea, de bloquear los sitios de internet y de restringir el acceso a la información".

Los eurodiputados exhortaron al nuevo alto representante de la Unión Europea para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad a reconocer "la existencia de una oposición política al Gobierno cubano" y a apoyar "su inclusión en el diálogo político" con La Habana.

En la misma línea, pidieron a todos los representantes de los Estados miembros "que planteen los problemas en materia de derechos humanos en sus visitas a las autoridades cubanas y que se reúnan con los galardonados con el Premio Sájarov".

Al Servicio de Acción Exterior y a la Comisión Europea les solicitaron apoyar "activamente a los grupos de la sociedad civil y a las personas que defienden los derechos humanos en Cuba, por ejemplo mediante la organización de visitas a las prisiones, la observación de juicios y declaraciones públicas".

Por último, el Parlamento Europeo denunció "la actitud intervencionista del Gobierno cubano" y le exigió "que ponga fin a todas sus actividades de injerencia en varios países latinoamericanos".


El régimen cubano saca su arsenal propagandístico contra José Daniel Ferrer

La televisión estatal difunde un reportaje para intentar desacreditar al líder opositor y evitar una votación adversa del Parlamento Europeo.
La Habana 28 Nov 2019

Imagen del vídeo que muestra a José Daniel Ferrer en una sala de interrogatorios. CUBADEBATE

El Gobierno cubano sacó su arsenal este miércoles contra José Daniel Ferrer, líder de la opositora Unión Patriótica de Cuba (UNPACU), para intentar desacreditarlo ante la opinión pública nacional e internacional y esquivar una votación adversa en el Parlamento Europeo.

Siguiendo el guión de otros momentos en los que ha utilizado sus medios de prensa contra la oposición, el régimen ocupó diez minutos del principal noticiero de la televisión estatal para difundir testimonios de personas que critican a Ferrer, lo acusan de corrupción y de comportamiento violento. Asimismo, publicó imágenes de la única visita que ha podido recibir el opositor de sus familiares en más de mes y medio de encarcelamiento, y lo mostró dándose cabezazos contra una mesa en una sala de interrogatorios.

Como es habitual, el Gobierno cubano culpó a Estados Unidos de dirigir y pagar al opositor. En específico mencionó a la representante de Washington en La Habana, Mara Tekach.

"La Embajada de Estados Unidos en La Habana ha sido el vehículo de atención y dirección de las acciones y conductas de José Daniel Ferrer García. La jefa de la misión diplomática de Estados Unidos en Cuba dirige personalmente a ese ciudadano", indicó el reporte. "Le incita al desacato de las fuerzas del orden público".

Los medios de prensa de la Isla, todos bajo control del régimen, nunca dan derecho a réplica a los opositores. El Gobierno tampoco les reconoce autonomía de pensamiento. Como norma, los acusa de servir a Washington.

La televisión estatal dijo que en lo que va del año, Ferrer ha recibido 50.000 dólares del Gobierno de Estados Unidos a través de la Fundación Nacional Cubano-Americana, con sede en Miami.

El caso de Ferrer, "es una nueva oleada de calumnias del Gobierno de Estados Unidos contra Cuba", dijo el régimen en el reporte. Señaló que en las últimas semanas Washington ha exigido la liberación de Ferrer a través de las redes sociales y mediante comunicados oficiales.

Ferrer fue encarcelado a comienzos de octubre y las autoridades cubanas no dijeron hasta la semana pasada, un mes después, los cargos que pesaban sobre él, por lo que además de funcionarios estadounidense, disidentes y organizaciones como Amnistía Internacional y la Organización de Estados Americanos reclamaron por su situación legal y su salud.

El Gobierno informó finalmente que había sido arrestado por agredir a otro hombre y ocasionarle lesiones, y dijo que se encontraba en un proceso judicial.

En el vídeo del miércoles se incluyeron declaraciones de Sergio García González, quien dijo ser la persona atacada por Ferrer.

"Me estoy recuperando luego del incidente", expresó García. "Es algo bochornoso y doloroso, nunca pensé que esto podría suceder de ser agredido", añadió.

Acusó a Ferrer y a otros tres individuos de haberlo secuestrado durante toda una noche y propinado "una severa golpiza" que lo dejó "en condiciones de ingreso hospitalario".

El Gobierno dice que Ferrer tiene antecedentes de conducta delictiva desde 1993. Sin embargo, en la sentencia dictada contra él para condenarlo a 25 años de cárcel en 2003, durante la oleada represiva contra 75 disidentes cubanos, los jueces del Tribunal de Santiago de Cuba dicen explícitamente que no constan en su expediente antecedentes penales.

El reportaje del régimen mostró a Ferrer en una sala policial dándose golpes en la cabeza contra una mesa de metal, tirando muebles y gritando. Estas imágenes "demuestran al mundo quién agrede a José Daniel, quién lo tortura y quién lo maltrata físicamente", dijo el locutor.

Pero son muy pocas las imágenes seleccionadas por el Gobierno de los casi dos meses que ha tenido a Ferrer bajo su custodia. La familia del opositor dice que ha recibido golpizas en la cárcel y que el régimen mantiene en su celda a un preso común violento.

El régimen redondeó el material con declaraciones del médico Yaro Sánchez Corona, quien aseguró que el 22 de noviembre pasado Ferrer presentaba "buen estado general", que se estaba "alimentando adecuadamente" e "ingiriendo líquidos" y que su vida no corría "ningún tipo de peligro".

En las breves imágenes de Ferrer junto a su familia difundidas por el régimen el opositor aparece la mayor parte del tiempo fuera de cámara. Es posible ver que ha perdido peso, aunque no se puede determinar si ha sido golpeado como denuncian sus familiares.

Ferrer, de 49 años, pasó casi ocho años en prisión como parte de los 75 disidentes encarcelados en la Primavera Negra de 2003. La organización opositora que encabeza es la mayor y más activa de la Isla. También es la que mayor número de presos políticos tiene en las prisiones del país.

Fue excarcelado en 2011 con una licencia extrapenal. Su pena de 25 años no fue conmutada, por lo que las autoridades cubanas podrían sumar una nueva condena a los años que le quedan por cumplir de la anterior.


Roberto Álvarez Quiñones: La pobreza se reduce en el mundo, mientras aumenta en Cuba


La pobreza se reduce en el mundo, mientras aumenta en Cuba

'Habría que ver cuántos cubanos en la Isla saben que, desde que en 1980 se disparó el proceso de globalización liberal capitalista, la pobreza a nivel mundial ha disminuido más que nunca antes en toda la historia de la humanidad.'

Por Roberto Álvarez Quiñones
Los Ángeles
27 Nov 2019

Habría que ver cuántos cubanos en la Isla saben que, desde que en 1980 se disparó el proceso de globalización liberal capitalista, la pobreza a nivel mundial ha disminuido más que nunca antes en toda la historia de la humanidad. Exactamente lo contrario de lo que dicen Granma, Juventud Rebelde, Cubadebate, la televisión, la radio y todos los medios estatales castristas.

Menos aún sabrán que el salario mínimo hoy en Cuba es la cuarta parte del de Haití, y que el sueldo promedio también es muy inferior al haitiano. Si a alguien en El Vedado le dicen eso creerá que es una broma, una "pullita" al régimen.

No lo es. En junio de 2019 en Cuba el sueldo mínimo fue aumentado a 16.6 dólares mensuales (400 pesos cubanos), y en Haití es de 65 dólares mensuales (6.539 gourdes, en marzo de 2019)  según Le Moniteur Journal Officiel de la Republique d'Haiti.  En tanto, el salario cubano promedio es de 44 dólares mensuales. El haitiano es casi el doble.

En el Chile "neoliberal" el salario mínimo es de 423 dólares, y en los otros países de violentas protestas anticapitalistas estimuladas por La Habana los salarios mínimos son de 394 dólares en Ecuador, 279 dólares en Perú y 265 dólares en Colombia. En países pobres como Nicaragua o El Salvador, son 122 dólares y 203 dólares respectivamente. Todas estas son estadísticas oficiales.

Y pensar que hace 61 años Cuba se ubicaba entre los países con más altos sueldos en el mundo. Según la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT), en 1958  los trabajadores industriales cubanos ganaban seis dólares diarios (en ocho horas).Era el octavo sueldo más alto del planeta, detrás de EEUU (16.80), Canadá (11,73), Suecia (8.10), Suiza (8.00), Nueva Zelanda (6.72), Dinamarca (6.46), y Noruega (6.10).

O sea, el obrero cubano hace seis décadas ganaba 130 dólares mensuales, equivalentes a 1.150 dólares de hoy. Ganaba con la burguesía 26 veces más que ahora, "liberado" por la revolución castrista.  

Mientras la pobreza en el planeta disminuye, en Cuba aumenta. Ello revela la "superioridad" del socialismo. La Universidad de Oxford (Gran Bretaña) reveló en un estudio que desde la década de los 90 cada día unas 138.000 personas dejan de ser pobres en el mundo. El Banco Mundial (BM) mostró que en 1980 el 44% de los habitantes de la Tierra vivía en la más absoluta pobreza, y que en 2015 la cifra había bajado al 10%.

Desde 1980 se están registrando los datos más alentadores de la historia con respecto a la reducción de la pobreza. De acuerdo con el BM, entre 1990 y 2015 un total de 1.114 millones de personas dejaron de vivir en la pobreza extrema. En 1990 la cifra era de 1.850 millones de personas las que vivían con menos de 1.90?dólares al día, y en 2015 era de 736 millones.

El sociólogo noruego  Johan Norberg,  en su libro Progreso, explica que el avance que la humanidad ha experimentado en las últimas décadas no tiene precedentes. En 1820, hace 200 años, el 94% de la población mundial era pobre, y hoy ese porcentaje es de un 9,6%.  Estas estadísticas coinciden con el desarrollo del capitalismo y no tienen comparación con los siglos anteriores, pues el nivel de pobreza apenas varió durante milenios.

Nunca antes se había reducido tanto la pobreza como en los últimos 40 años. Y eso pese a que en esas cuatro décadas la población mundial aumentó en 3.307 millones de personas, según la ONU.

No obstante, la cantidad de gente muy pobre en el mundo sigue siendo muy  alta,  sobre todo en el África subsahariana. Solo Etiopía y Nigeria tienen una población conjunta de 316 millones de habitantes en su inmensa mayoría pobre. Y entre Bangladesh y Paquistán suman 420 millones de habitantes. Pero sin duda hay cada vez menos personas en la pobreza extrema.

No hay mayor explotación que la marxista

Los propagandistas del régimen arguyen que la regla del BM de 1.90 dólares diarios para identificar la pobreza extrema no se puede aplicar en Cuba porque los trabajadores reciben beneficios del Estado en materia de vivienda gratuita o casi gratuita, ciertos alimentos por la "libreta", educación, atención médica.  Falso, son pagados por los propios trabajadores.

No hay nada en el mundo moderno que exprima más a un trabajador que el socialismo.  El Estado, al pagar salarios extremadamente bajos, les confisca a los trabajadores gran parte del valor creado por ellos para satisfacer las necesidades de ellos y sus familias.

A la luz de El Capital de Marx, el Estado castrista se queda no solo con la plusvalía creada por el trabajador en el "tiempo de trabajo adicional" de la jornada laboral, sino con buena parte del valor creado en el tiempo de "trabajo socialmente necesario" en el que el trabajador genera valores para mantenerse a sí mismo,  y que debe recibir íntegramente en forma de salario. Además, el economista Carmelo Mesa-Lago calculó que el salario medio nominal en el sector estatal cubano, ajustado a la inflación,  en 2015 estaba un 62% por debajo de 1989. Es decir, el trabajador cubano vio reducirse en casi dos tercios su salario.

Y hoy debe ser más bajo. Con la escasez causada por la crisis suben los precios y el dinero "rinde menos".

Hoy el salario real (poder adquisitivo) de los cubanos es probablemente la cuarta o la quinta parte de el de hace 30 años, algo único en el planeta. Los aumentos de salarios decretados en julio de 2019 son devorados a diario por la  inflación.

Uno de cada tres trabadores no tiene empleo

Un flagelo que agrava la pobreza en Cuba es el desempleo. El régimen siempre miente en sus estadísticas, pero en materia de desempleo bota la pelota. El 24 de abril de 2019, la ministra de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, Margarita González, dijo sin sonrojarse que la tasa de desempleo en Cuba era de 1,7%,  una cifra que significa más que pleno empleo y coloca a Cuba con un índice de desempleo más bajo que la República Checa (1,9 %), Japón (2,2%) , Suiza (2,6%) , Alemania (3,1 %), Hungría (3,4%),  Estados Unidos (3,6%), Noruega y Corea del Sur con 3,7%, los más bajos del mundo en 2019.

Pero para decir mentiras y comer pescado hay que tener mucho cuidado. Según estadísticas publicadas en forma dispersa por diferentes medios oficiales, en junio de 2018  había en Cuba 6,2 millones de cubanos en edad laboral  y 1,7 millones de ellos no trabajaban ni estudiaban. Eso arrojaba una tasa de desempleo técnico de 27%.  Hoy, con el empeoramiento de la crisis económica, posiblemente sobrepasa el 30%, y puede que esté tocando el 33%.

Basta ver las imágenes que llegan de la Isla. En pleno día, parques y calles están repletos de hombres y mujeres en edad laboral que conversan y hacen cuentos. No tienen empleo y se dedican a "inventar", por las buenas o por las malas, para sobrevivir. Una manifestación de las personas sin empleo en Cuba sería más impresionante que cualquiera otra cosa.

Un capítulo dramático de la pobreza es el de los jubilados y desamparados. Con pensiones equivalentes a 12 dólares mensuales como promedio, cada vez son más los que viven en la absoluta miseria. Casi harapientos, demacrados por el hambre,  venden cualquier cosa por las calles, hurgan en latones de basura, piden limosna.

El castrismo destruyó la economía que antes de 1959 era una de las punteras de América Latina, con un ingreso per cápita que duplicaba al de España. Ahora, ya con el barco haciendo aguas por la inviabilidad socialista y la crisis en Venezuela,    Raúl Castro se sigue negando a liberar las fuerzas productivas.

Por supuesto, él y su familia, y el alto mando "revolucionario" viven como ricos. Solo que ellos no producen las riquezas de que disfrutan, se las expropian al cada vez más empobrecido pueblo cubano.


Noviembre 2019 - "Especial de Cine Inusual" en "Indivisible 12" (Muestra de Cine Independiente de Medellín).


Para su difusión:


Del 20 al 22 de Noviembre de 2019.

Casa de la Lectura Infantil - Calle 51 # 45 - 57 (Medellín / Colombia).

Entrada Libre y Gratuita.

Programación de Cine Inusual: Silvia G. Romero / Fabián Sancho.




Desde sus inicios, el "Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires" se ha propuesto indagar los aspectos menos explorados de la producción cinematográfica actual con el fin de cubrir las expectativas de aquellos que anhelan una visión fílmica diferente.

Un objetivo a cumplir es facilitar el conocimiento de muchos autores noveles que, al huir del estereotipo vigente, ofrecen una perspectiva ecléctica desde lo temático y visual.

Agradecemos a la coordinación de "Indivisible 12" la oportunidad que nos brinda al propiciar un nuevo "Especial de Cine Inusual" en su programación 2019.

Silvia G. Romero y Fabián Sancho





Dirección/Guión/Producción: Miguel Bou. Elenco: Leonel Vasone, Cecilia Collazo, Dante Mastropierro, Gustavo Pardi, Renata Álvarez. Argentina. 80:00.

Federico es un joven introvertido que abusa de Antonella en una fiesta, incentivado por sus amigos. Ambos carecen de apoyo familiar y el siniestro abogado de la chica logra encarcelar al muchacho. Mientras él comienza un descenso a los infiernos en prisión, la adolescencia de ella se derrumba. Mejor Largometraje Ficcional / 15° Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires.




BE WATER (2018)

Dirección: Franco Sellés, Gabriel Aranguiz. Guión: Sofía Bouchard. Producción: Javier Valenzuela. Chile. 13:30.

El ser humano ha ingresado en un tiempo en el que los lazos sociales y la vida estresante nos alejan de nuestra espiritualidad. Este documental promueve la conciencia de este problema al aludir que somos como el agua, porque siempre encuentra su camino y llega a su destino. Mención Especial / 15° Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires.



Dirección: Facundo N. Morales. Guión/Producción Ejecutiva: Mónica Divella. Elenco: Pablo Palacio, Mónica Divella, Marcela Mansi, Gabriel Rugiero ("El Brujito Maya"), Susana Caballero. Argentina. 14:52.

Estela es profesora de geografía y está casada con Horacio, empleado de una inmobiliaria. Llevan una vida tranquila y disfrutan de esta etapa de la edad madura. Pero algo la perturbará y ella saldrá a buscarlo en forma intempestiva. Mención Especial / 15° Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires.



Dirección/Guión/Producción: Juan Pablo Núñez. Elenco: Luis Concha, Ramón Llao, Andrea Núñez, Fernanda Muñoz, Alejandro Godoy. Chile. 15:00.

Janov está obsesionado con grabar diversos hechos morbosos que acontecen en Santiago para subirlos posteriormente a su página Grasa Capital, en su afán por viralizar vivencias sin discriminación. Sin saberlo, se involucra en un caso de corrupción policial que termina acabando con su libertad. Mejor Cortometraje / 15° Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires.


ZANMI (2018)

Dirección/Guión: Rubén Sánchez. Producción: Daniela Muñoz. Chile. 19:20.

Zanmi (amigo en lengua creol) retrata la vida y dificultades que cuatro inmigrantes haitianos deben enfrentar para insertarse en Chile. Se muestra al extranjero como humano que ama, sueña y piensa, quitando estereotipos y reconociéndolos como hermanos que tienen los mismos objetivos que todos nosotros. Mejor Documental / 15° Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires.


Silvia G. Romero / Fabián Sancho
Festival de Cine Inusual de Buenos Aires

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Consultant-e National-e pour la réalisation d?une ligne de base dans le cadre de la mise en ?uvre du Projet FADEKA (Département du Sud)

UNDP: Consultant-e National-e pour la réalisation d?une ligne de base dans le cadre de la mise en ?uvre du Projet FADEKA (Département du Sud) in Port-au-Prince, HAITI. Closing date: 2019-11-17

Haiti A La Mode: Haiti Contemporary 12/14/19

Haiti A La Mode: Haiti Contemporary Wednesday, 12/14/2019 – 06:30 pm – 09:30 pm Haitian Heritage Musuem 4141 NE 2nd Avenue Suite 105C, Miami, Florida 33137 RSVP / Register Cost: Free Haitian Heritage Museum| Art Week Miami | Group Exhibition
Read More Haiti A La Mode: Haiti Contemporary 12/14/19


Algunas escuelas reabren en Haití tras casi 3 meses sin clases por la crisis


Puerto Príncipe, 2 dic (EFE).- Algunas escuelas reabrieron sus puertas este lunes en Puerto Príncipe, después de haber pasado casi tres meses cerradas debido al levantamiento popular que exige la renuncia del presidente haitiano, Jovenel Moise.

Unas pocas escuelas en Puerto Príncipe volvieron a funcionar en silencio y con una baja afluencia de estudiantes, por el miedo de muchos padres a llevar a sus hijos a clase en el clima de agitación que vive el país.

En las calles de los barrios de Pétion-ville y Delmas había muy pocos estudiantes y la gran mayoría de ellos no llevaba uniformes, como es habitual, sino que iban vestidos con ropa de calle.

Los empleados de ciertas escuelas se reunieron la semana pasada para discutir estrategias para reabrir sus puertas, según fuentes contactadas por Efe.

Como medida de seguridad, algunos centros educativos incluso han pedido a los padres que se queden en el patio para esperar a sus hijos, por miedo a que se produzcan ataques contra las escuelas, como ocurrió durante las últimas semanas de protestas.

Las escuelas, institutos de secundaria y universidades estaban cerrados desde que estallaron las protestas el pasado 16 de septiembre, una semana exacta después del inicio del curso 2019-2020.

El cierre escolar ha afectado a cerca de 2 millones de niños y jóvenes, según datos de Naciones Unidas, que no han podido ir a la escuela a lo largo de once semanas.

El pasado viernes el Gobierno acogió con satisfacción todas las iniciativas adoptadas en todo el territorio nacional para la continuación de las actividades escolares, al tiempo que condenó toda 'instrumentalización' de los centros educativos, en particular con fines 'políticos'.

Asimismo, condenó los actos de vandalismo perpetrados contra algunas escuelas, en especial en el caso de algunos centros que han sido cubiertos de heces.

'Reafirmamos una vez más nuestro compromiso de trabajar para fortalecer la calidad de la educación en el país e informamos que se han hecho arreglos formales con las autoridades pertinentes para asegurar que los días perdidos debido a la turbulencia política durante el año escolar sean compensados', afirma un comunicado del Gobierno.

En las últimas dos semanas, la mayoría de las actividades se han reanudado en Puerto Príncipe y en las capitales provinciales gracias a que las protestas han amainado.

El transporte público, los bancos, el comercio y la administración pública y privada han estado funcionado en este tiempo.

Si bien en el país hay una aparente calma, la situación sigue siendo frágil, ya que los problemas estructurales que fueron la causa de la crisis, como la pobreza, la desigualdad o la corrupción, no se han resuelto. EFE



Lebendes Fossil mit seltsamer Nase: Der kubanische Almiquí

Der Kubanische Schlitzrüssler, Einheimischen besser als Almiquí bekannt, ist einer der als Endemiten bezeichneten Tiere, die weltweit nur auf der Karibikinsel vorkommen.  Der Kubanische Schlitzrüssler oder Almiquí (Solenodon cubanus) ist eine Säugetierart, die nur auf Kuba vorkommt. Zusammen mit dem Dominikanischen oder Haiti-Schlitzrüssler (Solenodon paradoxus) bildet er die Familie der Schlitzrüssler (Solenodontidae). Der Kuban [...]

#News outlet created to inform Haitian community in Maryland


From the outside, suite 502 of One Plaza East in Salisbury looks like any other office space. But for some Salisbury residents, the small operation is their primary source of information about the ...

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